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^<:V•|3<^:(^' , 




•    GIFT  OF 

Susan  H,  Douglass, 

Cornell  Unlvantty  Library 
JK1901.I72  SB 


3  1924  030  480  556 

Cornell  University 

The  original  of  tliis  book  is  in 
tlie  Cornell  University  Library. 

There  are  no  known  copyright  restrictions  in 
the  United  States  on  the  use  of  the  text. 

Photo  Copr.  Edmcnston  Studio,  Washington,   D.  C. 

Alice  Paul. 
Taken  the  Day  Before  She  Went  to  Prison. 








COPYRIGHT,    1921.    BT 

RAHWAY.   N     J. 

"  But  with  such  women  consecrating  their  lives  failure 
is  impossible." 

Lait  words  spoken  in  public 
hy  Susan  B.  Anthont- — 
her  birthday,  1906. 

"  Most  of  those  who  worked  with  me  in  the  early 
years  have  gone.  I  am  here  for  a  little  time  only  and 
my  place  will  be  filled  as  theirs  was  filled.  The  fight 
must  not  cease;  you  must  see  that  it  does  not  stop." 

Susan  B.  Anthony. 




I.  Intboduction  ... 

II.  Alice  PAtn,  , 

III.  Alice  Paul  and  Lucy  Buens 

IV.  F  Stbeet  and  the  Eably  Days   . 
^  V.  Making  the  Fedbbal  Amendment  an  Issue 
/VI.  Fbebsubb  on  Congbess  .... 
^^11.  Pbessuee  on  the   Pbesident 

yill.    The  Stbugole  With  the  Rules  Committee 
JX.    The  Fibst  Appeal  to  the  Women  Votebs 
,^X.    Congbess  Takes  up  the  Suffbaoe  Amendment 


_  I.    The  Woman  Votebs  Appeal  to  the  Pbesident  and  to 


II.    The  New  Headquabtebs  and  the  Middle  Yeabs 
-  III.    The  Conflict  with  the  Jupiciaby  Committee 
"  IV.    MoBE  Pbessube  on  the  Pbesident     .... 
•^  V.    Fobming  the  Woman's  Pabty 
"  VI.    Still  Mobe  Pbessube  on  the  Pbesident 
VII.    The  Second  Appeal  to  the  Women  Votebs 
VIII.    Hail  and  Faeewell  







Pebpetual   Delegation 
The  Pejaceful  Picketing 

2.  The  Peaceful  Reception  . 

3.  The  Was  on  the  Pickets 

4.  The  Coubt  and  the  Pickets 

5.  The  Stbanoe  Ladies 
Telling  the  Countbt 
Mobe  Pbessube  on  Congbess 


I.  The  New  Headquabtebs  and  the  Latis  Yeabs  311 

'^  II.  Lobbying ....  317 

III.  Obganizino 327 

^IV.  The  Fbesident  Capitulates  and  the  House  Subbendebs  336 

^  V.  FiOHTiNO  FOB  Votes  in  the  Senate 340 

VI.  BuENiNG  THE  Pbesident's  Wobds 355 

f  VII.  The  Fbesident  Appeals  to  the  Senate  to  Pass  the 

Suffbage  Amendment 366 

t  VIII.  Picketing  the  Senate 372 

IX.  The  Thibd  Appeal  to  the  Women  Votebs        .       .  380 

^  X.  The  Pbesident  Includes  Suffbage  in  His  Campaign 

fob  Congbess 384 


XII.  The  Watch  Fibes  of  Fbeedom    .                            .       .  391 

^  XIII.  The  Appeal  to  the  Pbesident  on  His  Rbtubn        .       .  408 

^  XrV.  The  Appeal  to  the  Pbesident  on  His  Depabtube  412 

^  XV.  The  Pbesident  Obtains  the  Last  Vote  and  Congbess 

Subbendebs 415 

--XVI.  Eatification 418 

'XVII.  The  Last  Days 464 

Index 477 


Alice  Paul   . Frontiapieee 


Lucy  Burns  at  the  Head  of  the  "  Prison  Specialists "  .  .  16 
Why  is  the  Girl  from  the  West  Getting  all  the  Attention?    Cartoon 

hy   Nina  Allender      .               78 

The  Suffragist's  Dream.     Cartoon  by  Nina  Allender  ....  146 

Inez  MilhoUand  in  the  Washington  Parade,  March  3,  1913  .  .  184 
Joy  Youn§  at  the  Inez  Milholland  Memorial  Service              .       .188 

Wage  Earners  Picketing  the  White  House,  February,  1917  .  200 
The  Thousand  Pickets  try  vainly  to  Deliver  Their  Resolutions  to 

the  President,  March  4,   1917 204 

A  Thousand  Pickets  Marching  Around  the  White  House,  March 

4,   1917                       204 

Obeying    Orders,    Washington    Police    Arresting    White    House 

Pickets  Before  the  Treasury  Building 256 

The  Patrol  Wagon  Waiting  the  Arrival  of  the  Suffrage  Pickets  .  256 
Burning   the   President's    Words   at   the   Lafayette    Monument, 

Washington 3S6 

A  Summer  Picket  Line   .              356 

Lucy  Branham  Burning  the  President's  Words  at  the  Lafayette 

Monument            ...              364 

The  Russian  Envoy  Banner,  August,  1917  . 364 

One  of  the  Watchfires  of  Freedom 396 

A  Policeman  Scatters  the  Watchflre 396 

Suffragist  Rebuilding  the  Fire  Scattered  by  the  Police  .  .  .  398 
The  Last  Suffragist  Arrested.    The  Fire  Burns  On  .       .              .398 

The  Oldest  and  the  Youngest  Pickets 448 

The  Flag  Complete .  462 

Every  Good  Suffragist  the  Morning  after  Ratification.    Cartoon 

hy  Nina  Allender 470 


1913  and  1914 


In  1912  the  situation  in  the  United  States  in  regard  to  the 
enfranchisement  of  women  was  as  follows: 

Agitation  for  an  amendment  to  the  National  Constitu- 
tion had  virtually  ceased.  Before  the  death  of  Susan  B. 
Anthony  in  1906,  Suffragists  had  turned  their  attention  to 
the  States.  Suffrage  agitation  there  was  persistent,  vigor- 
ous, and  untiring;  in  Washington,  it  was  merely  perfunc- 
tory. The  National  American  Woman  Suffrage  Association 
maintained  a  Congressional  Committee  in  Washington,  but 
no  Headquarters.  This  Committee  arranged  for  one  formal 
hearing  before  the  Senate  and  the  House  Committee  of  each 
Congress.  The  speeches  were  used  as  propaganda  mailed 
on  a  Congressman's  frank.  The  Suffrage  Amendment  had 
never  in  the  history  of  the  country  been  brought  to  a  vote 
in  the  National  House  of  Representatives,  and  had  only 
once,  in  1887,  been  voted  upon  in  the  Senate.  It  had  not 
received  a  favorable  report  from  the  Committee  in  either 
House  since  1892  and  had  not  received  a  report  of  any 
kind  since  1896.  Suffrage  had  not  been  debated  on  the 
floor  of  either  House  since  1887.  In  addition,  the  incoming 
President,  Woodrow  Wilson,  if  not  actually  opposed  to  the 
enfranchisement  of  women,  gave  no  appearance  of  favoring 
it;  the  great  political  Parties  were  against  it.  Political 
leaders  generally  were  unwilling  to  be  connected  with  it. 
Congress  lacked — it  is  scarcely  exaggeration  to  say — several 
hundreds  of  the  votes  necessary  to  pass  the  Amendment. 
Last  of  all  the  majority  of  Suffragists  did  not  think  the 
Federal  Amendment  a  practical  possibility.  They  were 
entirely  engrossed  in  State  campaigns. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Suffrage  movement,  itself,  was 



virile  and  vital.  The  fourth  generation  of  women  to  espouse 
this  cause  were  throwing  themselves  into  the  work  with  all 
the  power  and  force  of  their  able,  aroused,  and  emancipate 
generation.  The  franchise  had  been  granted  in  six  States : 
Wyomingj^Colorado,  Utah,  Idaho,  Washington,  California. 
With  the  winning  of  Oregon,  Kansas,  and  Arizona  in  1912, 
the  movement  assumed  a  new  importance  in  the  national 
field.  These  victories  meant  that  there  were  approximately 
two  million  women-voters  jn  the  United  States,  that  one- 
fifth  of  the  Senate,  one-seventh  of  the  House  and  one-sixth 
of  the  electoral  vote  came  from  Suffrage  States. 

It  was  in  December,  1912,  as  Chairman  of  the  Congress 
sional  Committee  of  the  National  American  Woman  Suffrage 
Association,  that  Alice  Paul  came  to  Washington. 

In,  the  next  eight  years,  this  young  woman  was  to  bring 
into  existence  a  new  political  Party  of  fifty  thousand  mem- 
bers. She  was  to  raise  over  three-quarters  of  a  million 
dollars.  She  was  to  establish  a  Headquarters  in  Washington 
that  became  the  focus  of  the  liberal  forces  of  the  country. 
She  was  to  gather  into  her  organization  hundreds  of  de- 
voted workers ;  some  without  pay  and  others  with  less  pay 
than  they  coidd  command  at  other  work  or  with  other 
organizations.  She  was  to  introduce  into  Suffrage  agita- 
tion in  the  United  States  a  policy  which,  though  not  new 
in  the  political  arena,  was  new  to  Suffrage — ^the  policy  of 
holding  the  Party  in  power  responsible.  She  was  to  insti- 
tute a  Suffrage  campaign  so  swift,  so  intensive,  so  com- 
pelling— and  at  the  same  time  so  vairied,  interesting,  and 
picturesque^ — that  again  and  again  it  pushed  the  war-news 
out  of  the  preferred  position  on  the  front  pages  of  the 
newspapers  of  the  United  States.  She  was  to  see  her  Party 
blaze  a  purple,  white,  and  gold  trail  from  the  east  to  the 
west  of  the  United  States;  and  from  the  north  to  the 
south.  She  was  to  see  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment 
pass  first  the  House  and  then  the  Stenate.  She  was  to  see 
thirty-seven  States  ratify  the  Amendment  in  less  than  a 


year  and  a  half  thereafter.  She  was  to  see  the  President 
of  the  United  States  move  from  a  position  of  what  seemed 
definite  opposition  to  the  Suffrage  cause  to  an  open  espousal 
of  it;  move  slowly  at  first  but  with  a  progress  which 
gradually  accelerated  until  he,  himself,  obtained  the  last 
Senatorial  votef  necessary  to  pass  the  Amendment. 

What  was  the  training  which  had  developed  in  Alice  Paul 
this  power  and  what  were  the  qualities  back  of  that  train- 
ing, which  made  it  possible  for  her  to  invent  so  masterly  a 
plan,  to  pursue  it  so  resistlessly? 



I  watched  a  river  of  women. 
Rippling  purple,  white  and  golden, 
Stream  toward  the  National  Capitol. 

Along  its  border. 

Like  a  purple  flower  floating. 

Moved  a  young  woman,  worn,  wraithlike. 

With  eyes  alight,  keenly  observing  the  marchers. 

Out  there  on  the  curb,  she  looked  so  little,  so  lonely; 

Few  appeared  even  to  see  her; 

No  one  saluted  her. 

Yet  commander  was  she  of  the  column,  its  leader; 
She  was  the  spring  whence  arose  that  irresistible 

river  of  women 
Streaming  steadily  towards  the  National  Capitol. 

Katherine  Bolston  Fisher, 
'  The  Suffragist,  January  IP,  1918. 

It  is  an  interesting  coincidence  that  the  woman  who  bore ; 
the  greatest  single  part  in  the  Suffrage  fight  at  the  begin- 
ning— Susan    Anthony — and    the    woman    who    bore    the 
greatest   single  part   at   the   end — ^Alice  Paul — ^were  both 

It  is  very  difficult  to  get  Alice  Paul  to  talk  about  herself. 
She  is  not  much  interested  in  herself  and  she  is  interested,  i 
with  every  atom  of  her,  in  the  work  she  is  doing.  She  will 
tell  you,  if  you  ask  her,  that  she  was  born  in  Moorestown, 
New  Jersey,  and  then  her  interest  seems  to  die.  She  ap- 
parently does  not  remember  herself  very  clearly  either  as  a 
child  or  a  young  girl.  That  is  not  strange.  So  intently  has 
she  worked  in  the  last  eight  years  and  so  intensely  has  she 
lived  in  that  work  that  each  year  seems  to  have  erased  its 
predecessor.     She  is   absolutely  concentrated   on  nom.     I 



asked  Alice  Paul  once  what  converted  her  to  Woman  Suf- 
frage. She  said  that  she  could  not  remember  when  she  did 
not  believe  in  it.  Shs  added,  "  You  know  the  Quakers  have 
always  believed  in  Woman  Suffrage." 

Anne  Herendeen,  in  a  vivacious  article  on  Alice  Paul  in 
Everybody's  Magazine  for  October,  1919,  says,  describing 
a  visit  to  Moorestown: 

"What  do  you  think  of  all  these  goings-on?"  I  asked  her 
mother.     She  sighed. 

"  Well,  Mr.  Paul  always  used  to  say,  when  there  was  any- 
thing hard  and  disagreeable  to  be  done,  '  I  bank  on  Alice.' " 

The  degree  of  education  in  Alice  Paul's  life  and  the 
amount  of  social  service  which  she  had  performed  are  a  little 
staggering  in  view  of  her  youth.  Just  the  list  of  the  degrees 
she  achieved  and  the  positions  she  held  before  she  started 
the  National  Woman's  Party  covers  a  typewritten  page. 
They  have  even  an  unexpected  international  quality.  One 
notes  first — and  without  undue  astonishment — that  she  ac- 
quired a  B.A.  at  Swarthmore  in  1905;  an  M.A.  at  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania  in  1907;  a  Ph.D.  at  the  same 
university  in  1912.  This  would  seem  enough  to  fill  the 
educational  leisure  of  most  young  women,  but  it  does  not 
by  any  means  complete  Alice  Paul's  student  career.  She 
was  a  graduate  of  the  New  York  School  of  Philanthropy  in 
1906.  She  was  a  student  at  the  Woodbrooke  Settlement  for 
Social  Work  at  Woodbrooke,  Birmingham,  and  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  Birmingham,  England,  in  1907-08;  a  graduate 
student  in  sociology  and  economics  in  the  School  of  Eco- 
nomics of  the  University  of  London  in  1908-09. 

She  was,  in  addition,  a  Resident  Worker  of.  the  New  York 
College  Settlement  in  1905-06 ;  a  Visitor  for  the  New  York 
Charity  Organization  Society  in  the  summer  of  1906;  a 
Worker  in  the  Summer  Lane  Settlement,  and  a  Visitor  in 
the  Charity  Organization  Society  of  Birmingham,  England, 
during  the  winter  of  1907-08;  Assistant-secretary  to  the 
Pitlston  Branch  of  the  Charity   Organization   Society  in 


London  for  a  half  year  in  1908;  a  Visitor  for  the  Peel 
Institute  for  Social  Work  at  Clerkenwell,  London,  for  a  half 
year  in  1908-09 ;  a  Resident  Worker  for  the  Christian  Social 
Union  Settlement  of  Hoxton,  London,  in  the  summer  of 
1908.  She  was  also  in  charge  of  the  Women's  Department 
of  the  branch  of  adult  schools  at  Hoxton  in  the  summer 
of  1908. 

I  asked  Mabel  Vernon,  who  went  to  Swarthmore  with 
her,  about  Alice  Paul.  Her  impressions  were  a  little  vague 
— mainly  of  a  normal,  average  young  girl  who  had  not  yet 
begun  to  "  show."  She  remembered  that,  although  biology 
was  her  specialty,  Miss  Paul  was  catholic  in  her  choice  of 
courses;  how — as  though  it  were  something  she  expected  to 
need — she  took  a  great  deal  of  Latin;  and  that — as  though 
at  the  urge  of  the  same  intuition — she  devoted  herself  to 
athletics.  She  had  apparently  no  athletic  gifts ;  yet  before 
she  left  Swarthmore  she  was  on  the  girls'  varsity  basketball 
team,  was  on  her  own  class  hockey  team,  and  had  taken 
third  place  in  the  women's  tennis  tournament.  She  was  a 
rosy,  rounded,  vigorous-looking  girl  then.  When  Mabel 
Vernon  saw  her  next,  she  had  been  hunger-striking  in  Eng^ 
land  and  was  thin  to  the  point  of  emaciation. 

I  asked  Alice  Paul  herself  about  her  work  with  the  poor 
in  England.  She  said,  looking  back  on  it — and  it  is  ap- 
parently always  a  great  effort  for  her  to  remove  her  mental 
vision  from  the  present  demand — ^that  her  main  impression 
was  of  the  hopelessness  of  it  all,  that  there  seemed  nothing 
to  do  but  sweep  all  that  poverty  away.  The  thing  that  she 
remembers  especially  now  is  that  they  were  always  burying 

The  first  great,  outstanding  fact  of  Alice  Paul's  training 
is  that  in  the  English  interregnum  which  divided  her  Ameri- 
can education,  she  joined  the  Pankhurst  forces.  In  the 
beginning  all  her  work  was  of  the  passive  kind.  She  attended 
meetings  and  ushered.  She  was  about  to  go  home;  indeed 
she  had  bought  her  passage  when  the  Pankhursts  asked  her 
to  join  a  deputation  to  Parliament.    This  deputation,  which 


consisted  of  more  than  a  hundred  women,  and  was  led  by 
Mrs.  Pankhurst  herself,  was  arrested  at  the  entrance  to 
Parliament.  They  were  detained  in  the  policemen's  billiard 
room  of  the  Cannon  Row  Police  Station,  the  only  place  at 
that  station  large  enough  to  hold  so  many  women. 

The  second  great  outstanding  fact  of  Alice  Paul's  career 
in  England  is  that  she  met  Lucy  Burns. 

Lucy  Burns  was  born  in  Brooklyn.  The  facts  of  her 
education,  although  superficially  not  so  multitudinous  as 
those  of  Alice  Paul,  are  even  more  impressive  in  point' of 
international  ,guality.  She  was  graduated  from  Packer 
Institute  in  1899  and  from  Vassar  College  in  1902.  She 
studied  at  Yale  University  in  1902-03,  at  the  University 
of  Berlin  in  1906-08,  at  the  University  of  Bonn  in  1908-09. 
She  joined  the  Woman's  Social  and  Political  Union  of 
London  in  1909  and  she  worked  as  an  organizer  in  Edin- 
burgh and  the  east  of  Scotland  in  1909-12. 

Lucy  Burns  thinks  she  first  met  Alice  Paul  at  a  Suffrage 
demonstration.  Alice  Paul  thinks  she  first  met  Lucy  Burns 
in  that  same  policemen's  billiard  room  of  the  Cannon  Row 
Police  Station,  London.  Both  these  young  women  remember 
their  English  experiences  in  flashes  and  pictures.  They 
worked  too  hard  and  too  militantly  to  keep  any  written 
record;  and  successive  hardships  wiped  away  all  traces  of 
their  predecessors.  At  any  rate,  Alice  Paul  says  that  she 
spoke  to  Miss  Burns  because  she  noticed  that  she  wore  a 
little  American  flag.  Sitting  on  the  billiard  table,  they 
talked  of  home.  Alice  Paul  also  says  that  Lucy  Bums,  a 
student  at  that  time  of  the  University  of  Bonn  in  Germany, 
had  come  to  England  for  a  holiday.  She  entered  the  militant 
movement  a  few  weeks  after  she  landed  and  this  was  her 
first  demonstration. 

The  women  were  held  for  trial,  giving  bail  for  their  ap- 
pearance. Alice  Paul  had  engaged  passage  home,  but  she 
had  to  cancel  it  as  the  trial  did  not  occur  until  after  the 
date  of  her  sailing.  The  case  was  appealed  in  the  courts 
and  was  finally  dropped  by  the  government. 


iFrom  this  time  on,  the  paths  of  the  two  girls  kept  cross- 
ing. Frequently,  indeed,  they  worked  together.  The  next 
time  Alice  Paul  was  arrested,  however,  Lucy  Burns  was  not 
with  her.  This  was  at  Norwich.  Winston  Churchill,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  cabinet,  was  holding  a  meeting.  Outside,  Alice 
Paul  spoke  at  a  meeting  too — a  protest  against  the  govern- 
ment's stand  on  Woman  Suifrage.  On  this  occasion,  she 
was  released  without  being  tried.  At  the  next  Suffrage 
demonstration — at  Limehouse  in  London — ^both  girls  assisted. 
On  this  occasion,  Lloyd-George  was  holding  a  meeting. 
Miss  Paul  and  Miss  Bums  were  arrested  for  trying  to  speak 
at  a  protest-meeting  outside,  and  were  sentenced  to  two 
weeks  in  Holloway  Jail.  They  went  on  a  hunger  strike;  but 
were  released  after  five  days  and  a  half. 

After  they  recovered  from  this  experience.  Miss  Paul  and 
Miss  Bums  motored  to  Scotland  with  Mrs.  Pankhurst  and 
other  English  Suffragists,  in  order  to  assist  with  the  Scot- 
tish campaign.  At  Glasgow,  the  party  organized  a  demon- 
stration outside  of  a  meeting  held  by  Lord  Crewe,  a  member 
of  the  cabinet.  Arrested,  they  were  released  without  trial. 
Proceeding  northward.  Miss  Paul  assisted  in  organizing  the 
Suffrage  campaign  in  East  Fife,  the  district  of  Prime  Min- 
ister Herbert  Asquith.  At  Dundee,  Miss  Paul  and  Miss 
Burns  took  part  in  a  demonstration  outside  a  meeting 
held  by  Winston  Churchill.  The  two  American  girls  and 
an  English  Suffragist  were  sentenced  to  ten  days  in  Dundee 
Prison.  After  four  days  of  hunger  strike,  all  were  re- 
leased. Each  night  during  their  imprisonment,  great  crowds 
of  citizens  marched  round  the  prison  singing  Scotch  songs 
as  a  means  of  showing  their  sympathy  with  the  campaign. 
Upon  their  release,  the  Suffragists  were  welcomed  at  a 
mass-meeting  over  which  the  Lord  Mayor  presided.  Thence 
they  went  to  Edinburgh  where  they  assisted  in  organizing 
a  procession  and  pageant  in  Princess  Street— one  of  the 
most  beautiful  and  famous  thoroughfares  of  the  world.  The 
pageant  of  the  Scotch  heroines  who  had  made  sacrifices 
for  liberty  is  still  remembered  in  Scotland  for  its  beauty. 


The  next  job  was  less  agreeable.  The  two  American  girls 
were  sent  to  Berwick-on-Tweed  to  interrupt  with  a  protest 
a  meeting  of  Sir  Edward  Grey,  then  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs.  Miss  Paul  made  the  interruption,  was  arrested,  but 
was  released  on  the  following  day  without  going  to  trial. 
Miss  Burns  was  not  arrested  that  time. 

Next  in  Bermondsey,  one  of  the  slum  districts  of  London, 
they  waged  a  plain,  old-fashioned  electoral  campaign  to  de- 
feat a  candidate.  When  this  was  over,  Miss  Paul,  in  com- 
pany with  a  Miss  Brown,  was  sent  to  make  a  Suffrage  protest 
at  the  Lord  Mayor's  Banquet  in  the  Guildhall.  They  were 
arrested,  of  course,  and  were  sentenced  to  thirty  days  in 
Holloway  Jail.  They  hunger  struck,  and  were  forcibly  fed. 
This  experience  left  its  mark  on  Miss  Paul's  health  for 
some  time;  it  was  several  weeks  after  her  release  before  she 
was  strong  enough  to  travel.  But  in  January,  1910,  she 
sailed  for  America — and  arrived  the  pale,  emaciated  creature 
who  so  shocked  Mabel  Vernon. 

Lucy  Bums  tells  an  amusing  story  of  Alice  Paul's  expe- 
riences in  England.  Lord  Crewe  was  to  speak  at  a  meeting 
at  Glasgow,  and  Alice  Paul  was  delegated  to  represent  the 
Suffragists  at  that  meeting  and  to  heckle  "the  speaker.  That 
meant  that  she  must  conceal  herself  in  the  building,  where 
the  meeting  was  to  take  place,  the  night  before.  The  build- 
ing was  a  big,  high  one — St.  Andrew's  Hall,  the  girls  re- 
member the  name — and  it  was  surrounded  by  a  high,  for- 
midable iron  fence.  The  night  before  Lucy  Burns  walked 
with  Alice  Paul  to  the  Hall  and  helped  her  to  climb  to  the 
top  of  this  fence.  Then  Alice  Paul  jumped  down  into  the 
grounds  and  Lucy  Burns  left  her  there.  There  was  some 
building  going  on  at  this  hall  and  with  great  difficulty  Alice 
Paul  climbed  the  scaffolding  to  the  high  second  story  and 
settled  herself  on  a  roof  to  spend  the  night.  It  rained  all 
night ;  and  of  course  she  had  no  protection  against  the  wet. 
And  after  all  this  discomfort,  when  daylight  broke,  laborers 
coming  to  work  on  a  neighboring  building  observed  the 
strange  phenomenon  of  a  woman  lying  on  a  second-story 


roof.  They  reported  her  and  she  was  ignominously  led  down 
and  out. 

In  the  summer  of  1912,  Lucy  Burns  returned  to  America. 
Alice  Paul  visited  her  in  Long  Island.  For  some  time  now, 
Alice  Paul  had  been  considering  the  Suffrage  situation  of 
the  United  States  in  its  national  aspect.  Here,  she  broached 
to  Lucy  Burns  her  idea  of  working  for  a  Constitutional 
Amendment  in  Washington — ^her  belief  that  with  six  States 
enfranchised — ^with  six  States  that  could  be  used  as  a 
lever  on  Congress — ^the  time  had  come  when  further  work 
in  State  campaigns  was  sheer  waste.  More  even  than 
English  conditions,  American  conditions  favored  the  policy 
of  holding  the  Party  in  power  responsible  in  regard  to  Suf- 
frage. In  England,  there  was  no  body  of  women  completely 
enfranchised.  In  America  there  were  approximately  two 
million  women  voters  who,  completely  enfranchised,  could 
command  a  hearing  from  the  politicians.  She  felt  that  such 
a  campaign  in  America  would  be  more  productive  of  result 
for  still  another  reason.  In  pursuing  that  policy  in  Eng- 
land, the  Suffragists  were  often  placed  in  the  embarrassing 
position  of  defeating  Suffragists  and  putting  in  anti-Suf- 
fragists. But  in  America,  no  matter  what  Party  was  in 
power,  only  Suffrage  senators  and  representatives  could  be 
elected  from  the  Suffrage  States.  In  other  words,  if,  in 
defeating  the  Party  in  power  they  defeated  Suffragists — as 
was  inevitable  in  the  Suffrage  States — other  Suffragists  as 
inevitably  took  their  places.  Moreover,  there  was  no  imme- 
diate motive  urging  senators  and  representatives  from  the 
Suffrage  States — although  often  they  were  individually 
helpful — to  convert  senators  and  representatives  of  their 
own  Party  from  non-Suffrage  States.  Were  their  Party  in 
jeopardy  at  home,  however,  that  motive  was  instantly  sup- 
plied. Also,  Alice  Paul  thought  that  it  was  more  dignified 
of  women  to  ask  the  vote  of  other  women  than  to  beg  it 
of  men. 

Alice  Paul  was  the  first  to  apply  this  policy  to  the  Suf- 
frage situation  in  the  United  States.    As  late  as  1917,  other 


Suffrage  leaders,  as  well  as  members  of  Congress,  were  re- 
iterating that  there  was  no  such  thing  as  a  Party  in  power 
in  the  United  States,  that  that  idea  was  brought  from  Eng- 
land by  Alice  Paul  and  was  not  adapted  to  our  American 

The  two  girls  concocted  a  scheme  for  starting  federal 
work  in  Washington.  They  went  with  it  to  tho  National 
American  Woman  Suffrage  Association,  to  Anna  Howard 
Shaw,  to  Harriot  Stanton  Blatch,  to  Mary  Ware  Dennett. 
Lucy  Burns  pictures  Alice  Paul  at  that  last  interview — 
"  a  little  Quakerish  figure,  crumpled  up  in  her  chair  and 
for  the  first  time  I  noticed  how  beautiful  her  eyes  were." 
Finally  Alice  Paul  went  to  the  Convention  of  the  National 
American  Association  at  Philadelphia.  She  talked  with 
Jane  Addams.  Alice  Paul  suggested  that  she  be  allowed 
to  come  to  Washington  at  her  own  expense  to  begin  work 
on  Congress  for  the  passing  of  a  Constitutional  Amendment. 
She  agreed  to  raise  the  necessary  money.  Jane  Addams 
brought  this  suggestion  before  the  Board  of  the  National 
American  Woman  Suffrage  Association,  urged  its  accept- 
ance. It  was  approved.  The  Board  appointed  a  Com- 
mittee consisting  of  Alice  Paul,  Chairman;  Lucy  Burns, 
Vice-chairman ;  Crystal  Eastman.  Later  in  Washington,  Mrs. 
Lawrence  Lewis  and  Mary  Beard  joined  that  Committee. 
Alice  Paul  went  first  to  Philadelphia  and  collected  money 
for  a  few  days.  Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis,  who,  Miss  Paul  says, 
was  one  of  the  first-  to  say,  "  I  have  always  believed  that 
the  way  to  get  Suffrage  is  by  a  federal  amendment,"  gave 
her  name;  gave  money;  collected  money. 

And  so — all  alone — ^Alice  Paul  came  to  Washington. 



Alice  Paul  is  a  slender,  frail-looking  young  woman,  deli- 
cately colored  and  delicately  made.    The  head,  the  neck,  the 
long  slim  arms,  and  the  little  hands  look  as  though  they 
were  cut  out  of  alabaster.     The  dense  shadowy  hair,  scoop- 
ing with  deeper  accessions  of  shadow  into  great  waves,  dip- 
ping low  on  her  forehead  and  massing  into  a  great  dusky 
bunch  in  her  neck,  might  be  carved  from  bronze.     It  looks 
too  heavy  for  her  head.     Her  face  has  a  kind  of  powerful 
irregularity.     Its  prevailing  expression  is  of  a  brooding 
stillness;  yet  when  she  smiles,  dimples  appear.     Her  eyes 
are  big  and  quiet;  dark — ^like  moss-agates.     When  she  is 
silent  they  are  almost  opaque.     When  she  talks  they  light 
up — rather  they  glow — in  a  notable  degree  of  luminosity. 
Her  voice  is  low;  musical;  it  pulsates  with  a  kind  of  inter- 
rogative plaintiveness.    When  you  ask  her  a  question,  there 
ensues,  on  her  part,  a  moment  of  a  stillness  so  profound, 
you  can  ajlmost  hear  it.    I  think  I  have  never  seen  anybody 
who  can  keep  so  still  as  Alice  Paul.     But  when  she  answers 
you,  the  lucidity  of  exposition,  the  directness  of  expression ! 
Always  she  looks  you  straight  in  the  eye,  and  when  she  has 
finished  speaking  she  holds  you  with  that  luminous  glow. 
Her  tiny  hands  make  gestures,  almost  humorous  in  their 
gentleness   and  futility,   compared  with  the   force   of  her 

In  the  endless  discussions  at  Headquarters — discussions 
that  consider  every  subject  on  earth  and  change  constantly 
in  personnel  and  point  of  view — she  is  always  the  most 
silent.  But  when  at  last  she  speaks,  often  there  ensues  a 
pause;  she  has  summed  it  all  up.  Superficially  she  seems 
cold,  austere,  a  little  remote.    But  that  is  only  because  the 



fire  of  her  spirit  bums  at  such  a  heat  that  it  is  still  and 
white.     She  has  the  quiet  of  the  spinning  top. 

As  for  her  mentality  .  .  .  her  capacity  for  leadership 
.  .  .  her  vision.  .  .  .  There  is  no  difference  of  opinion 
in  regard  to  Alice  Paul  in  the  Woman's  Party.  With  one 
accord,  they  say,  "  She  is  the  Party."  They  regard  her 
with  an  admiration  which  verges  on  awe.  Mentally  she 
walks  apart;  not  because  she  has  any  conscious  sense  of 
superiority,  but  because  of  the  swiftness,  amplitude,  and 
completeness  with  which  her  mind  marches — her  marvelous 
powers  of  concentration  and  her  blazing  devotion  to  the 

I  think  no  better  description  can  be  given  of  her  than 
to  quote  the  exact  phrases  which  her  associates  use  in  talk- 
ing of  her.  Winifred  Mallon  speaks  of  her  "  biirning  sin- 
cerity." Helena  Hill  Weed  imputes  a  "  prescience  "  to  her. 
Anne  Martin  says,  "  She  is  the  heart,  brain,  and  soul  of 
the  Woman's  Party,"  and  "  Her  mind  moves  with  the  pre- 
cision of  a  beautiful  machine."  Nina  Allender  sums  her  up 
as  "  a  Napoleon  without  self-indulgence."  She  said  that 
when  at  the  hearing  in  1916,  Congressmen  tried  to  tangle 
Alice  Paul  they  found  it  an  impossibility;  everything  in 
Alice  Paul's  mentality  was  so  clear;  there  was  nothing  to 
tangle.  She  added,  "  There  are  no  two  minds  to  Alice  Paul." 
"  My,  mother  describes  her,"  she  concluded,  "  as  a  flame 
undyingly  burning." 

This  is  Maud  Younger's  tribute: 

She  has  in  the  first  place  a  devotion  to  the  cause  whicti  is 
absolutely  self-sacrificing.  She  has  an  indomitable  will.  She 
recognizes  no  obstacles.  She  has  a  clear,  penetrating,  analytic 
mind  which  cleaves  straight  to  the  heart  of  things.  In  examining 
a  situation,  she  always  bares  the  main  fact;  she  sees  all  the 
forces  which  make  for  change  in  that  situation.  She  is  a  genius 
for  organization,  both  in  the  mass  and  in  detail.  She  under- 
stands perfectly,  in  achieving  the  big  object,  the  cumulative 
effect  of  multitudes  of  small  actions  and  small  services.  She 
makes  use  of  all  material,  whether  human  or  otherwise,  that 
comes  along.     Her  work  has  perpetual  growth;  it  never  stag- 


nates;  it  is  always  branching  out.  She  is  never  hampered  or 
cluttered.  She  is  free  of  the  past.  Her  inventiveness  and  re- 
sourcefulness are  endless.  She'  believes  absolutely  in  open 
diplomacy.  She  believes  that  everything  should  be  told;  our 
main  argument  with  her  was  in  regard  to  the  necessity  for 
secrecy  in  special  cases.  She  is  almost  without  suspicion;  and 
sometimes  with  a  too-great  tendency  towards  kind  judgment  in 
the  case  of  the  individual.  It  seems  incredible  that  with  all  these 
purely  intellectual  gifts,  she  should  possess  an  acute  appreciation 
of  beauty;  a  gift  for  pageantry;  an  amazing  sense  of  humor. 

Lucy  Burns  says: 

When  Alice  Paul  spoke  to  me  about  the  federal  work,  I 
knew  that  she  had  an  extraordinary  mind,  extraordinary  courage 
and  remarkable  executive  ability.  But  I  felt  she  had  two  disa- 
bilities— ill-health  and  a  lack  of  knowledge  of  human  nature.  I 
was  wrong  in  both.  I  was  staggered  by  her  speed  and  industry 
and  the  way  she  could  raise  money.  Her  great  assets,  I  should 
say^  are  her  power,  with  a  single  leap  of  the  imagination,  to 
make  plans  on  a  national  scale;  and  a  supplementary  power  to 
see  that  done  down  to  the  last  postage  stamp.  But  because  she 
can  do  all  this,  people  let  her  do  it — often  she  has  to  carry  her 
own  plans  out  down  to  the  very  last  postage  stamp.  She  used 
all  kinds  of  people;  she  tested  them  through  results.  She  is 
exceedingly  charitable  in  her  judgments  of  people  and  patient. 
She  assigned  one  inept  person  to  five  different  kinds  of  work 
before  she  gave  her  up.  Her  iabruptness  lost  some  workers,  but 
not  the  finer  spirits.  The  very  absence  of  anything  like  personal 
appeal  seemed  to  help  her. 

Lucy  Burns  is  as  different  a  type  from  Alice  Paul  as  one 
could  imagine.  She  is  tall — or  at  least  she  seems  tall; 
rounded  and  muscular;  a  splendidly  vigorous  physical 
specimen.  If  Alice  Paul  looks  as  though  she  were  a  Tanagra 
carved  from  alabaster,  Lucy  Bums  seems  like  a  figure, 
heroically  sculptured,  from  marble.  She  is  blue-eyed  and 
f resh-complexioned ;  dimpled ;  and  her  head  is  burdened,  even 
as  Alice  Paul's,  by  an  enormous  weight  of  hair.  Lucy 
Burn's  hair  is  a  brilliant  red;  and  even  as  she  flashes,  it 
flashes.  It  is  full  of  sparkle.  She  is  a  woman  of  twofold 
ability.     She  speaks  and  writes  with  equal  eloquence  and 

Photo  Copr.   Harris  and  Ewing,  Washington,  D.   C. 

Lucy  Burns  at  the  Head  of  the  "  Prison  Specialists." 

These  Women,  All  of  Whom  Served  Terms  in  Jail,  Are  Wearing 
a  Reproduction  of  Their  Prison  Garb. 


elegance.  Her  speeches  before  Suffrage  bodies,  her  editorials 
in  the  Suffragist  are  models  of  clearness ;  conciseness ;  of 
accumulative  force  of  expression.  Mentally  and  emotion- 
ally, she  is  quick  and  warm.  Her  convictions  are  all 
vigorous  and  I  do  not  think  Lucy  Burns  would  hesitate  for 
a  moment  to  suffer  torture,  to  die,  for  them.  She  has  in- 
tellectuality of  a  high  order;  but  she  overruns  with  a  win- 
ning Irishness  which  supplements  that  Intellectuality  with 
grace  and  charm;  a  social  mobility  of  extreme  sensitiveness 
and  swiftness.  In  those  early  days  in  Washington,  with  all 
her  uncompromising  militantism,  Lucy  Bums  was  the 
diplomat  of  the  pair;  the  tactful,  placating  force. 

I  asked  a  member  of  the  Woman's  Party  who  had  watched 
the  work  from  the  beginning  what  was  the  difference  between 
the  two  women.  She  answered,  "  They  are  both  political- 
minded.  They  seemed  in  those  early  days  to  have  one  spirit 
and  one  brain.  Both  saw  the  situation  exactly  as  it  was, 
but  they  went  at  the  problem  with  different  methods.  Alice 
Paul  had  a  more  acute  sense  of  justice,  Lucy  Burns,  a  more 
bitter  sense  of  injustice.  Lucy  Bums  would  become  angry 
because  the  President  or  the  people  did  not  do  this  or  that. 
Alice  Paul  never  expected  anything  of  them." 

Both  these  women  had  the  highest  kind  of  courage.  Lucy 
Bums — although  she  admits  that  at  Occoquan  Workhouse, 
she  suffered  from  nameless  terrors — ^has  a  mental  poise  that 
is  almost  unsusceptible  to  fear.  Alice  Paul — although  she 
can  with  perfect  composure  endure  arrest,  imprisonment, 
hunger-striking — acknowledges  timidities.  She  does  not  like 
to  listen  to  horrors  of  any  description,  especially  ghost- 
stories.  They  say  though  that,  in  the  movies,  she  always 
particularly  enjoyed  pirates. 



When  Alice  Paul  arrived  in  Washington  in  December,  1912, 
she  found  a  discouraging  state  of  things.  She  had  been 
given  the  address  of  Headquarters,  but  Headquarters  had 
vanished.  She  had  been  given  a  list  of  people  to  whom  she 
could  turn  for  help,  but  most  of  them  had  died  or  moved 
away.  At  that  time,  Mrs.  William  Kent,  who  was  subse- 
quently to  become  one  bf  her  constant  and  able  assistants, 
was  Chairman  of  the  Congressional  Committee  of  the  Na- 
tional American  Woman  Suffrage  Association.  Two  years 
before,  when  her  husband  was  elected  to  Congress,  Mrs.  Kent 
came  to  Washington.  When  she  was  asked  to  become  Chair- 
man of  this  Committee  she  was  told  that  it  would  entail 
no  work.  She  must  merely  see  that  the  bill  was  introduced 
and  arrange  hearings  before  the  two  committees.  There 
was  no  thought  of  putting  the  Amendment  through,  and  no 
lobbying  for  it.  The  National  Association  allowed  Mrs. 
Keni  ten  dollars.  At  the  end  of  the  year  she  returned 
change.  There  were  a  few  Suffrage  clubs  in  Washington, 
but  their  activity  was  merely  social.  Alice  Paul  saw  that 
the  work  had  to  be  started  from  the  very  beginning.  First 
of  all  they  had  to  have  Headquarters.  She  hired  a  little 
biasement  room  at  1420  F  Street.  At  a  formal  opening  on 
January  2,  1913,  Mrs.  William  Kent,  presiding,  intro- 
duced Alice  Paul  as  her  successor;  and  a  plan  for  federal 
work  was  laid  before  the  Suffragists  of  the  District  of 
Columbia.  Of  course  no  one  at  the  meeting  guessed  that 
she  was  present  at  a  historic  occasion. 

Alice  Paul  began  work  at  once.    Nina  AUender  says  that 
one  Sunday  a  stranger  called.     She  was  wearing  "  a  slim 



dress  and  a  little  purple  hat  and  she  was  no  bigger,"  Mrs. 
Allender  held  up  her  forefinger,  "  than  that."  The  call  was 
brief  and  it  was  unaccompanied  by  any  of  the  small  talk 
or  the  persiflage  which  distinguishes  most  social  occasions. 
But  when  the  door  closed,  a  few  moments  later,  mother  and 
daughter  looked  at  each  other  in  amazement.  Mrs.  Evans 
had  promised  to  contribute  to  SuiFrage  a  sum  of  money 
monthly.  Mrs.  Allender  had  promised  to  contribute  to  Suf- 
frage a  sum  of  money  monthly.  Mrs.  Evans  had  agreed  to 
do  a  certain  amount  of  work  monthly.  Mrs.  Allender  had  i 
agreed  to  do  a  certain  amount  of  work  monthly.  Their 
amazement  arose  partly  from  the  fact  that  they  had  not 
been  begged,  urged,  or  argued  with — they  had  simply  been 
asked;  and  partly  from  the  fact  that,  before  the  arrival  of 
this  slim  little  stranger,  they  had  no  more  idea  of  contribut- 
ing so  much  money  or  work  than  of  flying.  But  they  agreed 
to  it  the  instant  she  requested  it  of  them. 

This  is  a  perfect  example  of  the  way  Alice  Paul  works. 
There  may  be  times  when  she  urges,  even  begs;  but  they 
appear  to  be  rare.  She  often  forgets  to  thank  you  when 
you  say  yes;  for  she  has  apparently  assumed  that  you  will 
say  yes.  She  does  not  argue  with  you  when  you  say  no — 
but  you  rarely  say  no.  She  has  only  to  ask  apparently.  Per- 
haps it  is  part  the  terseness  with  which  she  puts  her  request. 
Perhaps  it  is  part  her  simple  acceptance  of  the  fact  that 
you  are  not  going  to  refuse.  Perhaps  it  is  her  expectation 
that  you  will  understand  that  she  is  not  asking  for  herself 
but  for  Suffrage.  Perhaps  it  is  the  Quaker  integrity  which 
shines  through  every  statement.  Perhaps  it  is  the  intensity 
of  devotion  which  blazes  back  of  the  gentleness  of  her  per- 
sonality and  the  inflexibility  of  purpose  which  gives  that 
gentleness  power.  At  any  rate,  it  is  very  difficult  to  refuse 
Alice  Paul. 

A  member  of  the  Woman's  Party,  meeting  her  for  the  first 
time  in  New  York  and  riding  for  a  short  distance  in  a  taxi- 
cab  with  her,  says  that  Alice  Paul  turned  to  her  as  soon  as 
they  were  alone: 


"Will  you  give  a  thousand  dollars  to  the  Womaa's 
Party?  " 

"  No,  I  haven't  that  amount  to  give." 

"  Will  you  give  one  hundred  dollars  ?  " 

«  No." 

"  Will  you  give  twenty-five  dollars .''  " 

"  No." 

"Will  you " 

"  I'll  give  five  dollars." 

Mrs.  Gilson  Gardner  says  that  one  day,  in  the  midst  of 
the  final  preparations  for  the  procession  of  March  3,  she 
came  to  Headquarters.  Alice  Paul,  it  was  apparent,  was  in 
a  state  of  considerable  perturbation.  At  the  sight  of  Mrs. 
Gardner  she  said,  "  There's  Mrs.  Gardner !  She'll  attend  to 
it."  She  went  on  to  explain.  "  The  trappings  for  the 
horses  have  been  ruined.  Will  you  order  some  more?  They 
must  be  delivered  tomorrow  night."  Mrs.  Gardner  says  that 
she  had  no  more  idea  how  to  order  a  trapping  than  a  sus- 
pension bridge,  but — magic-ed  as  always  by  Alice  Paul's 
personality — she  emitted  a  terrified  "  Yes,"  and  started  out. 
She  walked  round  and  round  the  block  a  dozen  times,  re- 
viewing her  problem,  and  casting  about  her  looks  of  an 
appalled  desperation.  Suddenly  she  espied  a  little  tailor 
shop,  and  in  it,  at  work,  a  little  tailor.  She  approached 
and  confided  her  problem  to  him.  Mrs.  Gardner  kept  shop 
while  he  went  to  Headquarters  and  got  the  measurements. 
He  delivered  the  trappings  on  time. 

Later  in  the  history  of  the  Woman's  Party,  Margery 
Ross  came  to  Washington  to  spend  the  winter  with  a  cousin. 

She  was  young  and  pretty.  She  established  herself  there 
and  began  to  enjoy  herself.  She  was  a  Suffragist.  One  day, 
out  of  a  clear  sky,  Alice  Paul  said :  "  Miss  Ross,  will  you  go 
to  Wyoming  on  Saturday,  and  organize  a  State  Convention 
there  within  three  weeks?"  "Why,  Miss  Paul,"  the  girl 
faltered,  "  I  can't.  My  plans  are  all  made  for  the  winter. 
I've  only  just  got  here."  Nevertheless,  in  a  few  days,  Miss 
Ross  started  for  Wyoming.  There  were  only  eight  members 
of  the  Congressional  Union  in  that  State,  and  yet  three 


weeks  later  she  had  achieved  a  State  Convention  with  one 
hundred  and  twenty  delegates. 

Perhaps,  however,  the  story  which  best  illustrates  Miss 
Paul's  power  to  make  people  work  is  one  of  Nina  AUender's. 
One  must  remember  that  Mrs.  AUender  is  an  artist.  One  day 
Alice  Paul  telephoned  her  to  ask  her  if  she  would  go  the 
next  day  to  Ohio  to  campaign  for  the  Woman's  Party.  Mrs. 
AUender,  who  had  no  more  expectation  of  going  to  Ohio 
than  to  the  moon,  replied :  "  I'm  sorry.  It's  impossible. 
You  see,  we  have  just  moved.  The  place  is  being  papered 
and  painted,  and  I've  got  to  select  the  wallpaper."  "  Oh, 
that's  all  right,"  Alice  Paul  suggested.  "  I'll  send  a  girl 
right  up  there.  She'U  pick  your  paper  for  you  and  see  that 
if 8  put  on."  In  the  end,  of  course,  Mrs.  AUender  chose 
her  own  paper.  But  although  she  did  not  go  to  Ohio  the 
next  day,  she  went  within  a  week. 

When  Alice  Paul  asked  Maud  Younger  to  deliver  the 
memorial  address  on  Inez  MilhoUand,  Miss  Younger  was  at 
first  staggered  by  the  idea.  "  I  can't,"  she  said.  "  I  don't 
know  how  to  do  it." 

"  Oh,"  directed  Alice  Paul  in  a  degagi  way,  "  just  write 
something  like  Lincoln's  Gettysbwrg  address." 

The  first  Headquarters  consisted  of  one  long  basement 
room,  partitioned  at  the  back  into  three  small  rooms  of 
which  two  were  storerooms,  and  one  Miss  Paul's  office.  This 
opened  into  a  court.  Later  when  the  Suffragist  was  pub- 
lished, they  had  rooms  upstairs;  sometimes  one,  sometimes 
more,  according  to  their  ^unds.  By  the  first  anniversary, 
they  had  expanded  to  ten  rooms.  Later  stiU,  they  had  two 
whole  floors. 

Almost  all  the  work  was  done  by  volunteers.  AU  kinds  of 
people  worked  for  them.  Comparatively  idle  women  of  the 
moneyed  class  gave  up  matinees,  teas,  and  other  social  occa- 
sions; stenographers,  who  worked  all  day  long,  labored 
until  midnight.  Anybody  who  dropped  into  Headquarters 
for  any  purpose  was  put  to  work.  Once  a  distinguished 
lawyer  from  a  western  city  called  on  business  with  Alice 


"Would  you  mind  addressing  a  few  envelopes?"  asked 
Alice  Paul  when  the  business  was  concluded.  The  distin- 
guished lawyer,  whose  own  office  was  of  course  manned  by  a 
small  army  of  stenographers,  smiled;  but  he  took  off  his 
coat  and  went  to  work. 

Alice  Paul's  swift,  decisive  leadership  was  accepted,  un- 
questioningly.  Her  word  was  immutable.  One  day  an 
elderly  woman  was  observed  at  a  typewriter,  painfully  pick- 
ing at  it  with  a  stiff  forefinger.  It  was  obvious  that  with 
a  great  expenditure  of  time  and  energy,  she  was  accom- 
plishing nothing. 

"  Why  are  you  doing  that.?  "  somebody  asked  curiously. 

"Because  Alice  Paul  told  me  to,"  was  the  plaintive 

Most  of  the  work  was  done  in  the  big  front  room.  The 
confusion  of  going  and  coming  of  the  volunteer  workers; 
the  noise  of  conflicting  activity;  conversation;  telephones; 
made  concentrated  thinking  almost  impossible.  The  police- 
man on  the  beat  said  that  a  light  burned  in  Headquarters 
all  night  long.  That  was  true.  Alice  Paul  and  Lucy  Bums 
used  to  work  far  into  the  morning  because  then,  alone,  were 
they  assured  of  quiet.  There  were  times  though  when  Alice 
Paul  worked  all  day,  all  night  and  sitting  up  in  bed,  into  the 
next  morning.  She  never  lost  time.  Later  when  she  picketed 
the  White  House,  she  used  to  take  a  stenographer  with  her 
and  dictate  while  on  picket  duty. 

Volunteer  work  is  of  course  not  always  to  be  depended 
upon.  It  is  eccentric  and  follows  its  own  laws.  There  would 
be  periods  when  Headquarters  would  be  flooded  with  help. 
There  came  intervals  when  it  was  almost  empty.  Sara 
Grogan,  herself  a  devoted  adherent,  tells  how  in  this  case, 
she  used  to  go  out  on  the  streets  and  ask  strangers  to  help. 
Volunteer  workers — ^if  they  were  housekeepers  or  the  mothers 
of  families — ^learned,  on  their  busy  days,  to  give  F  Street 
a  wide  berth.  As  they  had  no  time  to  give  and  as  it  was 
impossible  to  say  no  to  Alice  Paul,  the  streets  about  Head- 
quarters were  as  closed  to  them  as  the  streets  of  his  creditors 


to  Dick  Swiveller.  It  was  perhaps  this  experience  which 
taught  Alice  Paul  what  later  became  one  of  her  chief  assets 
— her  power  to  put  to  use  every  bit  of  human  material  that 
came  her  way ;  which  developed  in  her  that  charitable  will- 
ingness, when  this  human  material  failed  in  one  direction, 
to  try  it  in  another ;  and  another ;  and  another.  Rarely  did 
she  reject  any  offer  of  help,  no  matter  how  untrained  or 
seemingly  untrainable  it  was.  I  asked  Mabel  Vernon  how 
she  got  so  much  work — and  such  splendid  work  of  all  kinds 
— out  of  amateurs.  She  answered,  "  She  believed  we  could 
do  it  and  so  she  made  us  believe  it." 

In  those  days,  Alice  Paul  herself  was  like  one  driven  by 
a  fury  of  speed.  She  was  a  human  dynamo.  She  made 
everybody  else  work  as  hard  as  possible,  but  she  drove — 
although  she  did  drive — ^nobody  so  hard  as  herself.  Winifred 
Mallon  said,  "  I  worked  with  Alice  Paul  for  three  months 
before  I  saw  her  with  her  hat  off.  I  was  perfectly  aston- 
ished, I  remember,  at  that  mass  of  hair.  I  had  never  sus- 
pected its  existence."  For  a  long  time,  Alice  Paul  deliber- 
ately lived  in  a  cold  room,  so  that  she  could  not  be  tempted 
to  sit  up  late  to  read.  It  was  more  than  a  year  before  she 
visited  the  book-shop  opened  by  a  friend  because,  she  said, 
"  I  should  be  tempted  to  buy  so  many  books  there,"  Anne 
Martin  says  that  she  believes  Alice  Paul  made  a  vow  not  to 
think  or  to  read  anything  that  was  not  connected  with  Suf- 
frage until  the  Amendment  was  passed.  There  was  certainly 
BO  evidence  of  her  reading  anything  else.  They  make  the 
humorous  observation  at  Headquarters  now  that  the  instant 
the  Amendment  had  passed  both  Houses,  Alice  Paul  began 
to  permit  herself  the  luxury  of  one  mental  relaxation — ^the 
reading  of  detective  stories.  But  in  those  early  days  she 
worked  all  the  time  and  she  worked  at  everything.  Some- 
body said  to  Lucy  Burns,  "  She  asks  nothing  of  us  that 
she  doesn't  do  herself,"  and  Lucy  Burns  answered  dryly, 
"Yes,  she's  annoyingly  versatile." 

Not  only  did  Alice  Paul  ask  you  to  work  but  after  you 
had  agreed  to  it,  she  kept  after  you.     "  She  *  nagged '  us  " 


— they  say  humorously  at  Headquarters.  Once,  just  before 
leaving  for  Chicago,  Alice  Paul  appointed  a  certain  young 
person  chairman  of  a  certain  comittittee,  with  power  to  select 
chairmen  of  ten  other  committees  to  arrange  for  a  demon- 
stration when  the  Suffrage  Special  returned.  This  was  four 
weeks  off  and  yet  in  three  days  from  Chicago  came  a  tele- 
gram :  "  Wire  me  immediately  the  names  of  your  chairmen !  " 

But  just  as  Alice  Paul  never  thanked  herself  for  w\hat  she 
was  doing,  it  never  occurred  to  her  to  thank  anybody  else. 
And  .perhaps  she  had  an  innate  conviction  that  it  was 
egregious  personally  to  thank  people  for  devotion  to  a  cause. 
However  that  did  not  always  work  out  in  practice,  naturally. 

Once  a  woman,  a  volunteer,  who  had  worked  all  the  morn- 
ing reported  to  Alice  Paul  at  noon.  She  retailed  what  she 
had  done.  Alice  Paul  made  no  comment  whatever,  but  asked 
her  immediately  if  she  would  go  downtown  for  her.  The 
woman  refused;  went  away  and  did  not  come  back.  Alice 
Paul  asked  a  friend  for  an  explanation  of  her  absence. 
"  She  is  offended,"  her  friend  explained.  "  You  did  not  thank 
her  for  what  she  did."  "  But,"  exclaimed  Alice  Paul,  "  she 
did  not  do  it  for  me.  She  did  it  for  Suffrage.  I  thought 
she  would  be  delighted  to  do  it  for  Suffrage."  After  that, 
however,  Alice  Paul  tried  very  hard  to  remember  to  thank 
everybody.  Once  a  party  member  said  to  her,  as  she  was 
leaving  Headquarters,  "I  have  a  taxi  here.  Miss  Paul — 
can't  I  take  you  anywhere.?"  "No,"  Alice  Paul  answered 
abruptly.  She  was  halfway  down  the  stairs  when  she  seemed 
to  remember  something.  Instantly  she  turned  back  and  said, 
"  Thank  you ! "  Another  time,  somebody  else  announced 
that  she  was  offended  because  Alice  Paul  had  not  thanked 
her,  and  was  going  to  leave.    A  friend  went  to  Alice  Paul. 

"  Mrs.  Blank  is  leaving  us.  I  am  afraid  you  have  offended 

"  Where  is  she."  "  Alice  Paul  demanded,  "  I  will  apologize 
at  once." 

"For  what?"  the  friend  inquired. 

"  I  don't  know,"  Alice  Paul  answered,  "  anything!  " 


Like  Roosevelt,  Alice  Paul  had  a  remarkable  news  sense. 
She  was  the  joy  of  newspaper  men.  Ninety  per  cent  of  the 
Woman's  Party  bulletins  got  publicity  as  against  about 
twenty  per  cent  of  others.  A  New  Orleans  editor  said  they 
were  the  best  publicity  organization  in  the  country.  Gilson 
Gardner  compares  her  to  a  Belasco,  staging  the  scene  ad- 
mirably but,  herself,  always  in  the  background. 

Later,  when  the  first  stress  was  over,  her  companions 
spoke  of  the  joy  of  work  with  her.  They  marveled  at  that 
creative  quality  which  made  her  put  over  her  demonstrations 
on  so  enormous  a  scale  and  the  beauty  with  which  she  inun- 
dated them. 

Maud  Younger  tells  of  going  with  her  one  night  to  the 
Capitol  steps,  when  she  painted  imaginatively,  on  the  scene 
which  lay  outstretched  before  her,  the  great  demonstration 
which  she  was  planning:  wide  areas  of  static  color  here,  long 
lines  of  pulsating  color  there,  laid  on  in  great  splashes  and 
welts,  like  a  painter  of  the  modem  school.  Above  all, 
her  companions  took  a  fearful  joy  in  the  serene  way  in 
which  she  brushed  aside  red  tape,  ignored  rules.  She  would 
decide  on  some  unexpected,  daring  bit  of  pioneer  demon- 
stration. Her  companions  would  report  to  her  retarding 
restrictions.  "  What  an  absurd  rule,"  she  would  remark, 
and  then  proceed  calmly  to  ignore  it.  "  Oh,  Miss  Paul, 
we  can't  do  that ! "  was  the  commonest  exclamation  with 
which  the  fellow  workers  greeted  her  plans.  But  always 
they  did  do  it  because  she  convinced  them  that  it  could  be 
done.  After  the  death  of  Inez  MilhoUand,  Alice  Paul  de- 
cided to  hold  a  memorial  service  in  Statuary  Hall  at  the 

"  Oh,  Miss  Paul,  we  can't  do  that !  Memorial  services  are 
held  there  only  for  those  whose  statues  are  in  the  Hall." 
But  in  the  end  she  did  it.  When  her  Committee  spoke  about 
it  to  the  officials  who  have  Statuary  Hall  in  charge  they 
said,  "  One  thing  we  cannot  permit.  You  cannot  go  up  into 
the  gallery  because  the  doors  open  from  that  gallery  into 
rooms  containing  old  and  valued  books  and  those  books 


might  be  stolen."  The  police  said,  "  No,  you  must  not  hang 
curtains  over  those  openings  in  case  a  Senator  wants  to 
pass  through."  Later  the  police  themselves  were  helping 
Alice  Paul  to  place  the  purple,  white,  and  gold  pennants 
about  the  gallery ;  they  themselves  were  piling  around  their 
standards,  in  order  to  hold  them  straight,  those  same  old 
and  valued  books;  they  themselves  were  standing  on  step- 
ladders  to  help  her  hang  curtains  before  those  unsealable 

When  the  Suffrage  Special  returned,  Alice  Paul  decided 
to  hold  a  welcoming  banquet  in  the  dining-room  of  the  beau- 
tiful new  Washington  railroad  station.  She  sent  somebody 
to  ask  this  privilege  of  the  authorities.  At  first,  of  course, 
they  said,  no,  but  in  the  end,  of  course,  they  said,  yes. 
The  Woman's  Party  hired  a  band  to  help  in  the  welcome. 
Alice  Paul  observed  that  the  man  who  played  the  horn 
was  so  tall  that  he  obscured  an  important  detail  in  the 
decoration.  She  asked  him  to  stand  in  another  part  of 
the  band  group.  Of  course  he  answered  that  that  was  im- 
possible, that  the  horn  always  stood  where  he  was  standing, 
but  in  the  end,  of  course,  he  stood  where  Alice  Paul  told 
him  to  stand. 

Late  in  the  history  of  the  Woman's  Party,  somebody  dis- 
covered that  Alice  Paul  had  never  seen  an  anti-Suffragist. 
At  a  legislative  hearing  during  ratification  they  pointed  out 
one  to  her — a  beautiful  one.  "  She  looks  like  a  Botticelli," 
Alice  Paul  said — and  gazed  admiringly  at  her  for  the  rest 
of  the  hearing. 

Her  companions  marveled,  I  reiterate,  at  Alice  Paul's 
creative  power.  That  did  not  manifest  itself  in  demonstra- 
tions alone.  Her  policy  had  creative  quality.  It  had  a  wide 
sweep.  It  moved  on  wings  and  with  accumulating  force  and 
speed.  Her  work  in  Washington  started  slowly,  though 
with  sureness  of  attack,  but  all  the  time  it  heightened  and 
deepened.  From  1913  to  1919  it  never  faltered.  Sometimes 
changes  in  outside  affairs  made  changes  in  her  self-evolved 
plan,  but  they  never  stopped  it,  never  even  slowed  it.     From 


the  beginning  she  saw  her  objective  clearly;  and  always  she 
made  for  it.  Activities  that  may  often  have  seemed  to  the 
callow-minded  but  the  futile  militancy  of  a  group  of  fanatics 
were  part  of  a  perfectly  co-ordinated  plan.  Moreover,  she 
had  always  reserve  ideas  and  always  a  buried  ace.  Sapient 
members  of  the  Party — ^those  who  were  close  to  her — ^believe 
that  she  used  only  a  part  of  an  enormous  scheme;  that  she 
was  prepared  far  into  the  future  and  for  any  possible  con- 
tingency. They  wonder  sometimes  how  far  that  creative 
impulse  reached  .  .  .  what  form  it  would  later  .  .  .  and 
later  .  .  .  and  later  have  taken.  Yet  she  proceeded 
slowly,  giving  every  new  form  of  agitation  its  chance;  pru- 
dent always  of  her  reserves.  The  instant  one  kind  of 
demonstration  exhausted  its  usefulness,  she  moved  to  the 
next.  She  wasted  no  time  on  side  issues,  on  petty  hostilities, 
on  rivalries  with  other  organizations. 

But  the  quality  that,  above  all,  informed  her  other 
qualities,  the  quality  that  she  first  of  all  brought  to  the 
Suffrage  situation,  the  quality  that  made  her  associates  re- 
gard her  with  a  kind  of  awe,  was  her  political-mindedness, 
and  political-mindedness  was  not  at  all  uncommon  in  the 
Woman's  Party.  It  was,  perhaps,  its  main  asset,  although 
initiative  and  efficiency,  speed,  and  courage  of  the  most  dar- 
ing order  marked  it.  But  Alice  Paul's  political  minded- 
ness  had  quality  as  well  as  quantity.  When  Hughes  was 
made  the  Republican  nominee  for  the  1916  election,  Alice 
Paul  asked  him  to  declare  for  National  Suffrage.  He  was 
exceedingly  dubious.  It  is  obvious  f;hat,  in  asking  favors 
of  a  politician,  it  is  necessary  to  prove  to  him  that  action 
on  his  part  will  not  hurt  him  in  the  matter  of  votes  and 
may  help  him.    On  this  point,  Alice  Paul  said  in  effect : 

"  Your  Party  consists  of  two  factions,  the  old,  standpat 
Republicans  and  the  Progressives.  Now,  if  you  put  a  Suf- 
frage plank  in  your  platform,  you  will  not  alienate  the  Pro- 
gressives, because  the  Progressives  have  a  Suffrage  plank, 
and  the  old  standpat  Republicans  will  not  vote  for  a  Demo- 
crat no  matter  what  you  put  in  your  platform." 


When  in  the  same  election  campaign  Hughes  went  West, 
and  the  West  turned  to  Wilson,  it  became  evident,  however 
much  the  Woman's'  Party  diminished  the  prestige  of  Wilson, 
it  could  not  defeat  him.  Numerous  advisers  suggested  to 
Alice  Paul  to  withdraw  her  speakers  from  the  campaign. 

Alice  Paul  answered,  "  No;  if  we  withdraw  our  speaker g 
from  fhe  campaign,  we  withdraw  the  issue  from  the  camr 
paign.  The  main  thing  is  to  make  the  Suffrage  Amendment 
a  national  issue  that  the  Democrats  will  not  want  to  meet 
in  another  campaign." 

After  the  election,  somebody  said  to  her,  "  The  people 
of  the  United  States  generally  think  you  made  a  great 
mistake  in  fighting  Wilson.  They  think  your  campaign  a 
failure."  Alice  Paul  answered,  "  In  this  case,  it  is  not 
important  what  the  people  think  but  what  the  Democratic 
leaders  hnow." 

The  most  magical  thing  about  Alice  Paul's  political- 
mindedness  was,  however,  a  quality  which  is  almost  inde- 
scribable. Perhaps  it  should  be  symbolized  by  some  term  of 
the  fourth  dimension — although  Helena  HUl  Weed's  happy 
word  "  prescience "  comes  near  to  describing  it.  Maud 
Younger  gives  an  extraordinary  example  of  this.  She  says 
again  and  again,  lobbyists  would  come  back  from  the 
Capitol  with  the  news  of  some  unexpected  manoeuver  which 
perplexed  or  even  blocked  them.  Congressmen,  themselves, 
would  be  puzzled  over  the  situation.  Again  and  again,  she 
has  seen  Alice  Paul  walk  to  the  window,  stand  there,  head 
bent,  thinking.  Then,  suddenly  she  would  come  back.  She 
had  seen  behind  the  veil  of  conflicting  and  seemingly  un- 
translatable testimony.  She  had,  in  Maud  Younger's  own 
words,  cloven  "  straight  to  the  heart  of  things."  Often  her 
lobbyists  hail  the  experience  of  explaining  to  baffled  mem- 
bers of  Committees  in  Congress  the  concealed  tactics  of  their 
own  Committee. 

It  was  small  wonder  that  they  were  so  busy  at  Head- 
quarters during  those  first  months.     They  were  preparing 


for  a  monster  demonstration  in  the  shape  of  a  procession 
which  was  to  occur  on  March  3,  1913,  on  the  eve  of  Presi- 
dent Wilson's  first  inauguration.  That  procession,  which 
was  really  a  thing  of  great  beauty,  brought  Suffrage  into 
prominence  in  a  way  the  Suffragists  had  not  for  an  instant 
anticipated.  About  eight  thousand  women  took  part.  The 
procession  started  from  the  Capitol,  marched  up  Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue  past  the  White  House  and  ended  in  a  mass- 
meeting  at  the  Hall  of  the  Daughters  of  the  American  Revo- 
lution. Although  a  permit  had  been  issued  for  the  proces- 
sion, and  though  this  carried  with  it  the  right  to  the  street, 
the  police  failed  to  protect  the  marchers  as  had  been  rumored 
they  would.  The  end  of  the  Avenue  was  almost  impassable 
to  the  parade.  A  huge  crowd,  drawn  from  all  over  the 
country,  had  appeared  in  Washington  for  the  Inauguration 
festivities.  They  chose  to  act  in  the  most  rowdy  manner 
possible  and  many  of  the  police  chose  to  seem  oblivious  of 
what  they  were  doing.  Disgraceful  episodes  occurred. 
Secretary  of  War  Stimson  had  finally  to  send  for  troops 
from  Fort  Meyer.  There  was  an  investigation  of  the  action 
of  the  police  by  a  Committee  of  the  Senate.  The  official 
report  is  a  thick  book  containing  testimony  that  will  shock 
any  fine-minded  American  citizen.  Ultimatdy,  the  Chief  of 
Police  for  the  District  of  Columbia  was  removed. 

The  investigation,  however,  kept  the  Suffrage  procession 
in  the  minds  of  the  public  for  many  weeks.  It  almost  over- 
shadowed the  Inauguration  itself. 

On  this  occasion,  the  banner — in  a  slightly  modifiedx  form 
to  be  afterwards  always  known  as  the  Great  Demand 
banner — was  carried  for  the  first  time.  This  banner  marched 
peremptorily  through  the  history  of  the  Woman's  Party 
until  the  Suffrage  Amendment  was  passed.     It  said: 



On  March  3  there  arrived  in  Washington  a  man  who 
was  that  day  a  simple  citizen  of  the  United  States.  The 
next  day  he  was  to  become  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  As  Woodrow  Wilson  drove  from  the  station  through 
the  empty  streets  to  his  hotel,  he  asked,  "  Where  are  the 
people.'' " 

The  answer  was,  "  Over  on  the  Avenue  watching  the  Suf- 
frage Parade." 


The  first  great  demonstration  of  the  Congressional  Com- 
mittee— the  procession  of  March  3 — had  been  designed  to 
attract  the  eye  of  the  country  to  the  Suffragists.  It  suc- 
ceeded beyond  their  wildest  hopes.  Thereafter  it  became  a 
part  of  the  policy  of  the  Congressional  Committee — later, 
the  Congressional  Union,  and  later  still,  the  (National 
Woman's  Party — to  keep  the  people  watching  the  Suffra- 
gists. The  main  work  of  the  Congressional  Committee,  how- 
ever, focussed  directly  on  Congress,  as  of  course  Congress 
alone  could  pass  a  Constitutional  Amendment.  They  ap- 
pealed to  Congress  constantly,  by  different  methods,  and 
through  different  avenues.  They  appealed  to  Congress 
through  the  President  of  the  United  States,  through  political 
leaders,  through  constituents.  It  is  one  way  of  describing 
their  system  to  say  that  they  worked  on  Congress  by  a  series 
of  electric  shocks  delivered  to  it  downwards  from  the  Presi- 
dent, and  by  a  constant  succession  of  waves  delivered  up- 
wards through  the  people.  This  pressure  never  ceased  for 
a  moment.  It  accumulated  in  power  as  the  six  years  of 
this  work  went  on. 

When  President  Wilson  arrived  in  Washington  for  his 
inauguration,  the  first  thing  brought  to  his  notice  was  Suf- 
frage agitation.  The  Congressional  Committee  thereafter 
kept  Suffrage  constantly  before  him.  If  not  actually  op- 
posed to  Suffrage  in  1913,  Woodrow  Wilson  had  every 
appearance  of  opposition;  certainly  he  was  utterly  indif- 
ferent to  it.  But  Alice  Paul  believed  that  he  was  amenable 
to  education  on  the  subject,  and  she  proceeded  to  educate 
him.     Her  theory  proved  to  be  true,  but  the  process  took 



longer  than  she  had  anticipated.  Her  methods  of  course 
aroused  storms  of  criticism ;  but  in  the  end  they  triumphed. 
The  President's  action  during  the  six  years'  siege  was  the 
attitude  of  all  politicians.  That  is  to  say,  for  a  long  time 
he  made  general  statements  of  a  vaguely  encouraging  nature 
to  the  SuiFragists,  but  for  a  long  time  he  actually  did  noth- 
ing. Every  accepted  method  of  convincing  him  of  the  jus- 
tice of  the  cause  was  tried.  Deputation  after  deputation 
waited  on  him  and  stated  their  case.  Then  he  began  to 
move.  He  came  out  for  Woman  Suffrage  as  a  principle; 
he  voted  for  it  in  New  Jersey  but  he  still  believed  that  the 
enfranchisement  of  woman  must  come  by  States.  In  1917, 
his  position,  except  for  these  minor  admissions,  was  exactly 
that  of  1913.  As  far  as  the  Suff'rage  Amendment  was  con- 
cerned, he  had  not  budged  an  inch.  The  Woman's  Party 
then  tried  desperate  remedies  and  afterward  more  and  more 
desperate  remedies.  These  always  produced  results — ^to- 
wards the  end,  hmnediate  results.  But  at  the  beginning  of 
this  period,  the  Suffragists  found  that  the  instant  they 
relaxed,  the  President  relaxed ;  his  attention  departed  from 
Suffrage.  This  always  happened.  Then  the  Congressional 
Committee  began  to  exert  a  little  more  pressure,  and  the 
President's  attention  came  back  to  Suffrage.  In  the  long 
attacking  process  to  which  Alice  Paul  subjected  him,  she 
put  him  in  untenable  position  after  untenable  position.  He 
moved  from  each  one  of  them  by  some  new  concession.  In 
the  end,  he  himself  procured  the  last  vote  necessary  to  pass 
the  Amendment  in  the  Senate. 

Alice  Paul  admires  Woodrow  Wilson  profoundly.  She 
admires  his  powers  of  leadership ;  his  ideals ;  his  persistence ; 
his  steadfastness ;  his  resolution.  "  He  is  a  man,"  she  says, 
"who  considers  one  thing  at  a  time.  Suffrage  was  not  in 
his  thought  at  all  until  we,  ourselves,  injected  it  there.  And 
it  was  not  in  the  center  of  his  thought  until  the  picketing 
was  well  along."  She  believed  always  that,  when  the  Presi- 
dent was  made  to  think  that  he  must  act  in  regard  to  Suf- 
frage, he  would  put  it  through. 


Immediatdy  after  his  inauguration,  President  Wilson 
announced  that  a  special  session  of  Congress  would  be  called 
on  April  7.  At  once  the  Congressional  Committee  decided 
to  bring  to  his  attention  the  fact  that  there  was  no  subject 
which  more  urgently  demanded  treatment  in  this  session  than 
Woman  Suffrage.  Three  deputations  were  therefore  organ- 
ized to  ask  him  to  recommend  the  Federal  Amendment  in  the 
message  by  which  he  should  convene  this  special  session. 
These  deputations — and  all  subsequent  ones — ^were  organized 
by  Alice  Paul. 

The  first  deputation  waited  on  President  Wilson  on  March 
17.  This  deputation  consisting  of  four  women  was  led  by 
Alice  Paul  herself.  Although  individual  Suffragists  had 
interviewed  previous  presidents,  this  was  the  first  deputation 
which  had  ever  appeared  with  a  request  for  action  before  a 
President  of  the  United  States.  President  Wilson's  reply 
to  their  remarks  was  that  the  subject  would  receive  his  most 
careful  attention. 

The  episode  was  one  of  the  most  amusing  of  the  early 
history  of  the  Congressional  Committee.  The  President  re- 
ceived the  deputation  in  the  White  House  offices.  When  they 
entered,  they  found  four  chairs  arranged  in  a  row  with  one 
in  front  of  them,  like  a  class  about  to  be  addressed  by  a 
teacher.  The  atmosphere  was  so  tense  that  all  the  women 
felt  it  and  were  frightened.  Alice  Paul  spoke  first  and  said 
that  women  wanted  Suffrage  considered  by  Congress  at  once, 
as  the  most  important  issue  before  the  country.  All  spoke 
in  turn.  One  woman  was  so  terrified  that  she  petrified 
when  her  turn  came.  "  Don't  be  nervous,"  the  President 
reassured  her  and  she  finally  proceeded.  To  this  first  group 
the  President  made  the  statement  that  so  astounded  Suf- 
fragists all  over  the  country — that  Suffrage  had  never  been 
brought  to  his  attention,  that  the  matter  was  entirely  new. 
He  added  that  he  did  not  know  his  position  and  would  like 
all  information  possible  on  the  subject. 

The  Congressional  Committee  gave  him  time  to  give  the 
subject  this  careful  attention,  and  then  a  second  deputation 


waited  on  the  President  on  March  28  to  furnish  him  with 
the  information  he  lacked.  This  deputation  was  led  by 
Elsie  Hill,  and  it  represented  the  College  Equal  Suffrage 
League.  The  President  replied  to  their  remarks  that  this 
session  of  Congress  would  be  so  occupied  with  the  tariff  and 
the  currency  that  the  Suffrage  measure  could  not  be  con- 

A  third  deputation  waited  on  the  President  on  March  31. 
It  was  led  by  Dr.  Cora  Smith  King,  and  it  was  composed  of 
influential  members  of  the  National  Council  of  Women 
Voters.  This  delegation  told  the  President  that  the  women 
voters,  who  numbered  approximately  two  million,  were  much 
interested  in  the  proposed  Suffrage  Amendment.  They  also 
asked  him  to  recommend  it  in  his  message.  His  reply  to  them 
was  the  same  as  to  the  college  women:  that  this  special  ses- 
sion would  be  so  occupied  with  the  tariff  and  currency  that 
the  Suffrage  measure  could  not  be  considered. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Congressional  Committee  had  noti- 
fied Suffragists  all  over  the  United  States  that  a  Suffrage 
Amendment  would  be  introduced  in  this  special  session  of 
Congress;  asking  them  to  urge  the  President  to  indorse 
Suffrage  in  his  forthcoming  message;  and  to  request  their 
"Representative  in  Congress  to  support  Suffrage  when  it  was 
introduced.  Letters  poured  into  Washington  from  the  re- 
motest corners  of  the  country. 

This  was  the  beginning  of  that  intimacy  which  the  Con- 
gressional Committee — afterwards  the  Congressional  Union, 
afterwards  the  National  Woman's  Party — established  with 
its  sympathizers  and  members  all  over  the  country.  In  the 
nature  of  things — ^the  political  situation  being  changeable, 
and  demanding  always  subtle,  delicate,  and  often  swift  and 
decisive  handling— the  actual  work  at  Washington  had  to 
be  planned  and  executed  by  a  limited  number.  But  those 
few  must  be  able,  forceful,  and  swiftly  executive  spirits. 
Their  adherents  all  over  the  country  were  however  kept  as 
closely  and  constantly  as  possible  in  touch  with  that  chang- 
ing situation. 


In  addition,  the  Congressional  Committee  did  all  possible 
preliminary  work  with  the  incoming  members  of  this  Con- 
gress. The  result  on  the  Progressive  members  was  encour- 
aging. Although  there  was  a  Woman  Suffrage  Committee 
in  the  Senate,  there  was  none  in  the  House.  Thitherto, 
the  Suffrage  question  had  been  sent  to  the  Judiciary  Com- 
mittee, the  graveyard  of  the  House.  As  a  result  of  the 
work  of  the  Congressional  Committee,  the  Progressive 
Caucus,  which  met  before  the  new  Congress  assembled,  gave 
its  unqualified  indorsement  to  the  proposal  to  create  a 
Woman  Suffrage  Committee  in  the  House.  The  Congres- 
sional Committee  canvassed  the  Democratic  members  of  the 
House  and  urged  them  to  take  similar  action.  The  Demo- 
cratic Caucus,  however,  entirely  ignored  the  question. 

Having  brought  Suffrage  to  the  attention  of  the  new 
President  by  the  monster  procession  of  March  3,  the  Con- 
gressional Committee  proceeded  to  bring  it  to  the  attention 
of  the  new  Congress  by  a  second  great  demonstration.  This 
was  in  support  of  the  Federal  Amendment,  and  it  took  place 
on  the  opening  day  of  the  special  session  of  the  Sixty-third 
Congress,  April  7,  1913.  Delegates  from  each  of  the  435 
Congressional  districts  in  the  United  States  assembled  at 
Washington,  bringing  petitions  from  the  men  and  women  of 
their  districts,  asking  for  the  passing  of  the  Amendment. 
After  the  mass-meeting,  the  delegates  marched,  each  behind 
her  State  banner,  to  the  doors  of  Congress.  The  proces- 
sion was  greeted  at  the  steps  of  the  Capitol  by  a  group  of 
Congressmen.  One  of  them  welcomed  the  petitioners  in  a 
speech  pledging  his  support  to  their  cause.  They  then  led 
the  delegation  into  the  Rotunda,  where  a  long  receiving  line 
of  members  of  Congress  repeated  his  welcome.  The  Suf- 
fragists took  places  which  had  been  set  aside  for  them  in 
the  galleries  of  the  Senate  and  the  House  and  watched  the 
presentation  of  the  petitions. 

Immediately  after  the  petitions  were  presented.  Represen- 
tative Mondell  (Republican)  of  Wyoming,  and  Senator 
Chamberlain  (Democrat)  of  Oregon  introduced  the  Suffrage 


Amendment.  In  the  Senate  this  resolution  was  referred  to 
the  Woman's  Suffrage  Committee,  and  in  the  House  to  the 
Judiciary  Committee.  Named,  as  is  customary,  after  those 
who  introduced  it,  the  measure  was  known  first  as  the 
Chamberlain-Mondell  Amendment,  and  later  as  the  Bristow- 
Mondell  Amendment.  It  was  in  reality  the  famous  Susan 
B.  Anthony  Amendment — first  introduced  into  Congress  in 
1878  by  Senator  Sargent  of  California — exactly  as  she  drew 
it  up.     The  Anthony  Amendment  runs  as  follows: 

Section  1.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to 
vote  shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  any  State  on  account 
of  sex. 

Section  2.  Congress  shall  have  power  by  appropriate  legis- 
lation to  enforce  the  provisions  of  this  article. 

On  that  same  day — April  7,  1913 — resolutions  were  intro- 
duced in  the  House  to  create  a  Woman  Suffrage  Committee 
similar  to  that  in  the  Senate.  This  was  only  a  tiny  gain; 
for  that  Committee  was  not  actually  created  until  Septem- 
ber, 1917.  But  a  little  later  occurred  what  was  a  decided 
gain — the  Senate  created  a  Majority  Committee  on  Woman 
Suffrage.  The  Woman  Suffrage  Committee  in  the  Senate 
had  been  a  Minority  Committee  thitherto.  That  meant 
that,  as  its  Chairman  belonged  to  the  Minority  Party,  its 
existence  was  purely  nominal. 

All  these  four  months,  the  five  women  who  constituted 
the  Congressional  Committee  had  been  working  at  a  tre- 
mendous speed.  They  had  been  made  into  a  Committee 
on  the  understanding  that  the  Committee  would  itself  raise 
the  money  necessary  for  its  work.  Four  months'  experience 
had  convinced  them  that  the  work  of  securing  a  Federal 
Amendment  required  a  much  greater  effort  than  five  women, 
working  alone,  could  possibly  give  to  it.  The  various 
State  associations  composing  the  National  American 
Woman  Suffrage  Association  were  engrossed  in  their  State 
campaigns.    Little  could  be  expected  from  them  in  the  way 


of  personal  service  or  financial  aid.  When  the  Congressional 
Committee  appealed  to  individuals,  they  found  that  these 
individuals  were  giving  their  time  and  service  to  the  par- 
ticular State  in  which  they  lived.  The  Congressional  Com- 
mittee realized  that  they  must  have  an  organization  back 
of  them  to  assist  with  work  and  money,  whose  sole  object 
was  national  work.  The  Congressional  Union  for  Woman 
Suffrage  was  therefore  formed  by  the  Congressional  Com- 
mittee, with  the  approval  of  the  President  of  the  National 
American  Woman  Suffrage  Association. 

The  Congressional  Union  described  itself  as  "a  group 
of  women  in  all  parts  of  the  country  who  have  joined  to- 
gether in  the  effort  to  secure  the  passage  of  an  Amendment 
to  the  United  States  Constitution  enfranchising  women."  It 
offered  its  members  the  privilege  of  making  the  oflSces  at 
Washington  their  headquarters  while  in  the  city.  It  adopted 
colors — at  the  happy  suggestion  of  Mrs.  John  Jay  White — 
of  purple,  white,  and  gold.  The  Union  grew  rapidly, 
and  was  later  admitted  as  an  auxiliary  to  the  National 
American  Woman  Suffrage  Association.  The  Congressional 
Committee  acted  as  the  Executive  Committee  of  this  Con- 
gressional Union.  Throughout  the  year  the  Union  was  of 
great  assistance  to  the  Committee.  It  reinforced  its  work 
in  every  possible  way. 

The  Suffrage  resolution  was  now  before  the  Committees 
in  both  Houses.  The  Congressional  Union  concentrated  on 
securing  a  hearing  before  the  Senate  Committee.  Every 
effort  was  made  to  focus  the  attention  of  Suffragists  and  of 
the  country  at  large  on  the  situation.  A  hearing  was  ar- 
ranged before  the  Committee,  at^which  Dr.  Anna  Howard 
Shaw,  President  of  the  National  American  Woman  Suffrage 
Association,  presided.  In  addition  to  this  public  hearing, 
the  members  of  the  Senate  Committee  were  interviewed.  And 
pursuing  its  course  of  keeping  Suffragists  in  touch  with 
what  was  happening  at  Washington,  the  Congressional  Com- 
mittee  circularized  Suffragists   aU  over  the  country  with 


letters  which  informed  them  that  the  resolution  was  before 
the  Senate  Committee,  and  asked  them  to  write  to  this  Com- 
mittee urging  a  favorable  report. 

After  six  months  of  work  occurred  the  first  political 
triumph  of  the  Congressional  Union.  On  May  13,  the 
Senate  Committee  voted  to  make  a  favorable  report  upon 
the  Suffrage  resolution.  There,  however,  matters  rested — 
with  a  favorable  vote,  but  still  in  the  Committee.  The  Suf- 
frajgists,  however,  besieged  the  Committee  with  requests  to 
make  the  report  and  finally,  on  June  13,  the  report  was 
made  to  the  Senate — the  first  favorable  one  in  twenty-one 
years.     This  put  the  measure  on  the  Senate  Calendar. 

Immediately  the  Congressional  Union  turned  its  attention 
to  proving  to  the  Senate  how  widespread  was  the  support 
of  this  measure  in  the  United  States. 

A  petition  was  circulated  in  every  State  in  the  Union. 
It  asked  for  the  passage  of  the  Amendment,  and  was  ad- 
dressed to  the  Senate.  Thousands  of  signatures  were  ob- 
tained. During  June  and  July,  these  petitions  were  collected 
and  brought  to  Washington.  Their  arrival  at  the  Capitol 
on  July  31  was  the  occasion  of  the  third  great  demonstra- 
tion. The  petitioners  came  from  every  State,  and  they  came 
in  every  possible  way.  They  came  by  train,  by  motor,  by 
caravan.  They  held  meetings  and  collected  signatures  to 
the  great  petition  in  the  districts  through  which  they  passed. 
All  the  delegations  converged  in  the  little  town  of  Hyatts- 
ville,  outside  Washington.  There — at  the  village  grand- 
stand, they  were  met  by  members  of  the  Congressional  Union 
and  of  the  Woman  Suffrage  Committee  of  the  Senate.  The 
reading  clerk  of  the  House  of  Representatives  announced 
the  members  of  the  delegations  as  they  arrived  in  their  sev- 
eral motors.  Members  of  the  Senate  Committee  addressed 
them  on  behalf  of  the  Congressional  Committee  of  the  Con- 
gressional Union.  The  Mayor  of  Hyattsville  delivered  to 
them  the  key  of  the  town.  Mary  Ware  Dennett  replied 
for  the  delegates,  and  accepted  the  key  of  the  town  from 
the  Mayor.    The  automobiles  then  formed  into  a  procession, 


M  which  the  first  motor  carried  the  members  of  the  Senate 
Committee.  The  long  line  of  cars,  fluttering  flags,  and 
pennants,  and  each  bearing  the  banner  of  its  State  delega- 
tion, proceeded  from  Hyattsville  along  the  old  Bunker  Hill 
Road  to  the  Capitol.  There,  the  petitions  were  handed  to 
the  various  Senators.  Three  Senators  spoke  against  Suf- 
frage, but  twenty-two  in  presenting  the  petitions  spoke  in 
favor  of  it. 

This  was  the  second  triumph  of  the  Congressional  Union. 
Suffrage  was  debated  in  Congress — the  first  time  since  1887. 

The  Congressional  Committee  now  turned  its  attention  to 
the  work  of  convincing  Congress  of  the  interest  in  the 
Amendment  of  the  women  voters  of  the  West.  A  Convention 
of  the  National  Council  of  Women  Voters  was  h^ld  in  Wash- 
ington on  August  13,  14,  and  15.  Emma  Smith  Devoe, 
National  President  of  the  Council,  and  Jane  Addams,  Na- 
tional Vice-President,  presided.  Upon  a  motion  by  Jane 
Addams,  the  Council  passed  the  following  Resolution, 
strongly  indorsing  the  Amendment: 

Whereas  at  the  present  time  one-fifth  of  the  Senate,  one- 
seventh  of  the  House^  and  one-sixth  of  the  electoral  vote  comes 
from  equal  Suffrage  States;  and 

Whereas,  as  a  result  of  this  political  strength  in  Congress, 
due  to  the  fact  that  four  million  women  of  the  United  States 
are  now  enfranchised,  there  is  great  hope  of  the  passage  in  the 
near  future  of  the  Federal  Suffrage  Amendment;  therefore  be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  National  Council  of  Women  Voters  con- 
centrate its  efforts  upon  the  support  of  this  Federal  Amendment. 

The  Rules  Committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives  on 
August  14  then  gave  the  Council  a  hearing  on  the  question 
of  creating  a  Suffrage  Committee  in  the  House. 

The  Convention  ended  in  a  mass-meeting  at  the  Belasco 
Theatre,  which,  in  spite  of  the  midsummer  heat  of  Wash- 
ington, was  crowded  to  the  doors.  The  platform  was  filled 
with  Congressmen  from  Suffrage  States.  The  women 
speakers  iterated  and  reiterated  the  demand  of  the  women 


voters  of  the  West  for  immediate  action  by  Congress,  and 
the  Congressmen  supported  them. 

In  addition  to  these — ^processions,  pilgrimages,  petitions, 
deputations,  and  hearings,  hundreds  of  public  meetings  or- 
ganized by  the  Washington  Headquarters — were  held  every- 
where. A  constant  series  of  deputations  from  their  own 
constituencies  besieged  the  members  of  the  Senate.  All  this 
was  making  its  inevitable  impression  on  Congress.  Those 
days  of  the  Sixty-third  Congressional  Session  were  crowded 
ones.  The  President  had  told  the  Suffragists  that  so  much 
time  must  be  given  to  the  tariff  and  the  currency  that  there 
would  be  none  left  for  Women  Suffrage.  Yet  more  time  was 
devoted  to  the  Woman  Suffrage  question  than  ever  before. 
On  September  18,  Senator  Wesley  L.  Jones  of  Washington 
delivered  a  speech  in  the  Senate,  in  which  he  urged  that  the 
Suffrage  Resolution  should  be  passed.  In  the  House,  a 
number  of  Representatives  formerly  opposed  to  the  reso- 
lution now  declared  that  they  would  support  it  when  it  came 
before  them. 

In  the  meantime,  the  tariff  and  currency  had  finally  been 
disposed  of.  A  new  Congress  was  to  convene  on  December  1. 
Ever  since  his  inauguration.  Suffrage  agitation  of  a  strong, 
dignified,  and  convincing  character  had  been  brought  to  the 
President's  attention.  Suffragists  hoped,  therefore,  that  the 
President  would  feel  that  he  could  recommend  the  Suffrage 
Amendment  to  this  new  Congress.  They  decided,  however, 
to  present  the  matter  to  him  in  a  forcible  way.  A  fourth 
deputation  of  seventy-three  women  from  his  own  State  of 
New  Jersey  came  to  Washington  in  the  middle  of  November. 

This  delegation  arrived  on  Saturday  afterndon,  Novem- 
ber 15.  Until  Monday  morning,  they  tried  in  every  possible 
way  to  arrange  for  an  appointment  with  the  President  at 
the  White  House.  Representative  McCoy  of  New  Jersey 
endeavored  to  assist  them  in  this  matter.  Their  efforts  and 
his  efforts  were  fruitless. 

Monday  morning,  at  10  o'clock,  Alice  Paul  telephoned 


the  Executive  Office  that,  as  it  was  impossible  to  find  out 
what  hour  would  suit  the  convenience  of  the  President,  the 
delegation  was  on  its  way  to  the  White  House.  She  explained 
that  they  would  wait  there  until  the  President  was  ready  to 
receive  them,  or  would  definitely  refuse  to  do  so.  The  clerk 
at  the  Executive  Office  declared  over  the  telephone  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  see  the  President  without  an  appoint- 
ment. He  assured  Alice  Paul  that  such  a  thing  had  never 
been  done.  Representative  McCoy  called  up  Headquarters, 
and  reported  his  failure  to  secure  an  appointment.  On 
being  told  that  the  delegation  was  going  to  call  on  the 
President  anyway,  he  protested  vehemently  against  its  pro- 
ceeding to  the  White  House  without  the  usual  official  pre- 
liminaries. Alice  Paul's  answer  was  a  single  statement, — 
"  The  delegation  has  already  started." 

In  double  file  the  seventy-three  New  Jersey  women 
marched  through  Fifteenth  Street,  through  Pennsylvania 
Avenue,  past  the  Treasury  Department,  and  up  to  the 
White  House  grounds.  And,  lo,  as  though  their  coming 
spread  paralyzing  magic,  everything  gave  way  before  them. 
Two  guards  in  uniform  stood  at  the  gate.  They  saluted 
and  moved  aside.  The  seventy-three  women  :qiarched  un- 
challenged through  the  grounds  to  the  door  of  the  Executive 
Office.  An  attendant  there  requested  them  courteously  to 
wait  until  after  their  two  leaders  should  be  presented  to 
the  President  by  his  Secretary. 

The  request  that  these  seventy-three  New  Jersey  women 
made  to  President  Wilson  was  that  he  should  support  the 
Constitutional  Amendment  enfranchising  women.  President 
Wilson  replied :  "  I  am  pleased,  indeed,  to  greet  you  and 
your  adherents  here,  and  I  will  say  to  you  that  I  was  talking 
only  yesterday  with  several  Members  of  Congress  in  regard 
to  the  Suffrage  Committee  in  the  House.  The  subject  is  one 
in  which  I  am  deeply  interested,  and  you  may  rest  assured 
that  I  will  give  it  my  earnest  attention." 

It  is  to  be  seen  that  the  President's  education  had  pro- 
gressed— a  little.     To  previous  delegations,  he  had  stated 


merely  that  the  tariff  and  currency  would  take  so  much  of 
the  attention  of  Congress  that  there  would  be  no  time  for 
the  Suffrage  question.  In  advocating  a  Suffrage  Committee 
in  the  House,  he  had  made  an  advance — tiny,  to  be  sure, 
but  an  advance. 

In  the  last  month  of  1913  occurred  in  Washington  the 
Forty-fifth  Annual  Convention  of  the  National  American 
Woman  Suffrage  Association.  The  Convention  opened 
with  a  mass-meeting  at  the  Columbia  Theatre.  Dr.  Anna 
Howard  Shaw  presided.  Jane  Addams  and  Senator  Helen 
Ring  Robinson  were  the  principal  speakers.  At  the  opening 
meeting  of  the  Convention,  Lucy  Burns  repeated  the  warn- 
ing of  the  Congressional  Union  to  the  Democratic  Party : 

The  National  American  Women  Suffrage  Association  is  assem- 
bled in  Washington  to  ask  the  Democratic  Party  to  enfranchise 
the  women  of  America. 

Rarely  in  the  history  of  the  country  has  a  party  been  more 
powerful  than  the  Democratic  Party  is  today.  It  controls  the 
Executive  Office,  the  Senate,  and  more  than  two-thirds  of  the 
members  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  !^t  is  in  a  position  to 
give  us  effective  and  immediate  help. 

We  ask  the  Democrats  to  take  action  now.  Those  who  hold 
power  are  responsible  to  the  country  for  the  use  of  it.  They 
are  responsible,  not  only  for  what  they  do,  but  for  what  they 
do  not  do.  Inaction  establishes  just  as  clear  a  record  as  does 
a  policy  of  open  hostility. 

We  have  in  our  hands  today  not  only  the  weapon  of  a  just  case ; 
we  have  the  support  of  ten  enfranchised  States — States  com- 
prising one-fifth  of  the  United  States,  one-seventh  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  one-sixth  of  the  electoral  vote.  More 
than  three  million,  six  hundred  thousand  women  have  a  vote  in 
Presidential  elections.  It  is  unthinkable  that  a  national  govern- 
ment which  irepreseifts  women,  and  which  appeals  periodically 
to  the  Suffrages  of  women,  should  ignore  the  issue  of  their  right 
to  political  freedom. 

We  cannot  wait  until  after  the  passage  of  the  scheduled  ad- 
ministration reforms.  These  reforms,  which  affect  women,  should 
not  be  enacted  without  the  consent  of  women.  Congress  is  free 
to  take  action  on  our  question  in  the  present  Session.     We  ask 


the  administration  to  support  the  Woman  Suffrage  Amendment 
in  Congress  with  its  full  strength. 

On  December  4,  a  second  meeting  was  held  before  the 
Rules  Committee  of  the  House  on  the  creation  of  a  Woman 
Suffrage  Committee  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  Ida 
Husted  Harper  reminded  the  Rules  Committee  at  this  hear- 
ing that  nine  States  and  one  Territory  had  enfranchised 
their  women,  and  that  nearly  four  million  women  could  vote 
at  a  Presidential  election,  Mary  Beard  showed  by  an 
analysis  of  the  vote  which  sent  President  Wilson  to  the 
White  House  that  the  Democratic  strength  was  already 
threatened,  and  how  it  could  strengthen  itself  by  espousing 
the  Suffrage  Cause. 

Notwithstanding  the  appeal  of  the  seventy-three  New 
Jersey  women,  the  President's  message  to  Congress  on  De- 
cember 2  failed  to  make  any  mention  whatever  of  the  Suf- 
frage Amendment. 

In  consequence,  a  Committee  representing  each  State  in 
the  Union  was  appointed  by  the  Convention  of  the  National 
American  Woman  Suffrage  Association  to  wait  upon  the 
President  and  protei^t.  President  Wilson  was  prevented  by 
illness  from  seeing  any  visitors  during  the  week  the  Con- 
vention met.  The  Convention,  therefore,  authorized  the 
appointment  of  a  Committee  of  fifty-five  delegates,  who 
should  remain  in  Washington  until  the  President  was  able 
to  see  them.  The  interview  took  place  the  following  Monday 
at  12 :  30.  This  was  the  fifth  deputation  to  President 
Wilson.  The  President  said,  according  to  the  Washington 
Post  of  December  9: 

I  want  you  ladies,  if  possible — if  I  can  make  it  clear  to  you — 
to  realize  just  what  my  present  position  is.  Whenever  I  walk 
abroad,  I  realize  that  I  am  not  a  free  man;  I  am  under  arrest. 
I  am  so  carefully  and  admirably  guarded  that  I  have  not  even 
the  privilege  of  walking  the  street.  That  is,  as  it  were,  typical 
of  my  present  transference  from  being  an  individual  with  his 
mind  on  any  and  every  subject,  to  being  an  official  of  a  great 
Government  and,  incidentally,  or  so  it  falls  out  under  our  sys- 


tern  of  Government,  the  spokesman  of  a  Party.  I  set  myself 
this  strict  rule  when  I  was  Governor  of  New  Jersey  and  have 
followed  it  as  President,  and  shall  follow  it  as  President,  that 
I  am  not  at  liberty  to  urge  upon  Congress  policies  which  have 
not  had  the  organic  consideration  of  those  for  whom  I  am 

In  other  words,  I  have  not  yet  presented  to  any  legislature 
my  private  views  on  any  subject,  and  I  never  shall;  because  I 
conceive  that  to  be  a  part  of  the  whole  process  of  government, 
that  I  shall  be  spokesman  for  somebody,  not  for  myself. 

When  I  speak  for  myself,  I  am  an  individual;  when  I  speak 
for  an  organic  body,  I  am  a  representative.  For  that  reason 
you  see,  I  am  by  my  own  principles  shut  out,  in  the  language 
of  the  street,  from  starting  anything.  I  have  to  confine  myself 
to  those  things  which  have  been  embodied  as  promises  to  the 
people  at  an  election.     That  is  the  strict  rule  I  set  for  nayself. 

I  want  to  say  that  with  regard  to  all  other  matters  I  am  not 
only  glad  to  be  consulted  by  my  colleagues  in  the  two  Houses, 
but  I  hope  that  they  will  often  pay  me  the  compliment  of  con- 
sulting me  when  they  want  to  know  my  opinions  on  any  subject. 
One  member  of  the  Rules  Committee  did  come  to  ask  me  what 
I  thought  about  this  suggestion  of  yours  of  appointing  a  special 
committee  for  consideration  of  the  question  of  Woman  Suffrage, 
and  I  told  him  that  I  thought  it  was  a  proper  thing  to  do.  So 
that  as  far  as  my  personal  advice  has  been  asked  by  a  single 
member  of  the  Committee,  it  has  been  given  to  that  effect.  I 
wanted  to  tell  you  that  to  show  you  that  I  am  strictly  living  up 
to  my  principles.  When  my  private  opinion  is  asked  by  those 
who  are  co-operating  with  me,  I  am  most  glad  to  give  it;  but  I 
am  not  at  liberty  until  I  speak  for  somebody  besides  myself  to 
urge  legislation  upon  the  Congress. 

Dr.  Shaw  stepped  forward  to  address  the  President  within 
the  circle  of  deeply  attentive  hearers,  spoke  very  quietly  and 
firmly  in  her  clear  and  beautiful  voice. 

"  Of  the  two — the  President  and  Dr.  Shaw,"  said  one  of 
the  spectators  afterward,  "  Dr.  Shaw  spoke  with  greater 
authority,  as  if  with  the  consciousness  of  a  perfectly  just 
cause.  The  President  was  less  assured,  more  hesitat- 
ing."    ... 

"  As  women  are  members  of  no  political  Party,  to  whom 
are  they  to  look  for  a  spokesman?  "  Dr.  Shaw  asked. 


"You  speak  very  well  for  yourself,"  said  the  President, 

"  But  not  with  authority,"  said  Dr.  Shaw  earnestly. 
The  deputation  then  left  the  President's  Office. 
Editorially  in  the  Suffragist  of  December  13  appears: 

The  rule  that  President  Wilson  has  so  strictly  set  for  himself, 
is  a  rule  not  laid  down  in  the  Constitution  nor  in  the  practice  of 
preceding  Presidents,  nor  in  the  President's  own  acts,  nor  in  his 
own  words. 

Nevertheless,  the  statement  of  President  Wilson  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  National  American  Woman  Suffrage  Association  is 
of  great  value  to  the  Suffrage  movement.  The  President  therein 
declares  that  he  is  only  the  spokesman  of  his  Party  and  that  he 
wiU  initiate  only  legislation  which  has  heen  indorsed  by  his 
Party.  He  puts  the  whole  question  of  Federal  legislation  for 
Woman  Suffrage  directly  up  to  the  Democratic  Party  in  Con- 
gress, and  instructs  Suffragists  throughout  the  country  to  hold 
that  Party  responsible  for  the  fate  of  the  Constitutional  Amend- 
ment enfranchising  women.  He  has  outlined  for  us,  therefore, 
the  policy  of  bringing  effective  pressure  to  bear  on  the  national 
Democratic  Party  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  in  an  effort 
to  make  them  realize  soon  what  they  must  recognize  finally,  that 
it  is  more  expedient  for  them  as  a  Party  to  advocate  Suffrage 
than  to  ignore  and  resist  it. 

Nevertheless,  the  President's  education  had  progressed 
another  step.  For  the  first  time,  he  felt  the  necessity  of 
explaining — and  by  implication — of  excusing  himself. 

This  visit  to  the  President  completed  the  principal  work 
of  the  year  1913  on  the  part  of  the  Congressional  Committee 
and  the  Congressional  Union. 

Many  things  had  been  done  in  this  year,  in  addition  to 
what  has  already  been  indicated.  A  district  of  Columbia 
Branch  of  the  Men's  League  for  Woman  Suffrage  was 
organized ;  this  was  composed  largely  of  Congressmen.  Lec- 
tures, receptions,  tableaux,  benefits,  teas  had  been  given, 
and  a  Suffrage  School  opened  in  Washington.  Seven  large 
mass-meetings,  exclusive  of  Convention  meetings,  were  held 
at  Washington.     An  uninterrupted  series   of  indoor  and 


outdoor  meetings,  numbering  frequently  frbm  five  to  ten  a 
day,  constantly  reminded  Congress  of  the  Suffrage  question, 
A  summer  campaign,  carried  on  by  Mabel  Vernon  and 
Edith  Marsden,  covered  the  resort  regions  of  New  Jersey, 
Long  Island,  and  Rhode  Island,  and  extended  into  the 

Twenty-seven  thousand  dollars  had  been  raised  at  the 
Washington  Headquarters,  and  spent.  And  there  were 
results.  The  chief  one  was  that  it  focussed  the  attention — 
not  only  of  Suffragists  themselves — but  of  politicians  and 
the  country  at  large  on  the  Federal  Amendment. 

June,  1913,  brought  Presidential  Suffrage  to  the  women 
of  Illinois.  Only  Presidential  Suffrage ;  but  that  was  very 
important.  Astute  women  everywhere  were  watching  the 
situation ;  drawing  their  own  and  independent  conclusions. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  year,  the  Congressional  Union 
established  an  official  weekly  organ,  the  Suffragist,  edited 
by  the  well-known  publicist,  Rheta  Childe  Dorr.  The  first 
issue  appeared  on  November  15,  and  it  has  been  published 
ever  since. 

Lucy  Burns,  whose  editorials  were  marvels  of  ironic 
logic,  of  forceful  condensed  expression,  succeeded  Mrs. ' 
Dorr.  Then  came  Vivian  Pierce,  a  trained  newspaper  woman ; 
Sue  White,  well-known  to  Suffragists  for  her  splendid  work 
in  Tennessee;  Florence  Boeckel,  able,  efficient,  untiring. 
Pauline  Clark,  Clara  Wold,  Elizabeth  Kalb  contributed  sup- 
plementing  editorial  work. 

The  Suffragist  has  reported  the  activities  first  of  the 
Congressional  Union,  and  next  of  the  Woman's  Party.  It 
is  an  extremely  entertaining  periodical,  always  interesting, 
often  brilliant,  essentially  readable.  It  contains  editorials, 
reports,  sketches,  verse,  cartoons.  Many  famous  people 
have  contributed  articles.  The  reports  of  the  workers  in 
the  Woman's  Party  make  much  the  most  interesting  reading 
however.  Many  famous  artists  have  given  it  drawings.  The 
most  pertinent,  though,  are  those  contributed  by  a  member 
of  the  Congressional  Union — ^'ma.  Allender. 


Mrs.  AUender's  fertile  and  original  pencil  has  traced 
during  the  entire  eight  years  of  its  history  a  running  com- 
mentary on  the  progress  of  the  Woman's  Party.  She  has  a 
keenjolitical  sense.  She  has  translated  this  aspect  of  the 
feminist  movement  in  terms  that  women  alone  can  best 
appreciate.  Her  work  is  full  of  the  intimate  everyday  de- 
tails of  the  woman's  life  from  her  little  girlhood  to  her  old 
age.  And  she  translates  that  existence  with  a  woman's 
vivacity  and  a  woman's  sense  of  humor ;  a  humor  which  plays 
keenly  and  gracefully  about  masculine  insensibility ;  a  humor 
as  realistic,  but  as  archly  un-bitter  as  that  of  Jane  Austen. 
It  would  be  impossible,  for  any  man  to  have  done  Mrs. 
AUender's  work,  A  woman  speaking  to  women,  about 
women,  in  the  language  of  women. 

There  is  no  better  place  than  here  to  emphasize  the  work 
of  the  Press  Department.  It  will  be  apparent  to  the  reader, 
as  the  story  of  the  Woman's  Party  unrolls  itself,  that  the 
work  of  this  department  was  very  diiBcult  and  very  delicate. 
The  problem  was  twofold — to  keep  the  action  of  the  party 
always  in  the  public  eye  and  to  bring  out  the  underlying 
policy.  This  was  not  easy  when  the  demonstrations  of  the 
Woman's  Party  were  of  the  kind  whose  initial  effect  was 
to  antagonize.  Nevertheless,  the  Press  Department  mini- 
mized that  antagonism  and  minimized  by  a  propaganda 
which  was  as  restrained  in  expression  as  it  was  vivid  in 
description.  Newspaper  men  generally  felt  that  they  could 
depend  on  the  Woman's  Party  for  news.  Florence  Brewer 
Boeckel,  who  has  been  press  chairman  since  1915,  is  respon- 
sible for  this  magnificent  press  campaign.  But  she  has  not 
lacked  help.  Eleanor  Taylor  Marsh,  Alice  Gram,  Beulah 
Amidon,  and  Margaret  Grahan  Jones,  have  given  her  steady 

Early  in  the  year  1914,  the  Congressional  Union  resigned 
from  the  National  American  Woman  Suffrage  Association. 
The  constitution  of  the  National  Association  permitted  a 
Suffrage  body  to  join  it  in  one  of  two  ways.     B|y  one,  a 


new  clause  imposed  a  five  per  cent  tax  in  dues  upon  its 
budget.  By  another,  it  paid  annually  one  hundred  dollars 
dues.  The  Congressional  Union  felt  that  a  five  per  cent  tax 
upon  its  budget  would  seriously  cripple  its  work.  The 
Union  ofi'ered  to  become  an  associated  body.  The  National 
Association  refused  this  offer,  and  the  Congressional  Union, 
therefore,  became  an  independent  organization. 



The  Suffragist  of  January  24,  1914,  carried  the  follow- 
ing editorial.  In  it  is  repeated  the  policy  which  the  Con- 
gressional Union  had  in  the  beginning  adopted — that  of 
holding  the  party  in  power  responsible. 

The  policy  of  the  Congressional  Union  is  to  ask  for  a  Woman 
Suffrage  Amendment  from  the  Party  in  power  in  Congress,  and 
to  hold  them  responsible  for  their  answer  to  its  request. 

This  policy  is  entirely  non-partisan,  in  that  it  handles  all 
Parties  with  perfect  impartial!^.  If  the  Bepublicans  were  in 
power,  we  would  regard  them  in  their  capacity  as  head  of  the 
Government  as  responsible  for  the  enfranchisement  of  women. 
If  the  Progressives  or  Socialists  should  become  the  majority 
Party,  and  control  the  machinery  of  Congress,  we  would  claim 
from  them  the  right  to  govern  ourselves,  and  would  hold  them 
responsible  for  a  refusal  of  this  just  demand. 

Today  the  Democrats  are  in  power.  They  control  the  execu- 
tive office,  the  Senate,  and  the  House.  They  can,  if  they  will, 
enfranchise  women  in  the  present  session;  their  refusal  to  do 
so  establishes  a  record  which  must  necessarily  be  taken  into  con- 
sideration by  women  when  the  Party  seeks  the  re-indorsement 
of  the  people  at  the  polls. 

This  policy  simply  recognizes  the  effect  of  our  American  sys- 
tem of  Government.  Ours  is  a  government  by  Parties.  The 
majority  by  secret  caucus,  by  the  control  of  committees,  by  the 
power  of  patronage,  by  their  appeal  to  Party  responsibility,  by 
the  interest  of  Party  solidarity,  control  the  legislation  of  the 
House.  The  present  government  recognizes  this  method  of  ad- 
ministration with  especial,  and  indeed  admirable,  frankness.  It 
owes  much  of  its  popularity  today  to  its  willingness  to  assume 
full  responsibility  for  all  the  legislation  enacted  in  Congress; 
for  whatever  is  done,  and  what  is  not  done.  The  two  great 
measures  of  the  last  session,  tariff  and  currency,  passed  rapidly 
and  successfully  through  both  Houses  by  the  frank  use  of  Party 




Let  us  by  all  means  deal  directly  with  the  people  who  can 
give  us  what  we  want.  The  Democrats  have  it  in  their  power 
to  enfranchise  women.  .  .  .  This  is  not  only  our  most  logical 
method  of  work,  but  it  is  also  the  most  economical  and  expe- 
ditious. Assuming  that  the  Democrats  yield  nothing  in  the  pres- 
ent session,  we  can,  when  Congress  closes,  concentrate  our  forces 
on  those  points  where  the  Party  is  weakest,  and  thus  become  a 
force  worth  bargaining  with.  At  the  present  moment,  the  Senate 
is  the  weakest  point  in  the  Democratic  armor.  To  defeat  even 
a  few  Democratic  Senators  in  November,  1914,  would  make  a 
serious  breach  ^in  the  Party  organization.  ...  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  we  set  out  to  attack  every  anti-Suffragist  in  Congress,  we 
should  have  hundreds  to  defeat,  and  every  man  would  be  safe 
in  whose  constituency  we  did  not  organize.  Imagine  that,  if  at 
the  end  of  arduous  labor,  we  had  contrived  to  defeat  a  number 
of  Democratic  anti-Suffragists,  and  an  equal  number  of  Repub- 
lican anti-Suffragists,  we  should  by  immense  sacrifice  have  com- 
pletely nullified  our  own  efforts,  and  left  the  strength  of  the 
Parties  just  where  it  was  before.   .    .    . 

What  should  we  do  in  our  enfranchised  States,  if  we  confined 
ourselves  to  the  plan  of  supporting  individual  Suffragists  and 
attacking  individual  anti-Suffragists,  irrespective  of  their  Party 
affiliations.''  All  the  candidates  for  office  in  the  enfranchised 
States  are  Suffragists.  Is  it  suggested  that  we  be  inactive  in  the 
only  places  where  we  possess  real  political  power?  Our  problem 
at  the  present  moment  is  to  use  the  strength  of  women's  votes 
in  national  elections  so  as  to  force  attention  to  the  justice  of 
our  claim  from  the  present  administration.   .    .    . 

But  the  Congressional  Union  cannot  make  it  too  clear  that  we 
are  not  opposed  to  any  Party  today.  We  are  asking  the  Demo- 
crats to  help  us;  we  are  awaiting  their  answer.  We  will  frame 
no  policy  for  or  against  them  or  any  other  Party  until  this  ses- 
sion closes,  and  the  great  opportunity  of  the  present  Administra- 
tion has  come  to  an  end.  We  entertain  steady  and  undiminished 
hopes  that  the  Administration  will  recognize  the  justice  and  ex- 
pediency of  women's  claims  to  self-government.  The  movement 
is  making  immense  strides  in  every  part  of  the  country;  our 
present  voting  strength  is  great,  and  will  undoubtedly  be  increased 
in  the  present  year.  It  takes  no  great  imaginative  reach  for  the 
ordinary  Congressman  to  foresee  the  day  when  Woman  Suffrage 
will  be  an  established  fact  throughout  these  United  States. 

There  is  already  a  strong  sentiment  in  the  Upper  House  for 
Woman  Suffrage,  and  a  rapidly-growing  interest  in  it  in  the 
Lower  House.     We  have  no  reason  to  expect  wilful  obstinacy 


from  our  American  Congressmen.  We  Americans  are  adaptable 
and  imaginative,  and  can  shape  ourselves  with  peculiar  ease  to 
coming  events.  The  Democratic  Party,  if  it  is  wise,  will  pass 
our  Amendment  through  Congress  in  the  present  session. 

The  first  year  Congressional  Committee,  consisting  of 
Alice  Paul,  Lucy  Burns,  Mary  Beard,  Crystal  Eastman,  and 
Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis,  continued  their  work  in  1914  with 
the  Congressional  Union  under  the  name  of  the  Executive 
Committee  of  the  Congressional  Union ;  but  it  was  increased 
by  the  addition  of  Mrs.  William  Kent,  Elsie  Hill,  Mrs. 
Gilson  Gardner,  Mrs.  Donald  R.  Hooker,  and  Mrs.  O.  H.  P. 

The  year  opened  with  a  meeting  at  the  home  of  Mrs. 
William  Kent  in  Washington.  Plans  for  the  coming  year 
were  submitted  at  that  meeting.  Among  them  was  one  for 
a  nation-wide  demonstration  on  May  2,  in  which  resolutions 
supporting  the  Federal  Amendment  were  to  be  passed.  This 
was  to  be  followed  by  a  great  demonstration  in  Washington 
on  May  9,  at  which  those  resolutions  should  be  presented 
to  Congress.  Among  them  also  was  another  plan  for  the 
appeal  to  the  women  voters  of  the  West  for  political  action 
in  support  of  a  Federal  Amendment,  if  that  Amendment  had 
not  been  passed  before  the  next  election.  Nine  thousand 
dollars  were  pledged  on  the  spot  for  these  undertakings. 
The  work  on  the  great  demonstration  of  May  2  began  at 
once,  and  was  pushed  rapidly  during  the  opening  months 
of  the  year. 

In  the  meantime  the  work  on  Congress  was  continued. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  a  proposal  for  the  formation  of 
a  Suffrage  Committee  in  the  House  had  been  before  the 
Rules  Committee  since  April  7,  1913,  that  it  had  been  the 
subject  of  two  hearings  arranged  by  the  Congressional 
Union.  The  first  action  in  regard  to  this  was  simple  and 
decisive.  The  Democratic  Members  of  the  Rules  Committee, 
who  constituted  a  Majority  Committee,  met  first,  apart  from 
their  Republican  and  Progressive  colleagues,  and,  by  a  vote 
of  four  to  three,  decided  against  the  formation  of  a  Suffrage 


Committee.  They  then  went  through  the  form  of  a  meeting 
with  the  Republican  and  Progressive  Members  on  January 
24.  The  resolution,  creating  the  Suffrage  Committee,  was 
lost  by  a  vote  of  four  to  four. 

The  Congressional  Union,  however,  realized  that  the  final 
power  with  regard  to  Congressional  action  was  with  the 
Democratic  Caucus.  They  determined  therefore — ^in  order 
that  the  responsibility  for  inaction  or  opposition  flight  be 
placed  on  the  Democrats  as  a  Party — immediately  to  appeal 
to  that  Caucus  to  overturn  the  decision  of  the  Rules  Com- 
mittee. The  necessary  signatures  were  secured  to  a  petition 
calling  for  the  Democratic  Caucus  of  the  House  to  take  up 
the  question  of  the  formation  of  this  much-desired  Suffrage 
Committefe.  The  Caucus  met  on  February  3,  1914,  to  con- 
sider this  subject.  The  Democratic  Party  had  a  choice  of 
two  courses.  It  could  order  the  Rules  Committee,  which  it 
of  course  controlled,  to  give  a  favorable  report  to  the 
House  on  the  resolution  creating  a  Suffrage  Committee.  Or 
it  could  give  no  order  at  all  of  this  kind;  in  which  case  it 
revealed  itself  as  responsible  for  the  adverse  action  of  the 
Rules  Committee. 

What  it  did  was  to  adopt  a  substitute  resolution  for  the 
resolution  providing  for  the  creation  of  a  Committee  of 
Woman  Suffrage. 

That  substitute  resolution  was :  "  Resolved,  that  the  ques- 
tion of  Woman  Suffrage  is  a  State  and  not  a  Federal 

This  was  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  country  that 
either  of  the  two  great  Parties  had  ever  caucused  on  Woman 

Editorially  the  Suffragist  put  the  situation  pithily  to 
the  women  of  America : 

This  is  the  definite  lining  up  of  tke  Democratic  Party 
against  Woman  Snflfrage  as  a  national  measure.  .  .  .  Unless 
the  Democratic  Party  reconsiders  its  present  position.  Suffragists 
must  necessarily  regard  that  Party  as  an  obstruction  in  the  path 
of  their  campaign.  .    '.   .  They  (the  Democratic  Party)   have 


three  votes  to  lose  in  the  Senate  and  they  lose  control  of  this 

Sivernment.  There  are  nine  States  in  which  women  vote  for 
nited  States  Senators.  The  result  fn  the  Senatorial  elections 
in  these  States  will  undoubtedly  depend  largely  upon  the  action 
on  Suffrage  taken  by  the  Democratic  Party. 

Although  the  Congressional  Union  welcomed  any  simpli- 
fication of  the  Congressional  machinery  as  by  the  creation 
of  a  Suffrage  Committee,  its  object  was  to  secure  action  on 
the  Suffrage  Amendment.  Since  April  7,  1913,  the  Amend- 
ment had  been  before  the  Judiciary  Committee  in  which  it 
had  been  introduced  by  Representative  Mondell.  The  Con- 
gressional Union  asked  for  a  hearing  on  the  Amendment 
before  this  Committee.  March  3,  1914,  was  set  for  that 

Thitherto,  these  hearings  had  been  dreary  occasions, 
sparsely  attended.  There  was  the  half -circle  of  Committee 
members,  a  trifle  perfunctory  in  its  attitude,  the  scattered, 
tiny  audience,  very  little  interested  or  stirred ;  the  few  Suf- 
fragists pleading — eloquently,  it  is  true — ^but  pleading;  using 
^he  inevitable  Suffrage  arguments,  unanswerable,  but  thread- 
bare. The  hearing  of  March  3  was  very  different.  The 
Committee  was  electrically  alert.  .  .  .  They  listened  in- 
tently. .  .  .  For  the  first  time  at  a  Congressional  hearing, 
propagandistic  argument  did  not  appear.  The  Suffragists 
appealed  to  the  Committee  to  report  the  Suffrage  Resolution 
to  the  House — not  as  a  matter  of  justice  to  women — but 
as  practical  politics.  They  pointed  out  to  the  Committee 
that  the  women  voters  of  the  West  would  hold  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  responsible  for  the  refusal  of  this  Committee 
to  make  that  report. 

In  the  meantime,  highly  important  things  had  been  going 
on  in  the  Senate.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Suffrage 
Resolution  had  been  placed  upon  the  Senate  Calendar  in 
June,  1913.  Ever  since  that  date,  it  had  been  awaiting  a 
vote.  It  could  be  voted  on  any  time  up  to  the  close  of  the 
Sixty-third  Congress  (March  3,  1915). 


At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1914,  more  votes  were 
pledged  in  its  favor  than  had  carried  the  Income  Tax  in 
the  Senate,  and  sentiment  in  its  favor  was  steadily  increas- 
ing among  the  Senators.  Moreover,  the  prospect  that  the 
Referendum  elections  of  the  coming  autumn  would  add  to 
the  number  of  Suffrage  States  promised  an  increase  of  Suf- 
frage strength  in  the  Senate.  There  remained — as  it 
transpired — a  whole  year  before  that  Congress  adjourned, 
in  which  the  work  of  obtaining  the  vote  could  have  gone  on. 
These  features  of  the  situation  made  the  Congressional 
Union  most  desirous  that  the  Resolution  should  not  be  voted 
upon  until  every  possible  vote  was  won.  However,  Senator 
Ashurst,  who  had  reported  the  Bill  to  the  Senate,  had  it 
made  "  unfinished  business  "  on  March  2,  1914.  It  is  the 
spirit  of  "  unfinished  business  "  that  it  must  be  brought  up 
and  voted  on.  In  spite  of  the  vigorous  protests  of  the  Con- 
gressional Union,  and  of  many  Suffragists  in  all  parts  of 
the  country,  it  was  brought  to  the  vote  on  March  17.  A 
two-thirds  vote  was  necessary  to  carry  it.  It  received 
thirty-five;  a  majority,  it  is  true,  of  one  vote;  but  failing 
of  the  necessary  two-thirds  majority  by  eleven.  The  Con- 
gressional Union  blamed  the  Democratic  leaders  entirely  for 
this  premature  vote,  as  they  were  fully  informed  that  a  vote 
at  that  time  would  mean  defeat. 

However,  this  was  a  memorable  moment.  It  was  the 
first  time  since  1887  that  Suffrage  had  been  voted  upon 
in  the  Senate.  And  from  the  moment  on  March  2  when 
it  was  made  "  unfinished  business  "  until  March  17,  when 
the  vote'  was  taken,  the  Senate  debated  it  almost  continu- 

On  that  same  day — March  2 — Senator  Shafroth  of 
Colorado  introduced  a  resolution  providing  for  a  new  Suf- 
frage Amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution.  This  was 
to  become  famous  as  the  Shafroth-Palmer  Resolution.  It 
offered  a  path  to  the  enfranchisement  of  women  incredibly 
cluttered  and  cumbered.     It  reads: 


Section  1.  Whenever  any  number  of  legal  voters  of  any  State 
to  a  number  exceeding  eight  per  cent  of  the  number  of  legal 
voters  voting  at  the  last  preceding  General  Election  held  in  such 
State  shall  petition  for  the  submission  to  the  legal  voters  of  said 
State  of  the  question  whether  women  shall  have  equal  rights 
with  men  in  respect  to  voting  at  all  elections  to  be  held  in  such 
State,  such  question  shall  be  so  submitted;  and  if,  upon  such 
submission,  a  majority  of  the  legal  voters  of  the  State  voting 
on  the  question  shall  vote  in  favor  of  granting  to  women  such 
equal  rights,  the  same  shall  thereupon  be  deemed  established, 
anything  in  the  constitution  or  laws  of  such  State  to  the  contrary 

Compare  this  with  the  simplicity  and  directness  of  the 
original  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment: 

Section  1.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote 
shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any 
Statje  on  account  of  sex. 

Section  2.  Congress  shall  have  power  by  appropriate  legis- 
lation to  enforce  the  provisions  of  this  article. 

The  National  American  Woman  Suffrage  Association 
immediately  rallied  to  the  support  of  the  Shaf roth-Palmer 
Amendment;  they  continued  to  give  io  it  their  undivided 
work  for  two  years. 

But  the  Congressional  Union — I  quote  the  vigorous  words 
of  the  Report  of  the  Congressional  Union  for  the  year  1914 : 

The  Congressional  Union  immediately  announced  its  deter- 
mination to  support  only  the  original  Amendment,  known  popu- 
larly as  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment,  and  in  Congress 
as  the  Bristow-Mondell  Amendment.  It  maintained  that  to  work 
at  the  same  time  for  two  Suffrage  amendments  to  the  National 
Constitution  would  enable  the  enemies  of  the  bill  to  play  one 
against  the  other.  Believing  that  one  amendment  only  must  be 
supported,  it  felt  that  it  was  wise  to  support  the  amendment 
which  would  give  Suffrage  itself  rather  than  an  amendment 
which,  after  the  same  expenditure  of  effort  would  give  only 
another  method  of  obtaining  Suffrage — that  is,  would  merely 
establish  the  initiative  on  the  Suffrage  question.  The  Union, 
moreover,  feeling  that  the  bane  of  the  Suffrage  cause  at  present 
was  too  many  and  not  too  few  referendumSj  held  that  to  pass 


a  Federal  Amendment — ^which  would  inaugurate  thirty-nine  ref- 
erendum campaigns  would  involve  the  movement  in  a  dissipation 
of  resources  such  as  its  enemies  would  most  deeply  desire. 
Finally,  it  held  that  the  passage  of  one  Suffrage  amendment  to 
the  National  Constitution  would  make  it  extremely  difficult  to 
pass  another ;  so  that  if  the  Shaf roth  Bill  became  a  law,  it  would 
probably  indefinitely  postpone  the  passage  of  the  Anthony, 
Amendment,  and  doom  the  movement  to  years  of  referendum 
campaigns.  ^ 

Not  at  all  daunted  by  the  action  of  the  Senate  in  defeating 
the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment,  nor  by  the  introduction 
there  of  the  Shafroth-Palmer  Amendment,  the  Congressional 
Union  at  once  secured  the  re-introduction  in  the  Senate  of 
the  defeated  Amendment.  The  measure  was  out  of  the 
Senate  only  twenty-two  hours.  The  following  day.  Senator 
Bristow  introduced  a  resolution  identical  with  the  one  which 
had  been  lost.  On  April  7,  it  was  again  reported  from  the 
Woman  Suffrage  Committee,  and  took  its  place  on  the 
Calendar  of  the  Senate.  This  was  just  a  year  from  the 
date  of  its  original  introduction  to  this  Senate.  It  was  the 
second  favorable  report  of  the  Senate  Committee  in  one 

Here  we  leave  the  work  with  Congress  for  a  while,  and 
take  up  the  matter  of  the  education  of  the  President.  We 
must  go  back  a  few  months. 



Although  five  different  deputations — Congressional  Union 
members ;  college  women ;  women  voters ;  New  Jersey  women ; 
women  from  all  the  States — ^had  called  on  the  Presi- 
dent, it  was  apparent  that  he  had  undergone  no  change  in 
his  attitude  toward  the  Suffrage  question.  On  February  2, 
1914,  therefore,  another  deputation,  the  sixth — and  an  ex- 
ceedingly interesting  one — marched  to  the  White  House. 
This  deputation  included  women  from  the  industrial  world 
and  they  represented  more  than  fifty  trades  in  which  women 
are  engaged.  They  carried  banners  which  bore  quotations 
from  the  President's  New  Freedom:  "  We  Have  Got  to 
Humanize  Industry,"  and  "  I  Absolutely  Protest  Against ' 
Being  Put  into  the  Hands  of  Trustees." 

At  the  mass-meeting,  preliminary  to  waiting  upon  the 
President,  Melinda  Scott,  an  organizer  of  the  Women's 
Trade  Union  League,  said:  ' 

No  one  could  be  serious  when  they  maintained  that  the  ballot 
will  not  help  the  working  woman.  It  has  helped  the  working 
man  to  better  his  conditions  and  his  wages.  Men  of  every  class 
regard  the  ballot  as  their  greatest  protection  against  the  injustice 
.  of  other  men.  Women  even  more  than  men  need  the  ballot  to 
protect  their  especial  interests  and  their  right  to  earn  a  living. 
.  .  .  We  want  a  law  that  will  prohibit  home-work.  .  ,  .  We 
hear  about  the  sacredness  of  the  home.  What  sacredness  is 
there  about  a  home  when  it  is  turned  into  a  factory,  where  we 
find  a  mother,  very  often  with  a  child  at  her  breast,  running 
a  sewing  machine?  Running  up  thirty-sev£n  seams  for  a  cent. 
Ironing  and  pressing  shirts  seventy  cents  a  dozen,  and  children 
making  artificial  flowers  for  one  cent  a  gross.  Think  of  it — 
one  hundred  and  forty  flowers  for  one  cent.  Taking  stitches 
out  of  coats,  helping  their  mothers  where  they  have  finished 
them  for  six  cents  a  coat.     These  women  have  had  no  chance 



to  make  laws  that  would  protect  themselves  or  their  children.  .  .  . 
The  organized  working  woman  has  learnt  through  her  trade 
union  the  power  of  industrial  organization,  and  she  realizes  what 
her  power  would  be  if  she  had  the  ballot.  .  .  .  Men  legislating 
as  a  class  for  women  and  children  as  a  class  have  done  exactly 
what  every  other  ruling  class  has  done  since  the  history  of  the 
world.  They  discriminate  against  the  class  that  has  no  voice. 
Some  of  the  men  say,  "  You  women  do  not  need  a  ballot ;  we  will 
take  care  of  you."  We  have  no  faith  in  man's  protection.  .  .  . 
Give  us  the  ballot,  and  we  will  protect  ourselves. 

This  army  of  four  hundred  arrived  safely,  with  perfect 
police  escort,  at  the  doors  of  the  White  House.  They  were 
amazed  to  learn  that  the  President  would  see  only  twentyr 
five  of  the  women.  He  had  said  he  would  "  receive  the  dele- 
gation." The  selected  number  then  went  in,  the  remaining 
three  hundred  and  seventy-five  waited  in  line  outside. 

Margaret  Hinchey,  a  laundry  worker  of  New  York,  said : 

Mr.  President:  It  is  shaking  and  trembling,  I,  as  a  laundry 
worker,  come  here  to  speak  in  behalf  of  the  working  women  of 
the  United  States.  I  have  read  about  you,  and  think  you  are 
fair,  square,  on  the  level,  and  so  much  a  real  democrat,  that  I 
believe  when  it  is  made  clear  to  you  how  much  we  working 
women,  who  organize  in  the  factories,  the  mills,  the  laundries, 
and  the  stores,  can  help  every  true  democrat,  you  will  use  your 
power  to  wipe  out  this  great  injustice  to  women  by  giving  us 
a  vote. 

Rose  Winslow  said: 

Mr.  President:  I  am  one  of  the  thousands  of  women  who  work 
in  the  sweated  trades,  and  have  been  since  a  child,  who  give 
their  lives  to  build  up  these  tremendous  industries  in  this  coun- 
try, and  at  the  end  of  the  years  of  work,  our  reward  is  the 
tuberculosis  sanatorium  or  the  street.  I  do  not  think  to  plead 
with  you,  Mr.  President,  nor  make  a  regular  speech.  I  do 
not  speak  to  Presidents  every  day;  it  hasn't  been  my  job,  so  I 
don't  do  it  very  gracefully. 

Here  the  President  interrupted  Miss  Winslow  by  stating 
that  he  did  not  see  why  she  should  be  so  nervous,  as  Presi- 
dents are  perfectly  huban.     Miss  Winslow  then  continued: 


Yes,  I  knowj  and  that  is  why  I  can  speak  to  you,  because  you 
are  human  and  have  a  heart  and  mind  and  can  realize  our 
great  need.  I  do  not  need  to  remind  you  how  we  women  need 
the  ballot,  etc. 

The  President  said: 

I  need  not  tell  you  that  a  group  of  women  like  this  appeals 
to  me  very  deeply  indeed.  I  do  not  have  to  tell  you  what  my 
feelings  are,  but  I  have  already  explained — because  I  feel 
obliged  to  explain — the  limitations  that  are  laid  upon  me  as  the 
leader  of  a  Party.  Until  the  Party,  as  such,  has  considered  the 
matter  of  this  very  supreme  importance  and  taken  its  position, 
I  am  not  at  liberty  to  speak  of  it;  and  yet,  I  am  not  at  liberty 
to  speak  as  an  individual,  for  I  am  not  an  individual.  As  you 
isee,  I  either  speak  to  it  in  a  message,  as  you  suggest,  or  I  do 
not  speak  at  all.  That  is  the  limitation  I  am  under,  and  all  I 
can  say  to  you  ladies,  is  that  the  strength  of  your  agitation  in 
this  matter  undoubtedly  will  make  a  profound  impression. 

In  view  of  later  opinions  of  the  President  in  regard  to 
his  leadership — and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  later  even 
Democratic  Congressmen  referred  to  his  "  dictatorship  " — 
his  attitude  to  the  women  this  day  was  most  interesting. 

Mrs.  Glendower  Evans,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  deputa- 
tion, said: 

We  understand  your  position  and  its  difficulties  quite  well,  Mr. 
President,  but  nevertheless  we  ask,  where  can  we  look  for  po- 
litical action  ?  We  recognize  that  the  verdict  must  come  not  from 
you  alone,  but  from  the  whole  Party.  I  do  not  ask  you  to  break 
with  your  Party.  What  I  ask  is,  will  you  use  your  influence 
within  your  Party  ?  I  do  not  ask  the  impossible,  though  I  might 
from  you,  for  you  have  done  the  impossible. 

It  is  apparent  that  the  President's  education  was  pro- 
gressing. He  was  beginning  to  be  struck  with  the  strength 
of  the  Woman  Suffrage  agitation ;  although  he  still  believed 
himself  powerless  to  help  in  the  work  with  Congress. 

Early  in  June,  1914,  the  National  Federation  of  Women's 
Clubs  meeting  in  Chicago,  had  given  its  indorsement,  as  an 
organization,  to  Woman  Suffrage.    Following  this  action  by' 


the  Federation,  another  delegation — the  seventh — of  five 
hundred  club  women  under  the  leadership  of  Mrs.  Harvey 
W.  Wiley,  waited  upon  the  President  on  June  30.  I  quote 
from  the  Suffragist: 

The  deputation  had  assembled  for  a  preliminary  mass-meeting 
at  the  Public  Library.  .  .  .  Leaving  the  Library,  the  deputa- 
tion, which  extended  over  several  blocks,  marched  in  single  files 
to  the  White  House.  ...  It  passed  through  the  Arcade  and 
into  the  East  Room.  .  .  .  Women  were  massed  about  the  State 
Apartment,  filling  it  from  end  to  end,  and  leaving  a  hollow 
square  in  which  Mrs.  Ellis  Logan  and  Mrs.  Wiley  and  Rheta 
Childe  Dorr  awaited  the  President's  arrival.  Preceded  by  his 
aide,  the   President  entered.   .    .    . 

"  Mr.  President,"  said  Mrs.  Dorr,  "  we  are  well  aware  that 
you  are  the  busiest  of  men.  I  shall  therefore  go  directly  to  the 
point  and  tell  you  that  our  reason  for  calling  on  you  today  is 
to  ask  you  if  you  will  not  use  your  powerful  influence  with 
Congress  to  have  the  Bristow-Mondell  Amendment  passed  in  this 

The  President  replied: 

Mrs.  Wiley  and  Ladies:  No  one  can  fail  to  be  impressed  by 
this  great  company  of  useful  women,  and  I  want  to  assure  you 
that' it  is  to  me  most  impressive.  I  have  stated  once  before  the 
position  which,  as  leader  of  a  Party,  I  feel  obliged  to  take,  and 
I  am  sure  you  will  not  wish  me  to  state  it  again.  Perhaps  it 
would  be  more  serviceable  if  I  ventured  upon  the  confident  con- 
jecture that  the  Baltimore  Convention  did  not  embody  this  very 
important  question  in  the  platform  which  it  adopted  because  of 
its  conviction  that  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  which  allotted 
these  questions  to  the  State  were  well-considered  principles  from 
which  they  did  not  wish  to  depart. 

You  have  asked  me  to  state  my  personal  position  in  regard  to 
the  pending  measure.  It  is  my  conviction  that  this  is  a  matter 
for  settlement  by  the  States,  and  not  by  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, and,  therefore,  that  being  my  personal  conviction,  and  it 
being  obvious  that  there  is  no  ground  on  your  part  for  discour- 
agement in  the  progress  you  are  making,  and  my  passion  being 
local  self-government  and  the  determination  by  the  great  com- 
munities into  which  this  nation  is  organized  of  their  own  policy 
and  life,  I  can  only  say  that  since  you  turned  away  from  me 
as  a  leader  of  a  Party  and  asked  me  my  position  as  a  man,  I 


am  obliged  to  state  it  very  frankly,  and  I  believe  that  in  stating 
it  I  am  probably  in  agreement  with  those  who  framed  the  plat- 
form to  which  allusion  has  been  made. 

I  think  that  very  few  persons,  perhaps,  realize  the  difficulty 
and  the  dual  duty  that  must  be  exercised,  whether  he  will  or 
not,  by  a  President  of  the  United  States.  He  is  President  of 
the  United  States  as  an  executive  charged  with  the  administra- 
tion of  the  law,  but  he  is  the  choice  of  a  Party  as  a  leader  in 
policy.  The  policy  is  determined  by  the  Party,  or  else  upon 
unusual  and  new  circumstances  by  the  determination  of  those 
who  lead  the  Party.  This  is  my  situation  as  an  individual.  I 
have  told  you  that  I  believed  that  the  best  way  of  settling  this 
thing  and  the  best  considered  principles  of  the  Constitution  with 
regard  to  it,  is  that  it  should  be  settled  by  the  States.  I  am 
very  much  obliged  to  you. 

The  President  paused.  He  looked  relieved.  There  was  a 
moment's  silence,  and  then  Mrs.  Dorr  said: 

"  May  I  ask  you  this  question?  Is  it  not  a  fact  that  we  have 
very  good  precedents  existing  for  altering  the  electorate  by  Con- 
stitutional Amendment?  " 

The  President's  face  changed.  "  I  do  not  think,"  he  said, 
"  that  that  has  anything  to  do  with  my  conviction  as  to  the  best 
way  that  it  could  be  done." 

"  It  has  not,"  agreed  Mrs.  Dorr,  "  but  it  leaves  room  for  the 
women  of  the  country  to  say  what  they  want  through  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States." 

"  Certainly  it  does,"  the  President  said  hastily,  "  there  is  good 
room.  But  I  have  stated  my  conviction.  I  have  no  right  to 
criticize  the  opinions  of  those  who  have  different  convictions  and 
I  certainly  would  not  wish  to  do  so." 

Mrs.  Wiley  stepped  forward.  "  Granted  that  it  is  a  State 
matter,"  she  said,  "  would  it  not  give  this  great  movement  an 
impetus  if  the  Resolution  now  pending  before  Congress  were 
passed  ?  " 

"  But  the  Resolution  is  for  an  Amendment  to  the  Constitu- 
tion," the  President  objected. 

"  The  States  would  have  to  pass  upon  it  before  it  became  an 
Amendment,"  said  Mrs.  Wiley.  "Would  it  not  be  a  State 
matter  then  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  the  President  interrupted,  "  but  by  a  very  different 
process,  for  by  that  process  it  would  be  forced  upon  the  minority; 
they  would  have  to  accept  it." 

"  They  could  reject  it  if  they  wished  to,"  said  Mrs.  Dorr. 
"  Three-fourths  of  the  States  would  have  to  pass  it." 


"  Yes,"  the  President  said,  with  distinct  annoyance,  "  but  the 
other  fourth  could  not  reject  it." 

"  Mr.  President,"  said  Mrs.  Dorr,  "  don't  you  think  that  when 
the  Constitution  was  framed  it  was  agreed  that  when  three- 
fourths  of  the  States  wanted  a  reform,  the  other  fourth  should 
accept  it  also  ?  " 

The  President  was  plainly  disconcerted.     He  stepped  back. 

"  I  cannot  say,"  he  replied  frigidly,  "  what  was  agreed  upon. 
I  can  only  say  that  I  have  tried  to  answer  your  question,  and 
I  do  not  think  it  is  quite  proper  that  I  submit  myself  to  cross- 

"  Very  well,"  Mrs.  Dorr  said  quietly.  "  We  will  not  cross- 
examine  you  further." 

"  Thank  you,  Mr.  President,"  said  Mrs.  Wiley,  "  for  your 
courtesy  in  receiving  us." 

The  President  bowed.  "  I  am  very  much  obliged  to  you,"  he 
said.     "  It  has  been  a  very  pleasant  occasion." 

In  the  Suffragist  Lucy  Burns  said  editorially : 

The  President  has  told  a  deputation  of  club  women  that  they 
must  win  political  freedom  from  State  Legislatures;  but  not 
from  him,  not  from  Congress. 

This  position  is  obvious  pretense..  The  national  government 
has  the  power,  granted  it  by  the  constitution,  to  enfranchise 
women.  It  has,  therefore,  the  duty  of  doing  so,  if  women's 
claim  to  enfranchisement  is  just. 

The  President  knows  as  well  as  we  do  the  enormous  difficulty 
of  winning  the  vote  by  amending  the  Constitution  of  thirty-nine 
different  States.  It  is  amazing  that  a  man  can  be  found  who 
will  calmly  direct  women  to  take  up  this  great  burden  when 
men  are  responsible  for  their  need.  Men  alone,  in  all  but  ten 
States,  have  the  power  to  change  our  laws.  The  good  or  evil 
of  these  laws  is  their  praise  or  blame.  It  is  a  public  injustice 
today  that  men  deny  to  women  in  the  ballot  a  means  of  self- 
protection  which  they  are  glad  to  possess  themselves.  Men  are 
ethically  on  the  defensive — particularly  the  men,  or  group  of 
men,  who  from  time  to  time  monopolize  political  power.  For  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  who  incorporates  in  himself  the 
power  of  the  whole  nation,  and  who  is,  therefore,  more  respon- 
sible than  any  other  persoij  today  for  the  subjugation  of  women, 
to  declare  that  he  washes  his  hands  of  their  whole  case,  is  to 
presume  upon  greater  ignorance  among  women  than  he  will  find 
they  possess. 

Nevertheless,  we  are  specifically  informed  by  the  President 


that  it  is  "  not  proper  "  for  us  to  "  cross-examine  "  him  on  the 
grounds  of  his  refusal  to  help  us. 

Only  fitfully  do  women  realize  the  astounding  arrogance  of 
their  rulers. 

And  later: 

Some  few  curious  commentaries  cropped  up  editorially. 
Under  the  caption,  "Heckling  the  President/*  the  Netif  York 
Times  says:  "It  certainly  was  not  proper.  The  President  of 
the  United  States  is  not  to  be  heckled  or  hectored  or  made  a 
defendant.  ...  To  catechise  him  when  he  had  finished  his 
speech  to  them  is  a  thing  never  done  by  similar  delegations  of 

The  Times  has  not  grasped  the  fact  that  no  similar  delegation 
of  men  is  possible.  Men  approach  their  own  representative. 
If  he  disagrees  with  them,  they  have  a  legitimate  remedy  in 
their  own  hands,  and  can  choose  another  representative  at  a 
duly  appointed  time.  Women  approach  the  President  as  members 
of  a  disfranchised  class.  The  President  does  not  represent  them. 
He  bears  no  constitutional  relation  to  them  whatever.  If  the 
President  rejects  their  appeal,  they  have  no  legal  means  of 
redress.  If  they  may  not  question  the  President  on  the  justice 
of  his  refusal  to  help  them,  cannot  question  him  gently  and 
reasonably  as  they  did — ^their  position  is  indeed  a  subservient  one. 

And  who  told  the  Times  that  men  never  question  the  President 
"  after  he  had  finished  his  speech  to  them  ?  "  While  the  Tariff 
Bill  was  before  Congress,  representatives  of  men's  interests 
argued  with  him  for  hours.     But  they  were  men,  and  voters. 

On  January  6,  1915,  another  deputation — the  eighth — 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  Democratic  women  appeared  before 
the  President.  Mrs.  George  A.  Armes,  President  of  the 
Association  of  the  National  Democratic  Women  of  America, 
introduced  the  speakers,  Alberta  Hill  and  Dr.  Frances  G. 
Van  Gasken.  He  greeted  Miss  Hill  with  marked  cordiality 
and  listened  attentively  as  she  briefly  and  with  great  earnest- 
ness pointed  out  that,  while  the  Federal  Government  pro- 
tected men  in  the  exercise  of  citizenship  throughout  the 
United  States,  a  woman  lost  her  right  to  vote  when  she 
crossed  the  line  from  a  Suffrage  to  a  non-Suffrage  State. 
Miss 'Hill  read  the  following  extracts  from  the  speech  de- 
livered by  Mr.  Wilson  on  the  occasion  of  the  formation  of 


the  Wilson  and  Marshall  League   at   Spring  Lake,   New 
Jersey,  two  months  after  his  nomination. 

When  the  last  word  is  said  about  politics,  it  is  merely  the  life 
of  all  of  us  from  the  point  of  view  of  what  can  be  accomplished 
by  legislation  find  the  administration  of  public  offices.  I  think 
it  is  artificial  to  idivide  life  up  into  sections:  it  is  all  of  one 
piece  though  you  can't  attend  to  all  pieces  of  it  at  once. 

And  so  when  the  women,  who  are  in  so  many  respects  at  the 
heart  of  life,  begin  to  take  an  interest  in  politics,  then  you  know 
that  all  the  lines  of  sympathy  and  intelligence  and  comprehen- 
sion are  going  to  be  interlaced  in  a  way  which  they  have  never 
been  interlaced  before;  so  that  our  politics  will  be  of  the  same 
pattern  with  our  life.  This,  it  seems  to  me,  is  devoutly  to  be 

And  so  when  the  women  come  into  politics,  they  come  in  to 
show  us  all  those  little  contacts  between  life  and  politics,  on 
account  of  which  I,  for  myself,  rejoice  that  they  have  come 
to  our  assistance;  they  will  be  as  indispensable  as  they  are 

The  President  listened  with  close  attention,  a  smile  quiv- 
ering at  the  corners  of  his  mouth.  As  she  concluded,  a 
ripple  of  amusement  ran  around  the  circle  of  auditors,  and 
the  President  laughed  outright. 

"  I  cannot  argue  as  well  as  you  can,"  he  told  Miss  Hill 
with  evident  enjoyment.     He  said  further: 

I  am  most  unaffectedly  complimented  by  this  visit  that  you 
have  paid  me.  I  have  been  caUed  on  several  times  to  say  what 
my  position  is  in  the  very  important  matter  that  you  are  so 
deeply  interested  in.  I  want  to  say  that  nobody  can  look  on 
the  fight  you  are  making  without  great  admiration,  and  I  cer- 
tainly am  one  of  those  who  admire  the  tenacity  and  the  skill 
and  the  address  with  which  you  try  to  promote  the  matter  that 
you  are  interested  in. 

But  I,  ladies,  am  tied  to  a  conviction  which  I  have  had  all 
my  life  that  changes  of  this  sort  ought  to  be  brought  about  State 
by  State.  If  it  were  not  a  matter  of  female  Suffrage,  if  it  were 
a  matter  of  any  other  thing  connected  with  Suffrage,  I  would 
hold  the  same  opinion.  It  is  a  long  standing  and  deeply  matured 
conviction  on  my  part  and  therefore  I  would  be  without  excuse 
to  my  own  constitutional  principles  if  I  lend  my  support  to  this 


very  important  movement  for  an  amendment  to  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States. 

Frankly  I  do  not  think  that  this  is  the  wise  or  the  permanent 
way  to  build.  I  know  that  perhaps  you  unanimously  disagree 
witii  me  but  you  will  not  think  the  less  of  me  for  being  perfectly 
frank  in  the  avowal  of  my  own  convictions  on  that  subject;  and 
certainly  that  avowal  writes  no  attitude  of  antagonism,  but 
merely  an  attitude  of  principle. 

I  want  to  say  again  how  much  complimented  !  am  by  your 
call  and  also  by  the  confidence  that  you  have  so  generously 
expressed  in  me,  Mrs.  Armes.  I  hope  that  in  some  respect  I 
may  live  to  justify  that  confidence. 



We  now  return  to  the  work  in  Congress.    Again  it  is  neces- 
sary to  go  back  into  history  a  few  months. 

All  these  months,  the  work  of  organizing  the  nation-wide 
demonstration  of  May  2 — which  had  been  decided  upon  at 
the  opening  meeting  of  the  Congressional  Union  for  1914 
— had  been  going  on. 

The  Congressional  Union  sent  organizers  into  all  the 
States  of  the  Union  to  make  plans  for  the  demonstration. 
Minnie  E.  Brooke  went  through  every  State  in  the  South. 
Mabel  Vernon,  one  of  the  organizers  for  the  Congressional 
Union,  traveled  through  the  southwestern  part  of  the  coun- 
try and  up  through  California,  ending  her  trip  in  Nevada. 
Crystal  Eastman  of  the  Executive  Committee  took  care  of 
the  Northwestern  States,  Emma  Smith  DeVoe  covered  the 
Far  Western  States ;  Jessie  Hardy  Stubbs,  the  Middle 
Western  States;  Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis  and  Alice  Paul,  as- 
sisted by  Olive  Hasbrouck,  New  England  and  the  Middle 
Atlantic  States. 

On  February  12,  the  National  American  Woman  Suffrage 
Association  promised  its  co-operation  also,  and  from  that 
date  aided  in  making  the  demonstration  a  success. 

The  demonstration — taking  the  form  of  parades  in  most 
cases,  meetings  in  a  few — occurred  in  at  least  one  great  city- 
in  every  State.    The  following  resolution  was   adopted  at 
the  various  gatherings. 

Resolved,  that  this  meeting  calls  upon  Congress  to  take  imme- 
diate and  favorable  action  upon  the  Bristow-Mondell  Resolution 
enfranchising  women. 

The  culminating  demonstration  occurred  May  9  in  Wash^ 
ington.    There  was  a  mass-meeting  at  the  Belasco  Theatre, 



and  following  this  a  jirocession  starting  promptly  at  three 
o'clock,  marched  to  the  Capitol.  At  the  foot  of  the  Capitol 
steps,  the  enormous  gathering  sang  the  Woman's  March. 
Then  five  hundred  and  thirty-one  delegates  representing 
every  Congressional  and  Senatorial  district  in  the  country, 
bearing  resolutions  passed  at  the  country-wide  demon- 
strations, marched  up  the  long  steps  into  the  great  Rotunda 
of  the  Capitol.  A  Committee  of  Senators  and  Representa- 
tives awaited  the  delegates,  received  the  resolutions  and 
introduced  them  on  the  floor  of  each  House  of  Congress. 

Here,  as  always,  Alice  Paul  visualized  her  work  in 
pageantry.  On  this  occasion,  that  pageantry  was  particu- 
larly beautiful.     Zona  Gale  writes  in  the  Suffragist: 

"  I  shall  watch  it,  but  it  will  not  mean  anything  to  me,"  said 
a  visitor  to  me  on  Saturday,  but  that  night  she  said:  "  I  leaned 
out  of  my  window,  and  held  my  screen  up  with  one  hand,  and 
let  the  sun  beat  in  my  face  for  the  forty  minutes  that  you  were 
passing,  and  I  wept.  To  think  of  your  being  part  of  it — and 
caring  like  that — and  the  men  there  on  the  sidewalk  holding 
back,  by  what  right,  what  you  ask ! " 

The  elTect  of  this  lengthened — and  therefore  accumulative 
— nation-wide  demonstration  was  immediately  felt  at  the 
national  Capitol.  Between  the  dates  of  the  demonstration 
throughout  the  States  May  2,  and  the  demonstration  in 
Washington,  May  9,  the  Judiciary  Committee  reported  the 
Mondell  Resolution  without  recommendation,  but  with  an 
overwhelming  vote,  to  the  House.  This  marked  an  epoch 
in  the  Suffrage  work  in  the  United  States ;  for  Suffrage  had 
never  been  debated  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  and  not  since 
1890  had  it  progressed  beyond  the  Committee  stage  in  the 
House.  The  Resolution  rested  on  May  5  at  the  foot  of  the 
highly  congested  House  calendar.  On  May  13,  Representa- 
tive Mondell  introduced  a  Resolution  asking  time  for  an 
early  consideration  of  the  Suffrage  Amendment.  The  adop- 
tion of  this  Resolution  meant  that  the  Amendment  would 
be  taken  up,  debated,   and  voted  on. 


The  Rules  Committee,  to  which  the  Resolution  was  re- 
ferred, failed  to  act  upon  it.  Suffragists  began  to  besiege 
the  Rules  Committee.  The  Rules  Committee,  however, 
proved  unamenable  to  argument,  discussion,  or  entreaty. 

Later  in  the  year,  in  a  speech  at  the  Newport  Conference, 
Lucy  Burns  said  of  the  Rules  Committee  that  it  "  adopted 
devious  means  for  avoiding  action  on  the  Suffrage  Resolu- 
tion. It  was  difficult  for  them  to  vote  against  it,  and  it 
seemed  difficult  for  them  to  vote  for  it.  They  apparently 
decided  that  the  best  policy  for  them  to  pursue  was  to  take 
no  action  at  all,  so  they  hit  upon  the  happy  expedient  of 
holding  no  meetings  whatever." 

A  detailed  account  of  the  action  of  the  Rules  Committee 
proves  the  adamancy  of  Party  control.  It  gives  some  idea 
of  the  obstacles  which  ingenious  politicians  can  put  in  the 
way  of  citizens,  even  though  those  citizens  are  making  a  per- 
fectly legitimate  request. 

Mr,  Henry,  the  Chairman  of  the  Rules  Committee,  had 
declared  in  the  spring  that  he  thought  it  was  out  of  the 
power  of  his  Committee  to  take  action  (i.e.  on  the  matter 
of  the  Suffrage  Resolution  which  mas  only  to  allot  time  m 
the  House  for  the  discussion  of  the  Suffrage  Amendment) 
since  the  Suffrage  Amendment  had  not  been  favorably  acted 
upon  at  the  last  Democratic  Caucus :  "  You  may  tell  this  to 
the  Press.  You  may  teU  it  to  the  newspapers,"  Mr.  Henry 
said ;  "  my  hands  are  tied." 

However,  early  in  June,  the  Suffragist  says,  "Mr. 
Henry's  view  of  his  political  helplessness  weakened  slightly." 
He  promised  to  report  out  the  Suffrage  Resolution.  But 
he  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  state  when  he  would  do 
so.  The  Congressional  Union,  therefore,  organized  a  series 
of  deputations  which  visited  the  Rules  Committee  during  all 
the  long,  hot  summer  and  the  long,  hot  fall.  Deputations 
from  nearly  every  State  in  the  Union  and  from  nearly 
every  occupation  and  profession  of  women  waited  upon  the 
members  of  the  Rules  Committee.  The  reader  must  remem- 
ber always  that  they  were  asking — ^not  that  the  Amendment 


be  passed — only  that  a  few  hours  be  set  aside  for  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  Suffrage  question  in  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives. Repeated  deputations  called  upon  individual  mem- 
bers of  the  Committee.  On  June  10,  the  Committee  met,  but 
decided  to  postpone  action  on  the  Suffrage  question  till 
July  1.  Mr.  Henry  left  immediately  for  Texas.  A  large 
deputation  came  to  Washington  to  be  present  at  the  July  1 
meeting.  Many  of  the  most  prominent  members  of  the  Cliib- 
women's  Deputation  of  five  hundred,  who  had  called  the 
afternoon  of  June  30  on  the  President,  remained  in  Wash- 
ington overnight,  so  that  they  might  be  present  at  the 

When,  however,  they  arrived  at  the  Committee  room,  they 
were  told  that  the  Committee  would  not  meet,  although  no 
notice  had  been  given  of  any  change  of  date  of  the  meeting. 
Mr.  Henry  had  not  returned  to  Washington.  There  was  a 
quorum  of  the  Committee  in  town ;  but  the  Democratic  mem- 
bers said  that  they  were  bound  by  a  "  gentlemen's  agree- 
ment "  among  themselves  not  to  meet.  August  1  was  set 
for  the  next  meeting. 

On  July  13,  a  deputation  of  more  than  a  hundred  mem- 
bers of  the  Congressional  Union,  led  by  Alice  Paul,  Lucy 
Burns,  and  Mrs.  Gilson  Gardner,  called  upon  the  individual 
members  of  the  Rules  Committee.  They  asked  each  member 
to  sign  a  petition  requesting  the  Acting  Chairman,  Mr.  Pou, 
to  call  the  Committee  together  for  the  purpose  of  reporting 
out  the  Resolution  on  the  Suffrage  Amendment.  This  peti- 
tion was  signed  by  the  two  Republican  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee in  Washington,  and  the  one  Progressive  member. 
The  two  Democratic  members  then  in  Washington  refused 
to  sign.  The  petition  was  presented  to  Mr.  Pou  in  his  office 
by  Representative  Mondell. 

Mr.  Pou  rose  from  his  chair,  viewing  with  amazement  the 
numbers  of  the  deputation  as  they  filed  into  the  room  till 
all  available  space  was  occupied,  leaving  the  majority  of 
their  number  in  the  corridor.  Mr.  Pou  definitely  declined 
to  call  the  meeting,  although  a  quorum  of  the  Committee 


was  in  the  city,  and  although  all  of  the  Republican  members 
on  the  Committee  and  the  Progressive  member  had  requested 
a  meeting.  Mr.  Pou  stated  that  he  was  bound  by  a  "  gentle- 
man's agreement "  entered  into  by  the  Democratic  members 
to  hold  no  meetings  of  the  Committee  before  August  1.  He 
said,  "  The  Democratic  members  agreed  not  to  hold  any 
meetings  until  August  1.  In  view  of  that  understanding,  I 
would  not  feel  at  liberty  to  call  the  Committee  together. 
.  .  .  When  the  Republicans  were  in  charge,  they  decided 
what  they  were  going  to  do;  now  that  we  are  in  charge, 
we  decide  what  we  are  going  to  do." 

On  August  1,  a  deputation  consisting  of  Lucy  Burns  and 
Mrs.  Gilson  Gardner  from  the  Congressional  Union  accom- 
panied by  Maude  F.  Clark,  called  upon  Mr.  Pou.  The 
forthright  Lucy  Burns  began.  "  Mr.  Pou,  today  is  the  first 
day  of  August.  You  told  us  when  a  Committee  of  our 
'Organization  called  upon  you  in  July  that  the  Democratic 
members  of  the  Committee  had  a  '  gentlemen's  agreement ' 
not  to  hold  a  meeting  until  August  1.  Now  that  the  day 
has  come  we  should  be  glad  to  know  when  a  meeting  of  your 
Committee  will  be  held  to  consider  House  Resolution  514, 
allotting  time  for  the  consideration  of  the  Suffrage  Amend- 
ment in  the  House." 

Mr.  Pou  informed  the  delegation  that  Mr.  Henry,  Chair- 
man of  the  Rules  Committee,  would  return  to  Washington 
on  Monday,  August  3,  and  that  a  meeting  of  the  Committee 
would  be  called  for  that  day.  Among  other  things,  Mr. 
Pou  made  the  significant  statement,  "  The  Rules  Committee 
has  in  its  keeping  the  policy  of  the  Democratic  Party  in 

On  August  3,  a  second  delegation  from  the  Congressional 
Union,  consisting  of  Alice  Paul,  Lucy  Burns,  Mrs.  Gilson 
Gardner,  Dr.  Clara  E.  Ludlow,  went  to  attend  the  promised 
meeting  at  the  office  of  the  Chairman,  Mr.  Henry.  The  elu- 
sive Mr.  Henry  was  at  last  visible  in  the  flesh.  He  informed 
these  women  that  no  meeting  of  the  Committee  had  been 
called  for  that  day.     He  did  not  know  when  it  would  be 


called,  nor  what  measures  it  would  consider.     He  suggested 
that  they  call  again  in  a  few  days. 

On  August  28,  the  Rules  Committee  finally  met.  A  depu- 
tation from  the  Congressional  Union  presented  themselves 
at  the  door.  The  deputation  consisted  of  Mrs.  Gilson 
Gardner,  Minnie  E.  Brooke,  Mrs.  S.  B.  McDuffie,  Virginia 

At  the  door  of  the  Committee  room,  Mr.  Henry's  secre- 
tary declared  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  him  to  take 
a  message  or  a  card  to  Mr.  Henry. 

"I  should  be  glad,  then,"  said  the  gently  diplomatic 
Mrs.  Gardner,  "  to  send  a  card  to  other  niembers  of  the 

"  The  Chairman  has  given  orders,"  said  the  secretary, 
"  that  no  messages  may  be  sent  in  to  the  Committee  room." 

"I  quite  understand,"  said  Mrs.  Gardner,  "that  Mr. 
Henry  can  speak  fot  the  majority  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee, but  surely  not  for  the  Republican  and  Progressive 
members,  and  I  should  like  your  permission  to  send  word 
in  to  one  of  them." 

The  secretary  maintained  that  this  was  against  Mr. 
Henry's  specific  orders. 

Mrs.  Gardner  then  went  on  very  gently :  "  It  is  not  the 
desire  of  the  deputation  to  disturb  the  Committee;  but,  on 
the  other  hand,  it  is  the  sense  of  the  deputation  that  it  is 
necessary  to  send  the  Committee  a  message.  What  would 
you  suggest  that  we  do .''  "  i 

The  secretary  considered  and  decreed,  "  A  message  might 
be  sent  in  by  telephone."  Mrs.  Gardner  accepted  the  use 
of  Mr.  Henry's  desk  telephone,  called  up  Representative 
Kelly  who  was  attending  the  meeting  in  the  adjoining  Com- 
mittee room,  and  asked  if  he  would  bring  the  Suffrage 
Resolution  to  the  attention  of  the  Committee.  Mr.  Kelly 
promptly  promised  to  call  up  the  Suffrage  Resolution  if  it 
were  possible  to  do  so.  This  colloquy  effectively  brought  the 
matter  before  the  Committee. 

The  Suffrage  Resolution  was  brought  up,  but  a  substitute 


motion  that  the  Committee  adjourn  was  immediately  made 
and  carried.  It  was  a  tie  vote,  but  Mr.  Henry,  as  chairman, 
cast  the  deciding  vote.  The  Committee  accordingly  ad- 
journed without  having  taken  action  on  the  Suifrage 
Resolution.  > 

The  Congressional  Union,  undaunted,  maintained  its 
siege  of  the  Rules  Committee  until  Congress  adjourned  in 
October.  Throughout  the  remaining  months  of  that  Con- 
gressional Session,  however,  the  Rules  Committee  continued 
its  policy  of  evasion.  No  action  was  taken  before  ad- 

Of  course,  all  this  blocking  of  their  efforts  on  the  part 
of  the  Democrats  made  inevitable  the  election  policy  which 
the  Congressional  Union  was  about  to  adopt — ^that  of  hold- 
ing them  "  responsible." 



In  the  meantime,  the  Congressional  Union  had  been  forming 
an  Advisory  Council  which  continued  to  Support  the  Con- 
gressional Union — and  later  the  Woman's  Party — ^with  ad- 
vice] and  work  during  the  rest  of  its  history.  The  personnel 
of  the  Advisory  Council  has  changed  from  time  to  time ;  but 
always  it  has  been  a  large  body  and  an  able  one. 

The  list  of  membership  has  included  many  famous  names ; 
women  political  leaders;  women  trades-unionists;  women  of 
wealth  and  position;  women  active  in  their  communities.  It 
included  professional  women  of  every  sort ;  doctors,  lawyers, 
clergymen.  It  included  artists  of  every  description;  actors, 
singers,  painters,  sculptors.  It  included  publicists  of  every 
kind;  fictionists,  poets,  dramatists,  essayists.  It  included 
social  workers  of  every  class.  And  these  women  have  rep- 
resented all  parts  of  the  Union. 

On  August  29  and  30,  this  newly-formed  Advisory  Council 
met  at  Newport.  Mrs.  O.  H.  P.  Belmont  did  everything 
to  make  the  occasion  a  success.  She  threw  open  Marble 
House  which,  hung  with  the  great  purple,  white,  and  gold 
banners  of  the  Congressional  Union  and  flooded  with  golden 
light,  made  an  extraordinary  background  for  the  delibera- 
tions of  the  Conference.  In  every  way  possible  for  her  she 
used  the  beauty  and  social  prestige  of  Newport  to  give  the 
occasion  dignity,  prominence,  and  publicity.  Her  daughter, 
the  Duchess  of  Marlborough,  had  joined  the  Congressional 
Union  just  previous  to  this  Conference.  Little  she  thought 
and  little  the  Congressional  Union  thought  that  as  an  Eng- 
lish woman,  she  would  be  a  voter,  would  be  elected  to  the 
London  City  Council  before  her  mother,  an  American 
woman,  was  enfranchised. 



Here,  for  the  ^st  time,  the  plan  of  holding  the  Democratic 
Party— the  Party  in  power — responsible  for  the  slowness 
with  which  the  Suffrage  work  was  progressing,  and,  in  con- 
sequence, of  working  against  it,  was  adopted  as  a  program 
actually  to  be  carried  out. 

Lucy  Burns  made  a  magnificent  speech  on  that  occasion. 
She  pointed  out  that  the  Democratic  Party  was  in  complete 
possession  of  the  National  Government,  controlling  the 
Presidential  chair,  the  Senate,  possessing  an  overwhelm- 
ing majority  in  the  House.  She  a,nalyzed  the  working  of 
Congress:  she  showed  that  our  government  is  a  government 
by  Party:  that  no  measures  of  importance  had  passed 
through  the  Sixty-third  Congress  without  the  backing  of  the 
Party  in  power :  atid  that  no  measure  could  pass  that  Con- 
gress if  opposed  by  that  Party. 

She  amplified  this  thesis.  She  showed  that  the  President, 
the  leader  of  the  Party,  had  seven  times  refused  his  powerful 
aid  to  the  movement.  She  showed  that  in  the  Senate  the 
Democratic  leaders  blocked  the  Suffrage  measure  by  bring- 
ing it  to  a  vote  at  a  time  when  they  acknowledged  it  would 
be  defeated.  She  showed  that  in  the  House,  the  Rules  Com- 
mittee had  consistently  blocked  the  Amendment,  both  by  pre- 
venting the  creation  of  a  (Suffrage  Committee  and  by 
preventing  consideration  of  the  Amendment  in  the  House. 
And  she  proved  by  the  words  of  the  acting  chairman  of 
the  Rules  Committee  that  that  Committee  had  in  its  keeping 
"  the  policy  of  the  Democratic  Party."  She  showed  that 
the  Democratic  Caucus  had  taken  definite  action  against  the 
Suffrage  Amendment.  It  had  declared  that  Suffrage  was  not 
a  question  for  national  consideration  and  so  it  had  refused 
to  sanction  the  creation  of  a  Suffrage  Committee. 

Alice  Paul,  first  asking  the  press  to  withdraw,  outlined  the 
proposed  election  program.  She  asked  the  members  of  the 
Conference  not  to  reveal  it  until  the  middle  of  September 
when  the  Congressional  Union  would  be  ready  to  put  it 
into  practical  operation.  This  is  her  speech  on  that  occa- 


From  the  very  beginning  of  our  work  in  Washington,  we  have 
followed  one  consistent  policy  from  which  we  liave  not  departed 
a  single  moment.  We  began  our  work  with  the  coming  in  of 
the  present  Congress  and  immediately  went  to  the  Party  which 
was  in  control  of  the  situation  and  asked  it  to  act.  We  deter- 
mined to  get  the  Amendment  through  the  Sixty-third  Congress, 
or  to  make  it  very  clear  who  had  kept  it  from  going  through. 
Now,  as  has  been  shown,  the  Democrats  have  been  in  control 
of  all  branches  of  the  Government  and  they  are  therefore  re- 
sponsible for  the  non-passage  of  our  measure. 

The  point  is  first,  who  is  our  enemy  and  tlien,  how  shall  that 
enemy  be  attacked? 

We  are  all,  I  think,  agreed  that  it  is  the  Democratic  Party 
which  is  responsible  for  the  blocking  of  the  Suffrage  Amendment. 
Again  and  again  that  Party  has  gone  on  record  through  the 
action  of  its  leaders,  its  caucus^  and  its  committees  so  that  an 
impregnable  case  has  been  built  up  against  it.  We  now  lay 
before  you  a  plan  to  meet  the  present  situation. 

We  propose  going  into  the  nine  Suffrage  States  and  appealing 
to  the  women  to  use  their  votes  to  secure  the  franchise  for  the 
women  of  the  rest  of  the  country.  All  of  these  years  we  have 
worked  primarily  in  the  States.  Now  the  time  has  come,  we 
believe,  when  we  can  really  go  into  national  politics  and  use 
the  nearly  four  million  votes  that  we  have  to  win  the  vote  for 
the  rest  of  us.  Now  that  we  have  four  million  voters,  we  need 
no  longer  continue  to  make  our  appeal  simply  to  the  men.  The 
struggle  in  England  has  gotten  down  to  a  physical  fight.  Here 
our  fight  is  simply  a  political  one.  The  question  is  whether  we 
are  good  enough  politicians  to  take  four  million  votes  and  or- 
ganize them  and  use  them  so  as  to  win  the  vote  for  the  women 
who  are  still  disfranchised. 

We  want  to  attempt  to  organize  the  women's  vote.  Our 
plan  is  to  go  out  to  these  nine  States  and  there  appeal  to  all 
the  women  voters  to  withdraw  their  support  from  the  Democrats 
nationally  until  the  Democratic  Party  nationally  ceases  to  block 
Suffrage.  We  would  issue  an  appeal  signed  by  influential  women 
of  the  East  addressed  to  the  women  voters  as  a  whole  asking 
them  to  use  their  vote  this  one  time  in  the  national  election 
against  the  Democratic  Party  throughout  the  whole  nine  States. 
Every  one  of  these  States,  with  one  exception,  is  a  doubtful 
State.  Going  back  over  a  period  of  fourteen  years,  each  State, 
except  Utah,  has  supported  first  one  Party  and  then  another. 
Here  are  nine  States  which  politicians  are  thinking  about  and 
in  these  nine  States  we  have  this  great  power.    If  we  ask  those 


women  in  the  nine  Suffrage  States  as  a  gtoup  to  withhold  their 
support  from  this  Fiarty  as  a  group  which  is  opposing  us,  it  will 
mean  that  votes  will  be  turned.  Suppose  the  Party  saw  votes 
falling  away  all  over  the  country  because  of  their  action  on  the 
Trust  question — ^they  would  change  their  attitude  on  Trust  legis- 
lation. If  they  see  them  falling  away  because  of  their  attitude 
on  Suffrage  they  will  change  their  attitude  on  Suffrage.  When 
we  have  once  affected  the  result  in  a  national  election^  no 
Party  will  trifle  with  Suffrage  any  longer. 

We,  of  course,  are  a  little  body  to  undertake  this — ^but  we 
have  to  begin.  We  have  not  very  much  money;  there  are  not 
many  of  us  to  go  out  against  the  great  Democratic  Party.  Per- 
haps this  time  we  won't  be  able  to  do  so  very  much,  though  I  , 
know  we  can  do  a  great  deal,  but  if  the  Party  leaders  see  that 
some  votes  have  been  turned  they  will  know  that  we  have  at 
least  realized  this  power  that  we  possess  and  they  will  know 
that  by  1916  we  will  have  it  organized.  The  mere  announce- 
ment of  the  fact  that  Suffragists  of  the  East  have  gone  out  to 
the  West  with  this  appeal  will  be  enough  to  make  every  man 
in  Congress  sit  up  and  take  notice. 

This  last  week  one  Congressman  from  a  Suffrage  State  came 
to  us  and  asked  us  if  we  would  write  just  one  letter  to  say 
what  he  had  done  in  Congress  to  help  us.  He  said  that  one 
letter  might  determine  the  election  in  his  district.  This  week 
the  man  who  is  running  for  the  Senatorial  election  in  another 
Suffrage  State  came  to  us  and  asked  us  to  go  out  and  help  him 
in  his  State — asked  us  simply  to  announce  that  he  had  been  our 
friend.  Now  if  our  help  is  valued  to  this  extent,  our  opposition 
will  be  feared  in  like  degree. 

Our  plan  is  this:  To  send  at  least  two  women  to  each  of 
those  nine  States.  We  would  put  one  woman  at  the  center  who 
would  attend  to  the  organizing,  the  publicity  and  the  distribu- 
tion of  literature.  We  would  have  literature  printed  showing 
what  the  Democratic  Party  has  done  with  regard  to  Suffrage 
in  the  Sixty-third  Congress.  We  would  have  leaflets  printed  from 
the  Eastern  women  appealing  to  the  Western  women  for  help, 
and  we  would  have  leaflets  issued  showing  how  much  the  en- 
franchised woman  herself  needs  the  Federal  Amendment  because 
most  important  matters  are  becoming  national  in  their  organiza- 
tion and  can  only  be  dealt  with  by  national  legislation.  We 
could  reach  every  home  in  every  one  of  those  nine  States  with 
our  literature,  without  very  great  expense.  One  good  woman 
at  the  center  could  make  this  message,  this  appeal  from  Eastern 
women,  known  to  the  whole  State.     The  other  worker  would 


Why  Is  the  Gikl  from  the  West  Getting  All  the  Attention  ? 
Nina  Allender  in  The  Suffragist. 


attend  to  the  speaking  and  in  six  weeks  could  easily  cover  all 
the  large  towns  of  the  State. 

This  is  the  plan  that  we  are  considering,  and  that  we  are 
hoping  to  put  through.     We  would  be  very  much  interested  to^ 
hear  what  you  think  about  it  and  want,  of  course,  to  have  your 
co-operation  in  carrying  it  through. 

The  Conference  voted  to  unite  behind  the  Bristow-Mondell 
Amendment  in  Congress  and  to  support  an  active  election 
campaign  against  candidates  of  the  Democratic  Party.  It 
raised  over  seven  thousand  dollars  to  meet  the  expense  of 
this  campaign. 

The  details  of  the  election  campaign  project  were  imme- 
diately worked  out;  organizers  were  selected  and  after  a 
farewell  garden  party  on  September  14,  they  started  for 
the  nine  enfranchised  States.  Headquarters  were  opened  in 
San  Francisco  under  Lucy  Burns  and  Rose  Winslow;  in 
Denver,  Colorado,  under  Doris  Stevens  and  Ruth  Noyes ;  in 
Phoenix,  Arizona,  under  Jane  Pincus  and  Josephine  Casey; 
in  Kansas  City,  Kansas,  under  Lola  C.  Trax  and  Edna  S. 
Latimer;  at  Portland,  Oregon,  under  Jessie  Hardy  Stubbs 
and  Virginia  Arnold;  in  Seattle,  Washington,  under  Mar- 
garet Whittemore  and  Anne  McCue ;  at  Cheyenne,  Wyoming, 
under  Gertrude  Hunter;  at  Salt  Lake  City,  Utah,  under 
Elsie  Lancaster;  at  Boise  City,  Idaho,  under  Helena  Hill 

In  these  centers,  open-air,  drawing-room,  and  theatre 
meetings  followed  each  other  in  rapid  succession.  In  many 
districts,  the  campaigners  canvassed  from  door  to  door. 
Window-cards,  handbills,  cartoons,  moving-picture  films,  and 
voiceless  speeches,  calling  upon  the  women  voters  to  refuse 
their  support  to  the  Party  which  had  blocked  the  National 
Suffrage  Amendment,  appeared  everywhere  from  Seattle  to 
Phoenix.  A  pithily  worded  Appeal  to  the  Women  Voters 
was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  women  voters.  Press  bulletins 
describing  the  campaign  against  the  Democratic  candidates 
for  Congress  and  reiterating  the  record  made  by  the  Demo- 


cratic  Party  on  the  Suffrage  question,  were  issued  daily. 
Literature  dealing  with  the  record  of  the  Democratic  Party 
and  with  the  value  to  the  woman  voter  of  a  national  Suf- 
frage Amendment,  were  sent  to  innumerable  homes  in  every 
Suffrage  State. 

The  Suffragist,  which  teemed  with  reports  of  what  these 
vigorous  campaigners  were  doing,  presents  pictures  which 
could  have  occurred  nowhere  in  the  world  but  the  United 
'States,  and  nowhere  in  the  United  States  but  the  West. 
The  speakers  were  interesting,  amusing,  full  of  information 
and  enthusiasm.  With  a  sympathy  and  understanding 
typically  western,  men  and  women  responded  immediately, 
responded  equally  to  this  original  campaign. 

All  the  time,  of  course,  these  speakers  were  educating  the 
people  of  the  United  States  in  regard  to  the  work  of  Con- 
gress. '  This  was  a  new  note  in  Suffrage  campaigns ;  but  it 
was  the  policy  of  the  Cobgressional  Union  at  all  times 
whether  campaigns  were  being  waged  or  not. 

From  the  Suffragist  of  September  19,  I  quote  from  a 
report  of  the  enterprising  Jessie  Hardy  Stubbs,  who  actually 
began  her  work  on  board  the  North  Coast,  Limited : 

Here  we  are — all  bound  for  the  field  of  battle.  Miss  McCue, 
Miss  Whittemore  and  I  are  together.  Miss  Whittemore  joined 
us  at  Chicago  full  of  earnestness  and  zeal.  We  have  pat  up 
signs  in  each  car  that  there  will  be  a  meeting  tonight  in  the 
observation  car,  and  that  we  will  speak  on  the  record  of  the 
Democratic  Party  in  Congress  and  Women  Suffrage.  There  is 
much  interest.  We  have  sold  ten  Suffragists  today  on  board  the 
train,  secured  new  subscribers  to  the  Suffragist,  and  contribu- 
tions for  the  campaign. 

Doris  Stevens  writes  in  the  Suffragist  of  October  3: 

Friday  afternoon,  Mrs,  Lucius  M.  Cuthbert,  a  daughter  of 
ex-Senator  Hill,  gave  us  a  drawing-room  meeting  in  her  beau- 
tiful Denver  home.  She  invited  representative  women  from  all 
Parties  to  come  and  hear  of  the  work  of  the  Union,  to  which 
invitation  about  one  hundred  women  responded.  One  Democratic 
lady  came  up  to  me  after  the  meeting  and  said,  "  I  had  no  idea 


you  women  had  been  so  rebuffed  by  my  Party.  I  am  convinced 
that  my  duty  is  to  the  women  first,  and  my  Party  second." 
Another:  "You  have  almost  convinced  me  that  we  women  must 
stand  together  on  this  national  issue."  And  so  it  went.  And, 
as  our  charming  hostess  pointed  out,  the  applause  was  often  led 
by  a  prominent  Democratic  woman.  Offers  of  help,  loans  of 
furniture,  and  general  expressions  of  eagerness  to  aid  were 
made  on  every  side.  The  meeting  was  a  splendid  success,  judg^ 
ing  from  the  large  number  of  women  who  joined  the  Union 
and  the  generous  collection  which  was  given. 

In  the  Suffragist  of  October  10,  Lola  Trax  writes: 

The  meeting  at  Lebanon  was  especially  well  advertised.  The 
moving  picture  shows  had  run  an  advertising  slide ;  the  Wednes- 
day prayer  meeting  had  announced  my  coming,  and  the  Public 
Schools  had  also  made  announcements  to  their  pupils.  The 
Ladies'  Aid  Society  invited  me  to  speak  in  the  afternoon,  while 
they  were  quilting;  and  thus  another  anti-Suffrage  argument  was 
shattered;  for  quilting  and  politics  went  hand  in  hand. 

At  Phillipsburg  the  meeting  was  on  the  Court  House  green. 
It  is  fifty-seven  miles  from  Phillipsburg  to  Osborne  and  the  trip 
has  to  be  made  by  freight.  I  was  on  the  road  from  six-thirty 
o'clock  in  the  morning  until  three  p.m.  About  a  dozen  passen- 
gers were  in  the  caboose  on  the  freight,  and  we  held  a  meeting 
and  discussion  which  lasted  about  forty-five  minutes.  Upon 
reaching  Osborne  at  three  o'clock  I  found  about  one  hundred 
people  assembled  for  an  auction  sale  in  the  middle  of  the  street. 
Cots,  tables,  and  chairs  were  to  be' offered  at  sacrifice  prices. 
The  temptation  to  hold  a  meeting  overcame  fatigue.  I  jumped 
into  an  automobile  nearby  and  had  a  most  interested  crowd  until 
the  auctioneer  came.  I  had  been  unable  to  secure  the  Town 
Hall  because  a  troupe  of  players  were  making  a  one  night  stand 
in  the  town.    The  meeting  at  night  was  also  in  the  open  air. 

In  the  Suffragist  of  October  10,  Jessie  Hardy  Stubbs 
continues : 

On  Tuesday  evening,  September  28,  I  spoke  in  the  Public 
Library,  explaining  our  mission  in  Oregon.  Mr.  Arthur  L. 
Moulton,  Progressive  Candidate  for  Congress  from  the  Third 
District  presided,  and  made  a  very  clever  introductory  speech. 
Many  questions  were  asked  by  Democratic  women  which  brought 
out  a  spirited  defense  on  the  part  of  several  of  those  present. 


One  Democratic  woman  maintained  that  it  would  be  a  most 
ungrateful  position  on  the  part  of  the  Oregon  women  to  vote 
against  Chamberlain,  who  had  always  been  a  friend  of  Suffrage, 
whereupon  a  distinguished-looking  woman  arose  and  said :  "  Oh, 
no.  It  would  merely  be  a  case  of  not  loving  Chamberlain  less, 
but  of  loving  Suffrage  more." 

I  spoke  before  the  Sheet  Metal  Workers'  Union  last  night,  and 
expect  to  address  every  union  before  the  campaign  is  over.  There 
are  only  two  women's  unions  here;  the  garment  workers  and  the 
waitresses.  We  intend  to  make  a  canvass  of  the  stores  and  meet 
the  clerks  personally  and  to  get  into  all  the  factories,  as  far  as 
possible,  where  women  are  employed,  and  urge  these  western 
women  voters  to  stand  by  the  working  women  of  the  East. 
Tonight  we  have  our  first  open-air  meeting. 

In  the  Suffragist  of  October  31,  Gertrude  Hunter  writes 
of  the  campaign  in  Wyoming: 

The  meeting  last  Saturday  night  was  most  encouraging.  It 
was  a  stormy  night,  and  we  went  in  an  auto  twenty  miles  from 
here,  through  snow  banks,  and  every  other  difficulty  to  a  rally 
at  a  branch  home.  This  was  at  Grand  Canon,  and  a  strongly 
Democratic  precinct.  Every  one  was  wildly  enthusiastic  over  the 
meeting,  even  the  Democratic  women  telling  me  how  much  they 
appreciated  our  position.  We  had  a  dance  immediately  after, 
and  I  danced  with  the  voters  (male)  until  one-thirty  in  the 
morning,  when  we  were  all  taken  to  the  railroad  station  in  a 
lumber  wagon  and  four-horse  team,  a  distance  of  a  mile  and  a 
half,  and  came  in  on  a  train  at  two-thirty  a.m.  I  sold  twenty 
Suffragists  and  could  have  disposed  of  more  if  I  had  had  them 
with  me. 

Thursday,  Friday,  and  Saturday  nights  we  have  big  meetings 

We  are  now  at  Egbert  on  our  regular  schedule,  and  in  such  a 
snowstorm  as  I  never  saw  before.  However,  we  have  had  a 
good  morning  in  spite  of  it. 

This  town  is  like  the  others,  consisting  of  a  station,  a  store, 
and  post-office.  Not  a  residence  in  the  place.  The  people  all 
drove  from  miles  around  in  a  high  wind  and  most  unfavorable 
weather  to  attend  the  meeting. 

We  had  the  thirty-five  mile  drive  to  make  to  a  neighboring 
town  for  another  meeting  and  we  did  it  every  mile  through  a 
high  wind  and  torrents  of  rain,  that  flooded  the  trail  with  water, 
as  we  went  over  prairie  and  plowed  fields.     We  did  it,  how- 


ever,  with  only  one  blow-out,  and  two  very  narrow  escapes  from 
being  completely  turned  over,  getting  in  at  two  this  morning. 

Tomorrow  night  I  shall  go  to  Campstool,  where  there  is  a  big 
supper  and  dance. 

I  had  another  very  interesting  meeting  this  week  at  a  town 
fifty  miles  from  here.  The  "  town  "  consists  of  a  station,  the 
post-office,  general  store,  and  a  little  restaurant;  no  houses,  and 
only  one  or  two  families  living  there.  The  meeting  was  in  the 
school-house  and  the  voters  came  from  miles  and  miles  to  attend, 
at  least  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  them,  on  horseback,  in  wagbns, 
buggies,  and  autos.  Every  one  was  much  interested.  The  min- 
ister, at  whose  house  I  was  entertained  for  the  afternoon,  lived 
two  and  one-half  miles  out  in  the  country,  said  afterward  that 
the  meeting  was  a  thrill  to  most  of  them,  who  had  never  heard 
a  Suffrage  speech  in  their  lives. 

These  are  the  solid  voters  of  the  community.  Many  are  from 
the  eastern  States  who  are  homesteading  here.  I  distributed 
the  literature  to  every  one. 

I  will  probably  reach  the  same  number  of  voters  every  day 
this  week,  or  perhaps  a  few  more,  as  the  next- town  we  are  going 
into.  Burns,  is  a  trifle  larger  than  Hillsdale. 

Miss  Brandeis  is  going  from  house  to  house  in  Cheyenne,  dis- 
tributing our  literature  and  soliciting  memberships. 

The  campaign  over,  four  of  these  victorious  campaigners 
were  welcomed  home  on  the  afternoon  of  November  16, 
by  an  enormous  audience  at  the  Columbia  Theatre  in  Wash- 
ington : 

Mrs.  Latimer  said: 

The  very  first  thing  they  said  to  us  in  Kansas  was,  "  Well, 
you  are  a  long  way  from  home ! "  and  we  thought  so  too. 

Kansas,  as  you  know,  is  a  very  large  State  and  is  an  agricul- 
tural State,  and  the  consequence  was  that  we  had  to  get  in 
touch  with  all  the  farmers  and  so  it  was  necessary  for  us  to  do 
a  great  deal  of  traveling. 

After  we  had  established  our  Headquarters  we  interviewed  the 
Kansas  City  Star,  one  of  the  largest  papers  in  the  State.  After 
we  had  talked  with  the  associate  editor  and  told  him  what  our 
plan  was,  that  we  intended  to  send  a  daily  bulletin  to  the  eight 
hundred  and  eight  papers  in  the  State  of  Kansas,  that  we  were 
going  to  every  one  of  the  large  towns  in  the  State  of  Kansas, 
and  have  just  as  many  meetings  as  possible,  and  that  we  would 


distribute  fifty  thousand  pieces  of  literature,  he  looked  at  us 
and  said,  "  Do  you  realize  that  this  will  take  eight  men  and 
eighteen  stenographers?"  I  said,  "Possibly,  but  two  women 
are  going  to  do  it."  And  two  women  did  do  it.  The  result  of 
that  interview  was  a  two  and  a  half  column  editorial  on  the 
editorial  page  of  the  Star.  It  was  the  first  time  that  an  inter- 
view with  a  woman  had  ever  appeared  on  the  editorial  page, 
and  they  told  us  that  even  Mr.  Bryan  had  not  received  two  and 
a  half  columns  on  that  page.  All  of  our  bulletins  were  very 
well  published  after  the  Kansas  City  Star  had  taken  up  our 
cause.  The  women  of  Kansas  co-operated  with  us,  and  the  Pro- 
gressives and  Republicans  invited  us  to  speak  at  their  big  rallies. 
Strange  as  it  may  seem  no  one  seemed  to  thiAk  we  were  on  the 
wrong  track  but  the  Democrats. 

After  we  had  been  there  for  a  while  we  found  that  the  main 
contest  was  the  Senatorial  fight,  and  so  we  figured  out  just  how 
we  could  keep  Mr.  Neely  out  of  the  Senate.  Every  one  said 
that  as  Mr.  Murdock  was  running  as  a  Progressive,  and  Mr. 
Curtis  as  a  Republican,  it  would  divide  the  vote  and  give  the 
victory  to  the  Democratic  Party.  We  knew  that  Mr.  Neely  had 
received  a  very  large  vote  from  his  own  district  when  he  ran 
for  Congiress — over  four  thousand  majority.  So  we  made  up 
our  minds  that  the  thing  to  do  was  to  reduce  the  vote  in  his  own 
district.  We  'thought  that  this  would  help  to  defeat  Mr.  Neely, 
and  it  did.  He  received  from  his  own  district  a  majority  of  only 
eight  hundred;  that  is,  the  Democratic  majority  went  down  to 
eight  bundred  from  four  thousand.  In  many  of  the  other  dis- 
tricts, his  majority  was  still  lower.  Mr.  Taggart,  who  had  a 
three  thousand  majority  two  years  ago,  went  down  to  three  hun- 
dred, and  Miss  Trax  was  largely  responsible  for  that.  We  have 
letters  from  many  of  the  leading  politicians  of  Kansas  saying 
that  our  work  has  been  most  effective.  We  have  felt  all  through 
Kansas  that  our  work  was  very  encouraging. 

We  had  many  interesting  things  happen.  The  second  day  we 
were  in  the  Seventh  District  we  held  seven  meetings.  Six  meet- 
ings had  been  planned,  but  after  we  reached  Dodge  City  we 
found  there  was  a  political  meeting  in  progress  out  on  the 
prairie  and  they  telephoned  in  and  asked  one  of  us  to  come  out 
there  and  speak  to  them.  If  any  of  you  have  ever  been  to 
Kansas,  you  know  they  have  schools  everywhere,  though  for 
miles  and  miles  you  never  see  a  house  and  you  wonder  where 
the  children  come  from  to  go  to  the  schools.  At  eleven  o'clock 
at  night  we  arrived  at  the  schoolhouse  where  the  meeting  was 
held,  and  found  three  hundred  people  waiting  to  hear  a  Suffrage 


speech.  After  the  meeting  the  women  came  up  and  said,  "  That 
is  just  what  we  need.  We  are  glad  to  help  the  Eastern  women, 
but  we  do  not  know  anything  about  it.  We  are  so  glad  you  have 
come  to  tell  us  these  things  because  we  did  not' know  them. 

The  men  in  the  West  feel  the  same  way.  When  I  was  waiting 
for  a  freight  train  about  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  a  man  came 
up  and  said,  "  My  wife  was  at  your  meeting  yesterday  afternoon, 
and  I  thought  I  would  tell  you  that  I  have  voted  the  Democratic 
ticket  for  forty  years,  but  I  have  voted  it  the  last  time."  That 
is  the  spirit  of  the  men.  Because  they  respect  their  women  out 
there,  they  do  not  like  to  feel  that  the  men  in  the  East  and  the 
Democratic  Party  do  not  consider  the  woman  movepaent.  People 
would  come  in  and  say,  "  Well,  you  are  on  the  right  track  now," 
and  that  seems  to  be  the  spirit  everywhere  in  Kansas. 

Miss  Pincus  said: 

I  am  sorry  I  cannot  come  to  you  with  the  air  of  a  conquering 
hero,  but  I  am  sure  that  any  person  who  understands  the  situa- 
tion in  Arizona  will  acknowledge  that  the  purpose  of  our  cam- 
paign was  accomplished.  Despite  the  fact  that  the  Democrats 
were  in  control — ^had  all  the  money  in  the  State  and  9wned 
nearly  all  the  newspapers — a  Democratic  leader  came  to  my 
offide  one  day  and  told  me  that  the  Democrats  were  absolutely 
sure  that  the  women  of  Arizona  would  defeat  Smith.  He  said 
the  Democratic  Party  was  scared  to  death.  It  was  most  amusing. 
Every  candidate  who  was  running,  even  for  State  and  County 
offices,  felt  it  necessary  to  declare  that  he  had  always  believed 
in  Woman  Suffrage,  that  his  mother  had  believed  in  Woman 
Suffrage  and  that  his  grandmother  believed  in  it.  I  suppose  you 
know  what  action  our  friends  Senator  Smith  and  Congressman 
Hayden  took.  Both  of  them  telegraphed  from  Washington  to 
the  Democratic  State  Convention  in  session  at  Phcenix  and 
pledged  themselves  absolutely  to  support  national  Woman  Suf- 
frage. Mr.  Hayden  stood  up  on  the  floor  of  the  House  and 
filled  three  pages  of  the  Congressional  Record  on  his  attitude 
on  Woman  Suffrage  and  Arizona  was  simply  flooded  with  this 

The  women,  we  found,  were  very  open  to  reason,  and  one  thing 
I  had  not  expected  to  find  was  how  chivalrous  all  the  men  were. 
I  have  never  been  so  overwhelmed  with  courtesy  and  chivalry 
as  I  was  out  in  Arizona.  Every  candidate  from  every  county 
came  into  our  Headquarters  to  shake  hands  and  say  what  a  nice 
day  it  was  and  how  he  had  always  been  in  favor  of  Woman 


Suffrage.  Each  political  Party  in  Arizona  claims  absolute 
credit  for  Woman  Suffrage  out  there.  To  me,  coming  from  a 
plain  campaign  State,  New  York,  it  was  most  encouraging  to 
find  all  the  men  such  good  Suffragists,  and  I  would  like  to  turn 
all  anti-Suffragists  into  a  Suffrage  State  to  let  them  see  how 
women  are  treated  at  election  time. 

Mrs.  Helena  Hill  Weed  said: 

I  am  very  glad  to  be  able  to  report  that  no  Democrat  will 
come  to  the  United  States  Senate  or  House  of  Representatives 
from  Idaho — and  the  Congressional  Union  had  a  hand  in  it. 

We  do  not  claim  entire  responsibility  for  the  large  Republican 
victory,  but  we  do  claim  the  credit  for  turning  many  hundreds 
of  votes  from  the  Democratic  Party.  When  I  reached  Idaho  I 
found  the  question  simmered  down  to  the  Senatorial  race.  The 
two  candidates  were  Senator  Brady,  Republican,  and  ex- 
Governor  Hawley,  who  was  running  on  the  Democratic  ticket. 

I  began  by  sending  out  copies  of  all  of  our  literature  and  the 
current  number  -of  the  Suffragist  to  every  editor,  club  woman, 
minister,  or  other  person  of  influence.  I  began  with  a  meeting 
which  was  organized  by  the  working  women  in  the  hotel  where 
I  was  stopping.  I  told  them  of  our  work  and  what  it  meant. 
Many  of  the  women  had  worked  in  the  East  and  they  knew 
what  conditions  were  among  the  laboring  women  there,  and  they 
said  they  never  before  realized  that  they  could  do  anything  to 
help  the  women  in  the  East.  About  three  days  after  the  meet- 
ing a  woman  came  into  my  office  and  said,  "  I  want  to  tell  you, 
Mrs.  Weed,  that  that  meeting  is  going  to  bring  out  at  least  two 
hundred  Republican  votes  in  my  ward  which  are  never  cast,  and 
is  going  to  turn  many  more."  I  positively  could  not  fiU  the 
requests  that  were  made  to  speak  and  explain  the  Congressional 
Union  policy.  Men  and  women  of  the  labor  unions  were  much 
enthused  over  our  work  and  we  won  hundreds  and  hundreds  of 
votes  simply  because  our  policy  was  non-partisan. 

We  put  it  straight  up  to  Mr.  Hawley  that  an  indorsement  of 
President  Wilson's  administration  meant  the  indorsement  of  the 
administration's  refusal  to  allow  a  discussion  and  a  vote  on 
Suffrage.  We  put  it  up  to  him  that  it  made  no  difference  how 
good  a  Suffragist  he  personally  might  be,  if  he  ran  on  a  platform 
which  contained,  as  did  his,  a  blanket  indorsement  of  all  of 
President  Wilson's  policies,  including  his  refusal  to  allow  a  dis- 
cussion and  a  vote  on  Suffrage.  We  pointed  out  to  him  that  his 
personal  belief  in  Suffrage  was  of  little  avail  to  us  if  he  could 


not  or  would  not  bring  the  Party  which  he  was  supporting  to 
cease  its  hostility  to  our  Amendment.  We  reminded  him  of  the 
Democratic  Congressmen  from  Suffrage  States  who  had  sat  in 
the  Sixty-third  Congress  and  who  had  professed  a  deep  interest 
in  Suffrage  but  who  had  accomplished  nothing  as  far  as  actually 
bringing  Suffrage  to  pass  was  concerned,  because  of  the  con- 
tinued hostility  of  the  Democratic  Party  which  was  in  control  of 
all  branches  of  the  Government.  We  told  him  that  we  felt  duty 
bound  to  make  known  to  the  women  voters  the  hostile  record 
of  his  national  Party  on  Woman  Suffrage,  and  to  ask  them  to 
refuse  their  support  to  that  Party  until  it  ceased  blocking  our 

They  understood  the  point  very  quickly  and  saw  that  as  far 
as  the  individual  was  concerned  there  was  nothing  to  choose 
from  between  Mr.  Hawley  and  Senator  Brady — both  were 
equally  good  Suffragists,  as  far  as  their  personal  stand  wa's  con- 
cerned. It  was  only  when  it  came  to  considering  their  Party 
affiliations  that  one  could  discriminate  between  them.  We  always 
emphasized  the  fact  that  we  were  not  indorsing  the  Republican, 
the  Progressive,  the  Socialist,  or  the  Prohibition  Party,  but  were 
merely  asking  the  women  to  refuse  support  to  the  Party  which 
had  the  power  to  give  Suffrage  and  which  up  to  the  present  had 
used  its  power  only  to  block  that  measure.  We  explained  that 
we  -would  have  opposed  any  of  the  other  Parties,  had  they  pos- 
sessed the  power  which  the  Democratic  Party  possessed,  and  had 
they  used  that  power  in  the  same  obstructive  way. 

I  am  absolutely  sure  that  the  Congressional  Union  has  the 
right  policy  for  us  to  follow  and  that  through  this  policy  we  are 
going  to  win  the  passage  of  the  Federal  Amendment. 

Incidentally  the  referendum  in  1914  in  Nevada  and  Mon- 
tana gave  Suffrage  to  women. 

Although  the  Congressional  Union  never  deviated  from  its 
policy  of  devoting  itself  to -the  Federal  Amendment,  yet  it 
was  deeply  interested  in  the  success  of  these  referendum  cam- 
paigns and  gave  aid  when  it  seemed  needed.  The  Congres- 
sional Union  sent  Mabel  Vernon,  a  national  organizer,  to  help 
in  the  Nevada  campaign.  At  the  close  of  the  campaign  an 
enthusiastic  audience  welcomed  Mabel  Vernon  home. 

Miss  Vernon  said: 

In  the  West  they  do  not  have  the  feeling  that  Suffrage  is  an 
old,  old  story.    They  were  very  willing  to  go  to  a  Suffrage  meet- 


ing,  particularly  in  the  mining  camps,  where  to  advertise  that 
a  woman  is  going  to  speak  is  almost  enough  to  cause  them  to 
close  down  the  mines  in  order  that  they  might  hear  her.  This 
summer  Miss  Martin,  the  State  president,  and  I  went  all  over 
the  State  in  a  motor,  traveling  about  three  thousand  miles.  We 
would  travel  sometimes  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  in  order 
to  reach  a  little  settlement  of  about  one  hundred  people,  sixty 
voters  perhaps.  We  had  the  conviction  that  if  Suffrage  was 
going  to  win  in  Nevada,  it  was  going  to  win  through  the  votes 
of  those  people  who  lived  in  the  remote  places.  We  knew  Reno. 
We  knew  it  well.  We  knew  it  was  not  to  be  counted  upon  as 
giving  any  majority  in  favor  of  Suffrage.  That  was  the  object 
of  the  motor  trip  this  sununer. 

We  traveled  for  miles  and  miles  without  seeing  one  sign  of 
life.  There  was  only  the  sand,  the  sage-bush,  and  the  sky. 
Even  though  we  did  not  arrive  until  ten  o'clock  at  night  at  the 
place  where  we  were  to  speak,  we  always  found  our  crowd 
waiting  for  us.  There  was  one  mining  camp,  one  of  the  richest 
camps  there  now,  where  the  men  said,  "  We  will  give  you  ninety 
per  cent,  ladies,  there  is  not  a  bit  of  doubt  about  it."  When 
the  returns  came  in  from  that  camp,  there  were  eleven  votes 
against  it  and  one  hundred  and  one  for  it.  The  politicians 
laughed  at  us  because  we  were  so  confident.  "  Don't  you  appre- 
ciate that  many  men  who  promised  to  vote  for  you  just  want 
to  make  you  feel  good  and  haven't  any  intention  of  doing  it?  " 
they  would  say.  When  the  returns  came  in  I  took  a  great  deal 
of  satisfaction  in  showing  them  that  the  men  had  kept  their 

The  position  that  Nevada  has  geographically  had  a  great  deal 
to  do  with  it:  We  made  a  house-to-house  canvass  to  find  out  if 
the  majority  were  in  favor  of  Suffrage  and  we  found  that  women 
out  there  would  say,  "  Of  course  I  believe  in  Suffrage ;  I  used  to 
vote  myself  in  Idaho."  One  woman  told  me,  "  I  feel  very  much 
out  of  place  here  in  Nevada  because  I  haven't  the  right  to  vote. 
I  voted  for  years  in  Colorado."  It  would  have  been  an  easy 
thing  to  prove  that  at  least  seventy-five  per  cent  of  the  women 
in  Nevada  were  in  favor  of  Woman  Suffrage.  When  the  men 
said,  "  We  are  willing  that  Nevada  women  shall  have  the  vote 
when  the  majority  of  them  want  it,"  we  could  say  that  the 
majority  of  the  women  in  the  State  of  Nevada  do  want  it. 


The  effect  of  this  campaign — ^the  first  of  the  kind  in  the 
history  of  the  United  States — ^was  as  though  acid  had  been 
poured  into  the  milk  of  the  Democratic  calm  and  security. 
Within  a  few  days  of  the  appearance  of  the  Congressional 
Union  speakers,  the  Democratic  papers  were  full  of  attacks 
on  the  Congressional  Union.  The  following  from  the 
Wyoming  Leader  of  October  6  is  typical  of  the  way  the 
Democratic  papers  handled  the  Congressional  Union 
workers : 

Monday  afternoon,  they  desecrated  a  charitable  gathering  of 
the  Ladies'  Hospital  Aid.  .  .  .  If  it  was  nothing  more  than 
the  harmless  effort  of  a  couple  of  women  to  earn  some  Con- 
gressional coin,  it  might  be  overlooked,  and  these  two  women 
with  fatherly  tenderness,  told  to  go  back  home.  But  it  involves 
an  insult  to  the  intelligent  citizenship  of  this  State.  It  attempts 
to  compromise  and  bring  into  disrepute  the  practical  workings 
of  Woman  Suffrage  in  this,  the  original  Suffrage  State.  '•  It  pro- 
poses to  prostitute  religion,  charity,  fraternity,  and  society  itself, 
to  the  ambition  of  a  place-and-plunder-hunting  politician.  These 
women  go  into  gatherings  to  insult  and  outrage  harmony  and 
good-will  among  women  who  themselves  avoid  politics  in  their 

They  could  not  have  selected  a  meeting  at  which  it  was  so 
plainly  out  of  place  as  a  meeting  of  hospital  workers.  These 
women  had  gathered  together  to  promote  the  good  work  of  mercy 
and  charity  in  our  community.  They  were  Republicans,  Pro- 
gressives, and  Democrats  in  their  preferences.   .    .    . 

The  editor  of  the  Leader  has  met  and  talked  with  these  two 
women  and  believes  they  do  not  realize  the  insult  they  are 
offering  to  the  women  of  Wyoming. 



The  Republican  papers  of  course  instantly  came  to  the 
rescue  of  the  Congressional  Union  organizers.  The 
Cheyenne  Trihvne  said  editorially  on  October  16: 

Democratic  newspapers  like  the  Wyoming  Leader  are  finding 
fault  with  the  Woman  Suffrage  Congressional  Union  for  sending 
representatives  into  this  State  to  work  against  the  Democratic 
candidate  for  Congress. 

This  is  a  free  country,  and  Wyoming  a  Woman  Suffrage  State, 
and  if  worthy,  respectahle  women  come  into  Wyoming,  the  first 
State  to  grant  the  franchise  to  women,  and  conduct  a  decent 
campaign  for  the  principles  of  Woman  Suffrage,  they  should  be 
treated  courteously  and  given  a  respectful  hearing. 

They  rightly  hold  the  Democratic  Party  responsible  for  its 
self-evident  opposition  to  the  cause  of  Woman  Suffrage,  and 
rightly  are  seeking  to  defeat  Democratic  candidates  for  Congress 
by  endeavoring  to  get  woman  voters  to  vote  against  them. 

As  to  the  actual  effects,  I  quote  from  the  report  of  the 
Congressional  Union  for  Woman  Suffrage  for  the  year 

One  of  the  strongest  proofs  of  the  results  accomplished  in 
Washington  was  given  when  Judge  W.  W.  Black,  Democratic 
candidate  for  the  United  States  Senate,  called  at  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Congressional  Union  in  Seattle,  and  urged  the 
organizers  in  charge,  in  the  words  of  the  Seattle  Sunday  Times, 
"  to  go  home  and  wage  a  campaign  for  female  Suffrage,  and 
let  the  Democratic  Congressional  candidates  in  this  State  alone. 
Judge  Black  disclaimed  personal  interest,"  continued  the  Seattle 
Times,  "  and  insisted  that  his  is  merely  a  fatherly  concern  for 
the  two  young  Suffrage  leaders.  To  demonstrate  that  he  was 
not  concerned  personally.  Judge  Black  told  the  two  workers 
that  he  was  going  to  be  elected,  anyway." 

Shortly  before  election  day.  Democratic  leaders  in  Colorado 
formed  a  Democratic  woman's  organization  for  the  purpose  of 
actively  combating  the  Congressional  Union's  work  among  the 
women  voters. 

Further  striking  evidence  of  the  importance  which  the  Demo- 
cratic lieaders  of  Colorado  attached  to  the  Union's  activities  was 
furnished  by  a  leaflet  sent  far  and  wide  through  the  State,  issued 
from  the  Colorado  Democratic  State  Headquarters,  under  the 
names  of  Wellihgton  H.  Gates,  Leo  U.  Guggenheim,  and  John 


T.  Barnett,  National  Democratic  Committeemen.  The  leaflet 
began:  "  Permit  us  to  call  your  attention  to  the  apparent  aims 
and  purposes  of  the  organization  calling  itself  The  Congressional 

It  then  devoted  four  pages  to  letters  and  statements  opposing 
the  policy  of  the  Union,  and  ended  with  an  appeal  to  the  women 
voters  to  elect  the  Democratic  candidates  for  Congress  "  with 
larger  majorities  than  ever  before,  to  show  the  world  that  the 
Democratic  women  of  Colorado  are  not  only  loyal,  but  consistent, 

This  was  the  last  leaflet  sent  to  the  voters  by  the  State  Demo- 
cratic Committee.  From  the  first  word  to  the  last,  it  dealt  only 
with  the  Congressional  Union.  Could  better  evidence  be  desired 
of  the  important  part  which  the  Democrats  themselves  felt  that 
Suffrage  was  playing  in  the  election? 

Nowhere  did  the  Congressional  Union  election  work  arouse 
greater  opposition  than  in  Utah.  "  Intimidation,  coercion,  and 
what  were  equivalent  to  threats  of  political  banishment  from  the 
State  of  Utah,"  said  the  Republican  Herald  of  Salt  Lake  City 
(October  15),  "  were  exercised  toward  Miss  Elsie  Agnes  Lan- 
caster, the  New  York  Suffragist,  by  W.  R.  Wallace,  the  Demo- 
cratic geneiralissimo,  and  his  gang  of  political  mannikins." 

"  They  invited  Miss  Lancaster,"  the  Herald  continued,  "  to 
come  to  Democratic  State  Headquarters,  and  there  kept  her  on 
the  grill  for  two  and  a  half  hours.  This  term  of  cross-examina^ 
tion,  during  which  she  was  under  fire  of  cross-questioning  and 
denunciation  from  practically  all  of  the  Democratic  politicians 
present,  was  a  vain  endeavor  to  have  her  bring  to  an  immediate 
close  her  campaign  against  the  Democratic  nominees  for  the 
United  States  Senate  and  Congress.  For  two  hours  and  a  half, 
the  hundred  pounds  of  femininity  withstood  the  concentrated 
cross-fire  of  the  ton  of  beef  and  brawn  represented  by  the  dozen 
or  more  distinguished  Democrats  who  acted  as  attorney,  judge, 
and  jury  all  in  one.  After  they  had  finished,  she  went  her  way, 
telling  Mr.  Wallace  that  neither  he  nor  his  hirelings  could 
swerve  her  from  her  duty  in  Utah  as  a  representative  of  this 
Congressional  Union  for  Woman  Suffrage. 

"  The  greatest  outburst  of  Generalissimo  Wallace,"  concludes 
the  Herald,  "  was  when,  in  a  moment  of  rage,  he  brought  his 
fist  down  on  the  table  and  threatened  to  advertise  Miss  Lan- 
caster the  country  over  by  means  of  the  Associated  Press  as 
being  in  league  with  '  sinister  influences '  in  Utah." 

One  of  the  candidates  for  Congress  from  Kansas  (Represen- 
tative Doolittle)  called  at  the  Washington  Headquarters  of  the 


Union  shortly  after  the  inangiiration  of  work  in  Kansas,  and 
urged  the  Union  to  withdraw  its  campaigners  from  his  district, 
at  least,  if  not  over  all  the  Western  States.  Finding  the  Union 
determined  to  continue  its  opposition  through  the  women  voters, 
as  long  as  his  Party  continued  its  opposition  to  the  National 
Amendment,  Mr.  Doolittle  delivered  a  speech  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  (occupying  more  than  a  page  of  the  Con- 
gressional Record),  denouncing  the  Union,  and  assuring  the 
members  of  Congress  that  its  appeal  to  the  women  voters  was 
not  authorized  by  the  Suffragists  of  the  country. 

Representative  Hayden  of  Arizona  also  endeavored,  in  a 
speech  in  the  House,  to  answer  the  appeal  of  the  Congressional 
Union  to  the  Western  women  to  cast  their  votes  against  him, 
together  with  the  other  national  Democratic  candidates.  Nearly 
three  pages  of  the  Record  was  consumed  by  Mr.  Hayden's  speech, 
which  he  reprinted,  and  sent  far  and  wide  through  the  State  of 
Arizona  in  an  attempt  to  counteract  the  havoc  which  it  was  ap- 
parently believed  was  being  wrought  by  the  Congressional  Union 

A  prominent  Democratic  candidate  for  the  Arizona  Legisla- 
ture testified  to  the  fear  which  the  Union  campaign  had  aroused 
among  the  Democratic  element  in  that  State  by  an  appeal  to 
Dr.  Cora  Smith  King,  a  member  of  the  Advisory  Council  of  the 
Congressional  Union,  urgently  imploring  her  to  use  her  influence 
with  the  Union  to  terminate  its  election  activities  in  Arizona. 
Dr.  King  replied :  "  The  more  the  local  Democrats  complain,  the 
more  they  advertise  the  slogan  of  the  Congressional  Union,  that 
the  Democrats  put  Suffrage  second  to  Party.  Do,  for  Heaven's 
sake,  raise  the  Democratic  roof  in  Washington  for  involving  you 
in  this  dilemma." 

Among  the  concrete  results  showing  the  effectiveness  of  the 
Congressional  Union  election  activities  was  the  inclusion  of  a 
Federal  Suffrage  Amendment  plank'  in  the  platforms  of  each 
of  the  State  parties  in  Colorado,  the  first  time  that  this  occurred 
in  that  State,  and  the  inclusion  of  a  similar  plank  in  the  Arizona 
Democratic  platform. 

Another  result  was  the  conversion  of  Senator  Smith  of  Arizona 
to  a  belief  in  the  Federal  Amendment.  On  September  28, 
Senator  Smith  and  Representative  Hayden,  the  two  Democratic 
candidates  who  were  running  for  Congress  from  Arizona,  sent 
the  following  telegram  to  Mrs.  Frances  Munds,  candidate  for 
State  Senatorship  on  the  Democratic  ticket:  "  Our  record  in  Con- 
gress shows  that  we  are  for  National  Woman  Suffrage.  If  you 
think  best,  offer  as  plank  in  State  platform  the  following:  'We 


pledge  our  candidates  for  United  States  Senator  and  Repre- 
sentative in  Congress  to  vote  at  all  times  for  National  Woman 

The  Democratic  Committee  adopted  and  strengthened  this 

All  candidates,  indeed,  seemed  to  develop  a  marked  increase 
in  the  fervor  of  their  allegiance  to  the  Suffrage  Amendment. 
Senator  Chamberlain  of  Oregon^  in  his  last  edition  of  street-car 
cards  before  election  day,  headed  his  poster  with  a  declaration 
of  his  support  of  National  Woman  Suffrage  as  the  leading  argu- 
ment for  his  re-election. 

Not  only  the  Congressional  candidates,  but  minor  Democratic 
workers,  suddenly  developed  unsuspected  interest  in  the  cause  of 
Woman  Suffrage.  Said  the  Examiner  of  Yuma,  Arizona  (Oc- 
tober 24,  1914),  in  commenting  on  the  situation:  "  We  view  with 
amazement  the  efforts  of  the  Democratic  bosses  to  be  in  favor 
of  Equal  Suffrage." 

And  so  in  each  of  the  States. 

No  more  conclusive  proof  of  the  support  given  by  the  women 
voters  to  the  Union's  campaign  could  be  afforded  than  the 
readiness  with  which  they  became  members  and  active  workers. 

In  undertaking  the  election  campaign,  the  Union  had  expected 
that  in  the  beginning  only  the  humble  members  of  the  rank  and 
file  would  respond  to  its  appeal.  It  had  fully  realized  that  the 
rank  and  file  are  more  easily  reached  by  new  work  than  .are  the 
leaders.  It  was  with  amazement,  therefore,  as  well  as  gratifica- 
tion that  it  greeted  the  co-operation  of  the  leading  women  voters 
of  the  West.  Their  willingness  to  subordinate  Party  interest 
to  the  National  Suffrage  cause  furnished  the  strongest  assurance 
of  the  ispeedy  organization  of  the  women's  vote  to  such  a  power 
as  to  make  it  a  determining  factor  in  the  outcome  of  things  at 

The  rank  and  file,  however,  equalled  the  leaders  in  the  en- 
thusiasm with  which  they  supported  the  campaign.  Women  who 
had  never  before  been  active  in  Suffrage  work  were  aroused  to 
an  effective  support  of  the  Congressional  Union's  policy.  Said 
the  Tribune  of  Pendleton,  Oregon  (October  16),  for  instance, 
in  commenting  on  this  situation: 

"  Large  numbers  of  women  who  had  not  even  registered  until 
the  campaign  of  the  Congressional  Union  began,  have  made  it 
their  duty  to  do  so  in  order  that  they  may  cast  their  ballot  on 
this  one  issue  alone.  They  had  not  been  especially  interested 
in  the  general  political  campaign,  but  seeing  the  opportunity  to 


assist  in  the  enfranchisement  of  other  women,  they  have  come 
bravely  to  the  front  with  offers  of  assistance." 

One  of  the  illuminating  features  of  the  campaign  was  the  aid 
given  to  the  Union  in  its  election  work  by  prominent  Democratic 
women.  This  support  came  from  the  Democratic  women  of  the 
East  as  well  as  of  the  West.  For  example,  Mrs.  George  A. 
Armes,  President  of  the  District  of  Columbia  Branch  of  the 
National  Wilson  and  Marshall  League,  wrote  to  the  Chairman 
of  the  Union  during  the  election  days :  "  I  have  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  greatest  service  I  can  render  to  the  National 
Democratic  Party  is  to  help  to  bring  it  to  realize  that  true 
democracy  involves  Suffrage  for  women  as  well  as  for  men.  I 
know  that  it  will  come  to  a  realization  of  the  truth  if  it  sees 
that  it  can  no  longer  count  upon  the  women's  vote  in  the  West 
if  it  opposes  the  Suffrage  Amendment.  I  am,  therefore,  heartily 
with  the  election  campaign  of  the  Congressional  Union  in  its 
appeal  to  the  women  voters  to  cast  their  votes  against  all  Demo- 
cratic candidates  for  Congress." 

Women  voted  in  the  election  for  forty-five  members  of 
Congress.  The  Democratic  Party  ran  candidates  for  forty- 
three  members  in  these  States.  The  Congressional  Union 
opposed  all  these  candidates.  Out  of  the  forty-three  Demo- 
cratic candidates,  only  twenty  were  elected.  In  some  of 
these  districts  undoubtedly  the  women  affected  these  results. 

I  quote  the  same  report: 

Basing  our  estimate  on  the  charges  made  by  friends  of  the 
candidates  whom  we  were  forced,  by  reason  of  the  action  of 
their  Party,  to  oppose,  the  Congressional  Union  campaign  de- 
feated Representative  Neely  of  Kansas,  Mr;  Flegel  of  Oregon, 
and  Representative  Seldomridge  of  Colorado;  and  contributed 
in  large  measure  to  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Hawley  of  Idaho,  Mr. 
James  H.  Moyle  of  Utah,  and  Mr.  Roscoe  Drumheller  of  Wash- 
ington, and  greatly  lessened  the  majorities  of  Senator  Smith  of 
Arizona,  Senator  Thomas,  and  Mr.  Keating  of  Colorado. 

The  campaign  of  the  Congressional  Union  accomplished 
exactly  what  its  members  hoped  and  expected  that  it  would 
accomplish.  If  their  purpose  had  been  merely  to  unseat  Demo- 
crats, they  would,  of  course,  have  taken  the  districts  in  the 
United  States  where  the  Democrats  had  won  by  very  slight 
majorities.  When  they  went  into  such  strongly  Democratic 
States  as  Arizona  and  Colorado,  they  did  not  expect  to  unseat 


any  of  the  Democratic  candidates  in  those  States.  Their  pur- 
pose was  to  make  Woman  SufErage  an  ever-present  political 
issue  in  the  States  where  women  have  political  power  until  all 
the  women  of  the  United  States  shall  be  enfranchised,  and  to 
lay  in  those  States  the  foundations  for  permanent  and  constantly- 
growing  support  of  the  franchise  work  at  Washington,  They 
succeeded  in  making  the  record  of  the  Democratic  Party  on 
Woman  Suffrage  (an  issue  which  would  not  otherwise  have  been 
heard  of)  widely  known  and  hotly  discussed  in  the  Suffrage 

In  the  meantime.  Suffrage  had  come  up  again  and  again 
in  Congress.  On  October  10,  1914,  during  discussion  of 
the  Philippine  Bill,  conferring  a  greater  measure  of  self- 
government  on  Filipino  men,  Representative  Mann  of 
Illinois  proposed  on  that  date  that  the  franchise  measure 
in  the  Bill  be  so  amended  as  to  give  the  vote  to  women  on 
the  Islands.  This  Amendment  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  fifty- 
eight  to  eighty-four.  On  October  12,  Representative  J.  W. 
Bryan  of  Washington,  Progressive,  proposed  three  other 
Amendments:  One,  making  women  eligible  to  vote  in  school 
elections,  which  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  eleven  to  twenty-seven ; 
one  giving  the  vote  to  women  property-owners,  which  was  lost 
by  a  vote  of  nine  to  twenty-seven,  and  one  giving  the  Philip- 
pine legislature  power  to  extend  the  right  of  Suffrage  to 
women  at  any  future  time,  which  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  eleven 
to  twenty-seven.  The  Amendments  were  defeated  by  strictly 
party  votes,  the  Democrats  ^voting  almost  solidly  against 
them,  while  the  Progressives  and  Republicans  supported 

This  Session  of  Congress  adjourned  on  October  4,  1914. 
At  its  close,  the  Suffrage  Amendment  was  upon  the  calendar 
of  the  Senate  and  the  House,  ready  for  a  vote.  In  the 
House,  however,  the  Rules  Committee  must  apportion  time 
for  the  vote.  Mr.  Mondell's  Resolution  providing  for  this 
— and  for  which  successive  deputations  had  besieged  the 
Rules  Committee — was  still  before  the  Rules  Committee. 

The  short  Session— the  last  Session  of  the  Sixty-third 
Congress — opened    on    December    7.      President    Wilson's 


message,  read  to  Congress  on  December  8,  made  no  mention 
of  the  Woman  Suffrage  question,  though  it  expressly 
recommended  the  Bill  granting  further  independence  to  the 
men  of  the  Philippines. 

In  December,  therefore,  Anne  Martin,  who  had  brought 
to  brilliant  victory  the  campaign  in  Nevadei,  came  to  the 
Congressional  Union's  Headquarters  in  Washington.  She 
called  on  the  President  to  ask  his  assistance  in  furthering 
the  passage  of  the  Bristow-Mondell  Amendment. 

In  referring  to  the  victory  in  Nevada,  the  President  said : 
"  That  is  the  way  I  believe  it  should  come,  by  States." 

Miss  Martin  then  pointed  out  to  the  President  the  im- 
mense difficulties  involved  in  State  campaigns.  She  said: 
"  The  referendum  campaigns  are  killing  work,  and  the 
women  of  America  are  working  for  the  passage  of  this 
Federal  Amendment  in  order  to  end  the  long  struggle." 

Miss  Martin  referred  to  the  President's  attitude  toward 
the  Filipinos.  She  said  she  had  read  with  interest  that 
part  of  his  message  to  Congress  in  which  he  advocated  a 
larger  measure  of  self-government  for  them.  She  pointed 
out  that  Suffragists  were  asking  for  an  extension  of  the 
same  right  to  American  women,  and  urged  him  to  give  equal 
support  to  the  Amendment  enfranchising  his  country- 

The  Congressional  Union  began  to  send  deputations  to 
the  refractory  Rules  Committee,  immediately  upon  the 
retqrn  of  the  Committee  members  to  Washington.  On 
December  9,  Mrs.  William  Kent  and  Mrs.  Gardner  called 
upon  Chairman  Henry  as  soon  as  he  reached  the  city.  To 
their  great  astonishment,  they  were  promptly  assured  by 
Mr.  Henry  that  the. Rules  Committee  would  report  favorably 
House  Resolution  No.  514 — providing  time  for  the  consid- 
eration of  the  Suffrage  Amendment  in  the  House — which 
had  been  before  it  since  May  13. 

"  Mr.  Henry  said,"  says  the  Suffragist  of  December  12,  "  that 
he  had  always  desired  to  make  a  favorable  report  of  the  Suffrage 


rules  certain  'sinister  influences,'  however,  working  upon  some 
of  the  members  of  this  Committee  had  made  it  impossible 
for  the  Committee  to  take  action  upon  it  during  the  last 
Session.  Mr.  Henry  did  not  state  what  the  '  sinister  influences  ' 
were,  nor  why  they  had  been  removed  immediately  after  the 

He  also  assured  representatives  of  the  Union  that  the 
Rules  Committee  would  shortly  bring  the  Amendment  to  a 
vote  in  the  House. 

"  There  is  every  reason  to  believe,"  said  Mrs.  Gilson  Gard- 
ner commenting  on  Mr.  Henry's  glib  change  of  front,  "  that 
the  Party  leaders  have  met  and  studied  the  Democratic  re- 
turns from  the  campaign  States." 

On  January  12,  the  Resolution  on  the  Susan  B.  Anthony 
Amendment  was  debated  for  over  six  hours  in  the  House 
and  voted  upon  the  same  day.  One  hundred  and  seventy- 
four  votes  were  cast  for  the  Amendment,  two  hundred  and 
four  against  it.  Forty-six  members  were  recorded  as  not 
voting.  Of  the  forty-six,  twelve  were  paired  in  favor,  and 
six  paired'  against  it.  The  Amendment  thus  failed  by 
seventy-eight  votes  of  the  necessary  two-thirds. 

It  is  a  favorite  trick  with  politicians  to  bring  up  the 
Amendment  in  the  short  session  of  a  dying  Congress.  They 
can  vote  no  and  still  have  a  chance,  in  the  new  Congress, 
to  redeem  themselves  before  election. 

The  Suffragist  of  January  23  quotes  some  of  the  reasons 
for  opposing  the  Amendment: 

That  Woman  Suffrage  cannot  be  supported  because  of  a  man's 
respect,  admiration,  and  reverence  for  womanhood. 

That  five  little  colored  girls  marched  in  a  Suffrage  parade  in 
Columbus,  Ohio. 

That  women  must  be  protected  against  themselves.  They 
think  they  want  to  vote.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  they  do  not  want 
to  vote,  and  man,  being  aware  of  this  fact,  is  obliged  to  prevent 
them  from  getting  the  ballot  that  they  do  not  want 

That  the  ballot  would  degrade  women. 

That  no  man  would  care  to  marry  a  Suffragist. 

That  women  do  not  read  newspapers  on  street  cars. 


That  women  do  not  buy  newspapers  of  Ikey  Oppenstein,  who 
keeps  the  stand  on  the  corner. 

That  no  man  would  care  to  marry  a  female  butcher. 

That  no  man  would  care  to  marry  a  female  policeman. 

That  Woman  Suffrage  is  a  matter  for  the  States  to  determine. 

That  Mrs.  Harriot  Stanton  Blatch  once  marched  in  a  proces- 
sion in  which  she  carried  a  banner  inscribed,  "  One  million  So- 
cialists vote  and  work  for  Sufifrage." 

That  Inez  MilhoUand  married  a  Belgian  and  once  referred 
to  a  cabinet-officer  as  a  joke. 

That  women  fail  to  take  part  in  the  "  duty  of  organized 
murder  "  and  might  therefore  vote  against  war. 




The  new — the  Sixty-fourth — Congress  did  not  meet  until 
December  in  1915.  This  is  the  first  and  only  summer  in 
President  Wilson's  administration  in  which  Congress  was 
not  in  session.  Normally,  Congress  meets  every  other  sum- 
mer, but  President  Wilson  has  called  three  special  sessions 
in  the  alternate  years.  In  consequence,  that  year  in  Wash- 
ington is  less  full  than  others  with  work  with  Congress  or 
the  President.  In  the  meantime,  however,  the  Congressional 
Union  did  not  permit  the  people  of  the  United  States  to 
forget  the  Suffrage  fight. 

Alice  Paul  now  felt  that  it  was  necessary  to  swing  in 
the  support  of  the  country  back  of  the  Suifrage  demand 
for  the  Federal  Amendment.  She  felt  that  this  could  only 
be  accomplished  by  a  nation-wide  organization  which,  dis- 
sipating no  energy  in  State  work,  would  focus  on  Congress. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Advisory  Council  in  New  York  City 
on  Wednesday,  March  31,  she  outlined  plans  for  the  coming 
year.     She  said  in  part: 

We  want  to  organize  in  every  State. in  the  Union.  We  will 
begin  this  by  holding  in  each  State  a  Convention  on  the  same 
lines  as  this  Conference,  at  which  we  will  explain  our  purposes, 
our  plans,  and  our  ideals.  At  each  of  these  Conferences,  the 
members  will  select  a  State  Chairman,  who  will  appoint  a  Chair- 
man of  each  of  the  Congressional  constituencies  in  her  State. 
■  Each  Convention  will  also  adopt  a  plan  of  State  organization, 
suited  to  the  needs  of  their  locality.  Each  Convention  too  will 
send  Representatives  to  a  culminating  Convention  of  women 
voters,  to  be  held  at  San  Francisco  during  the  course  of  the 
Panama-Pacific  Exposition,  on  September  14th,  15th,  and  l6th. 
At  this  first  Convention  of  women  voters  to  be  held  on  their  own 



territory  in  behalf  of  the  National  Suffrage  Amendment,  dele- 
gates will  be  appointed  to  go  to  Washington,  D.  C,  the  week 
Congress  opens,  to  lay  before  their  Representatives  and  the 
leaders  of  the  majority  Party  in  Congress,  the  demand  of  women 
voters  for  the  national  enfranchisement  of  women.  During  the 
opening  week  in  Congress,  too,  the  pageant  on  the  life  of  Susan 
B.  Anthony,  along  the  lines  which  Hazel  Mackaye  has  just  out- 
lined to  you,  will  be  given.  We  want  to  make  Woman  Suffrage 
the  dominant  political  issue  from  the  moment  Congress  recon- 
venes. We  want  to  have  Congress  open  in  the  midst  of  a  ver- 
itable Suffrage  cyclone. 

During  the  Sixty-third  Congress,  we  have  been  able,  with  very 
little  organized  support,  to  force  action  on  the  Federal  Suffrage 
Amendment.  When  we  have  an  active  body  of  members  in  every 
State  in  the  Union  uniting  in  this  demand,  I  believe  that  we  will 
be  able  to  get  our  Amendment  passed. 

The  organization  of  the  various  State  Conventions  pro- 
gressed rapidly  from  week  to  week.  An  incredible  amount 
of  work  was  done — and  done  with  the  swift,  broad,  slashing 
strokes  which  always  characterized  the  Congressional  Union 
work.  This,  of  course,  brought  the  Congressional  Union 
into  prominence  everywhere;  but  the  eye  of  the  coun- 
try was  held  by  a  new  type  of  demonstration  which,  fol- 
lowing her  genius  for  picturesque  publicity,  Alice  Paul 
immediately  began  to  produce.  The  stage  was  the  entire 
United  States  of  America,  and  the  leading  woman  in  the 
— one  would  almost  call  it  a  pageant — was  Sara  Bard  Field 
of  California.  The  prologue  opened  at  the  Panama-Pacific 
Exposition  of  1916. 

Through  Mrs.  Kent  an  exhibit  booth  for  the  Congressional 
Union  for  Woman  Suffrage  was  secured  in  the  Educational 
Building  at  the  Panama-Pacific  Exposition.  The  Record  of 
the  Sixty-third  Congress  was  exhibited  there,  and  the  people 
in  chai'ge  invited  detailed  inspection  from  visitors.  All 
American  visitors  were  asked  to  look  up  the  record  of  their 
Congressman,  to  discover,  how  he  voted  on  the  Suffrage 
Amendment :  they  were  asked  to  sign  the  monster  petition  to 
Congress.  This  booth,  always  decorated  with  purple,  white, 
and  gold,  was  to  become  during  the  year  the  scene  of  meeting 


after  meeting;  all  characterized  by  the  picturesqueness 
which  would  inevitably  emerge  from  a  combination  of  the 
Congressional  Union  with  California. 

Sara  Bard  Field,  in  the  Suffragist  of  September  11,  thus 
describes  it: 

A  world  passes  by.  It  looks  reverently  at  the  firmly-sweet 
face  of  Susan  B.  Anthony,  whose  portrait  hangs  upon  the  wall. 
It  scans  the  record  of  the  vote  of  the  Sixty-third  Congress. 
...  It  peers  with  curious  smiles  at  the  brief  array  of  lady 
dolls  which  mutely  proclaim  the  voting  and  non-voting  States 
for  women,  and  the  forces  which  prevent  Suffrage.   .    .    . 


The  first  California  Conference  of  the  Congressional 
Union  was  held  in  San  Francisco  June  1  and  2.  Every 
part  of  the  State  and  every  political  Party  was  represented 
at  the  gathering.  Florence  Kelley,  National  Secretary  of 
the  Consumers'  League,  appealed  to  the  women  of  the  West 
for  aid  in  the  battle  of  Eastern  women  for  Suffrage  in  the 
following  eloquent  words: 

I  come  from  a  State  in  which  women  have  been  trying  to 
get  Suffrage  for  twenty-seven  years.  We  are  forced  to  come  to 
you  women  of  California  and  ask  you  to  stand  behind  us;  and 
we  are  thankful  that  California  has  re-enlisted  for  Suffrage. 
Women  in  California  have  talked  to  me  about  the  ease  with 
which  they  won  Suffrage,  and  praise  their  men-folk.  I  would 
like  to  say  there  was  nothing  the  matter  with  my  father.  He 
was  a  Suffragist.  There  is  nothing  the  matter  with  our  men 
in  the  State  of  New  York.  Our  trouble  is  with  the  steerage. 
They  inundate  our  shores  year  after  year.  We  slowly  assimilate 
and  convert;  but  each  year  there  is  the  same  work  to  do  over 
— ^the  same  battle  with  ignorance  and  foreign  ideas  of  freedom 
and  the  "  place  of  woman." 

Mrs.  Kelley  gave  instance  after  instance  of  the  humilia- 
tion to  which  women  working  on  the  New  York  Suffrage 
petition  had  been  put  by  naturalized  foreign  residents.  She 
pointed  out  the  curious,  paradoxical  inconsistency  of  grant- 
ing foreigners  the  vote,  and  yet  denying  it  to  American 


She  described  with  a  real  dramatic  effect  the  incident  of 
the  President's  trip  to  Philadelphia,  when  he  welcomed  a 
great  army  of  naturalized  immigrants,  and  denied  a  hearing 
to  American  women. 

"  There  are  some  of  our  men,"  she  conimented,  "  the  me- 
chanics of  whose  minds  we  do  not  miderstand.  George  Wash- 
ington, you  may  remember,  in  Woodrow  Wilson's  History  of 
the  United  States,  had  no  mother." 

Mrs.  Kelley  told  of  the  battle  women,  themselves  sworn 
to  enforce  the  law,  have  to  fight  if  they  are  without  the 
ballot.  She  went  into  her  experiences  as  a  voteless  citizen 
of  Illinois,  when  she  was  a  factory  inspector  there. 

Eastern  women  have  been  degraded  by  sixty-eight  years  of 
beggary.  They  have  begged  of  the  steerage;  they  have  begged 
of  politicians;  now  they  find  it  possible  to  come  West  and  ask 
the  co-operation  of  their  own  sisters.  But  I  come  to  you  with 
a  nobler  argument  when  I  ask  you  to  support  the  work  of  the 
Congressional  Union  for  Woman  Suffrage.  Do  not  do  it  for 
us,  even  though  we  have  borne  the  rigor  and  heat  of  the  day  in 
the  long  fight  for  enfranchisement.  Do  it  for  the  children  of 
the  future:  let  them  come  into  a  noble  heritage  through  us. 

The  climax  of  this  Conference  came  the  final  day  when, 
at  the  Inside  Inn  ball-room  of  the  Exposition,  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  eleven  enfranchised  States,  the  Territory 
of  Alaska  and  in  addition  the  enfranchised  nations,  meeting 
on  the  same  platform,  told  what  freedom  for  women  had 
accomplished  in  their  nations  and  States.  The  great  ball- 
room was  decorated  with  purple,  white,  and  gold  banners 
of  the  Union,  and  massed  with  golden  acacia.  Many  of  the 
women  representatives  wore  the  costumes  of  their  native 
land.  Mayi  Maki,  a  Finnish  girl  typically  blonde,  in  the 
striking  peasant  costume  of  Finland,  spoke.  Mrs.  Chem 
Chi,  a  Chinese  woman,  in  the  no  less  striking  costume  of 
China,  spoke.  Representatives  of  New  Zealand,  the  Isle  of 
Man,  Norway,  Iceland,  and  Denmark  spoke. 

The  Congressional  Union  celebrated  Bunker  Hill  Day, 


June  17,  by  another  charming  occasion.  It  dedicated  to 
the  Massachusetts  exhibit  a  miniature  reproduction  of 
Bunker  Hill  monument,  thrown  into  relief  by  a  black-velvet 
background,  which  bore  the  history  of  the  notable  women 
of  the  State. 

It  was  a  brilliant  day,  sunny  and  clear.  The  Massa- 
chusetts Building,  a  facsimile  of  the  noble  State  House  of 
Boston,  situated  between  the  gorgeous  bay  of  San  Fran- 
cisco and  the  iridescent  Marin  shore  on  the  one  hand,  and 
the  long  line  of  orientally  colored  Exposition  Buildings  on 
the  other,  was  decorated  for  the  occasion  with  the  red,  white, 
and  blue  of  the  national  flag,  and  the  white  of  the  great 
State  flag. 

A  procession  of  Suffragists,  headed  by  Gail  Laughlin, 
wearing  the  purple,  white,  and  gold  regalia,  and  escorted 
by  a  special  military  band,  marched  behind  a  large  purple, 
white,  and  gold  flag,  and  between  an  avenue  of  purple, 
white,  and  gold  flags  up  to  the  Massachusetts  Building, 
where  they  were  confronted  by  a  great  banner,  bearing  the 
words  of  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment. 

Gail  Laughlin,  who  was  educated  in  Massachusetts,  said 
in  part: 

There  were  Pilgrim  mothers  in  those  days,  as  well  as  Pilgrim 
Fathers,  though  they  were  singularly  absent  from  history.  You 
will  find  nothing  of  them  in  the  schoolbooks;  you  have  to  go 
to  the  sources  from  which  histories  are  made.  Then  Mary 
Warren,  advisor  of  Knox  and  Adams  and  Jefferson ;  and  Hannah 
Winthrop  and  Abigail  Adams  begin  to  stand  out  beside  the  men 
who  are  said  to  have  made  the  history  of  that  time.  Was  it  not 
Abigail  Adams  who  wrote  to  her  husband  at  the  Continental 
Congress  when  the  very  document  we  women  are  now  striving 
to  change  was  drawn  up :  "  If  you  do  not  free  the  women  of  the 
nation,  there  will  be  another  revolution."  I  consider  Abigail 
Adams  the  first  member  of  the  Congressional  Union  for  Woman 

There  was  Julia  Ward  Howe,  the  author  of  The  Battle  Hymn 
of  the  Republic,  and  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe,  who  so  largely 
helped  in  the  freeing  of  the  slaves ;  and  Lucy  Stone,  that  staunch 
Abolitionist    and    Suffragist — all    closely    linked    with    Massa- 


chusetts'  great  history.  It  was  Lucy  Stone  who,  when  protest 
was  made  that  she  injected  "  too  much  suffrage  "  into  her  Abo- 
litionist speeches,  declared,  "  I  was  a  woman  before  I  was  an 

Later,  at  a  mass-meeting  of  the  CcQgressional  Union, 
Maud  Younger,  who,  in  Washington,  was  to  become  so  stead- 
fast a  worker  for  the  Congressional  Union,  spoke.  Maud 
Younger  is  one  of  the  most  picturesque  of  the  many  pic- 
turesque figures  among  the  native  daughters  of  California: 
a  student  of  economic  conditions ;  a  feminist ;  much  traveled ; 
an  ex-president  qf  the  Waitresses'  Union;  her  life  is  as 
inextricably  mixed  with  the  Labor  and  Suffrage  history  of 
California  as  later  it  was  bound  with  the  Woman's  Party. 
On  this  occasion,  she  said: 

The  burden  of  the  women  of  the  unenfranchised  States,  their 
struggles,  is  ours  more  than  it  ever  was;  our  freedom  is  not  our 
own  while  they  are  unenfranchised.  I  realized  in  the  East  that 
we  women  can  spend  a  lifetime  for  Suffrage,  if  we  continue  to 
work  State  by  State  only.  Do  you  realize  that,  since  we  won 
our  vote  in  California,  Ohio  has  been  twice  defeated,  and  Michi- 
gan twice  defeated?  ...  I  heard  Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman 
of  the  Industrial  Railways  Commission,  say  in  Washington: 
"  The  ballot  for  women  will  only  come  through  the  persistent 
and  unremitting  effort  of  the  women  in  the  free  States." 

Maud  Younger  was  followed  by  Andrew  Gallagher,  equally 
important,  and  equally  as  picturesque  a  figure  among  the 
Native  Sons  of  California.  Mr.  Gallagher  is  an  ex- 
champion  amateur  heavyweight  of  the  Pacific  Coast;  a 
labor  leader;  a  power  in  California  politics.  He  said  in 
part :  \ 

In  those  days  when  Suffrage  hopes  were  dark  in  California, 
Labor  stood  by  women;  as  we  stood  for  State  Suffrage,  so  now 
we  stand  for  National  Suffrage.  If  Labor  can  help  to  bring 
about  the  passage  of  the  National  Woman  Suffrage  Amendment;, 
then  Labor  will  put  its  shoulder  to  the  wheel,  and  do  all  in  its 
power  to  force  its  adoption. 


The  Political  Convention  of  Woman  Voters  held  in  San 
Francisco  in  September  at  the  Panama-Pacific  Exposition, 
carried  out  all  these  traditions  of  picturesque^ess.  Mrs. 
O.  H.  P.  Belmont  opened  the  Convention.  Mrs.  Fremont 
Older,  the  novelist,  spoke.  Dr.  Yami  Kin,  the  first  woman 
physician  in  China — ^bringing  to  the  event  a  picturesque 
touch  of  internationalism  by  wearing  a  pale  blue  brocaded 
mandarin  coat — spoke  in  excellent  English.  Mme.  Ali  Kuli 
Khan,  the  wife  of  the  Persian  Minister,  and  Mme.  Maria 
Montessori,  the  famous  Italian  physician  and  educator,  also 

Mrs.  Belmont  said: 

We  women  of  the  North,  of  the  South  and  of  the  East, 
branded  on  account  of  sex,  disfranchised  as  criminals  and  im- 
beciles, come  to  the  glorious  West,  where  the  broad  vision  of  its 
men  has  seen  justice. 

Mrs.  Older  said: 

I  thought  that  Woman  Suffrage  was  like  Utopia ;  when  women 
were  good  enough  to  vote,  the  men  would  give  it  to  them;  but 
I  have  learned  that  Utopias  are  not  given  away;  they  must  be 
fought  for. 

Dr.  Yami  Kin  said: 

All  countries  look  to  North  and  West  for  inspiration  and  help 
in  their  march  toward  freedom. 

JVime.  Montessori  said: 

We  have  watched  individual  States  in  your  country  give  justice 
to  women,  one  by  one.  Now  we  are  waiting  for  the  United 
States  to  declare  its  women  free. 

The  Convention  passed  Resolutions  calling  upon  the 
Sixty-fourth  Congress  to  vote  for  the  Susan  B.  Anthony 
Amendment.  Sara  Bard  Field  and  Frances  Joliffe  were 
selected  as  envoys  to  carry  the  Resolution  across  the  country 


to  Congress.  A  plan  was  made  for  the  envoys  to  travel 
slowly  eastward,  holding  meetings  and  collecting  signatures 
to  the  petition;  arriving  in  Washington  the  day  Congress 
assembled.  Mabel  Vernon  acted  as  advance  guard  for  this 
expedition  and  was  more  responsible  than  anybody  eke  for 
its  success. 

The  final  ceremony  of  the  Convention  took  place  in  the 
Court  of  Abundance  on  the  night  of  the  day  which  had  been 
designated  by  the  directors  of  the  Exposition  as  the  Con- 
gressional Union  for  Woman  Suffrage  Day.  On  that  eve- 
ning, Mr.  M.  H.  DeYoung,  on  behalf  of  the  directors  of  the 
Exposition,  presented  Mrs.  Belmont  for  the  Congressional 
Union  with  a  bronze  medal  in  recognition  of  the  work  of  the 
Congressional  Union.  Ten  thousand  people  gathered  there 
to  witness  it.  They  listened  rapt  to  the  speeches,  and  then 
— flighting  their  way  by  thousands  of  golden  lanterns — ac- 
companied the  envoys  to  the  gates. 

The  national  Suffrage  Edition  of  the  Scm  Francisco 
BvMetm,  edited  by  Mrs.  O.  H.  F.  Belmont,  assisted  by  Doris 
Stevens  as  city  editor,  Mrs.  John  Jay  White  as  art  editor 
and  Alice  Faul  as  telegraph  editor,  charmingly  described 
the  scene: 

The  great  place  was  softly  and  naturally  lit  except  for  the 
giant  tower  gate  flaiqing  aloft  in  the  white  lights  which  focnssed 
on  it  as  on  some  brilliant  altar.  Far  below,  like  a  brilliant 
flower  bed,  filling  the  terraced  side  from  end  to  end,  glowed  the 
huge  chorus  of  women,  which  was  one  of  the  features  of  the 
evening.  Those  at  the  top — hardly  women — ^were  the  girls  of 
the  Oriental  School,  from  midget  size  up,  in  quaintly  colorful 
nativj;  costumes.  In  the  foreground  were  the  Finnish,  Swedish, 
and  Norwegian  girls  in  their  peasant  costumes,  and,  stretching 
the  length  of  the  stage,  like  a  great  living  flag  of  the  Con- 
gressional Union,  were  massed  Union  members  in  surplices  of 
the  organization  colors.    The  effect  was  one  of  exotic  brilliancy. 

Back  of  the  stage,  curtaining  the  great  arch,  fluttered  the  red, 
white,  and  blue  emblem  of  the  nation  that  women  have  sacrificed 
as  much  to  upbuild  as  the  men ;  but  significantly  waving  with  the 
Stars  and  Stripes  hung  the  great  Suffrage  banner,  that  ringingly 
declared:    WE    DEMAND    AN    AMENDMENT    TO    THE 


CHISING WOMEN.  And  the  great  crowd  in  the  Court 
joined  in  the  swelling  song  that  another  band  of  women  across 
the  sea,  fighting  for  liberty,  had  originated.  Every  one  was 
catching  the  words: 

"Shout,  shout,  up  with  your  song! 
Cry  with  the  wind,  for  the  dawn  is  breaking. 
March,  march,  swing  you  along. 
Wide  blow  our  banners,  and  hope  is  waking." 

And  then  came  the  envoys,  delegated  by  women  voters  to 
carry  the  torch  of  liberty  through  the  dark  lands  and  keep  it 
burning.  And  the  dark  mass  below  the  lighted  altar-tower 
caught  the  choristers'  spirit,  and  burst  into  cheers. 

The  chorus  also  sang  the  Song  of  the  Free  Women,  written 
by  Sara  Bard  Field  to  the  music  of  the  Marseillaise. 

The  envoys  spoke.  Their  words  were  greeted  with  cheers. 
One  of  the  nation's  greatest  actresses,  Margaret  Anglin,  said 
a  few  fitting  farewell  words  to  them  in  the  name  of  the  women 
of  the  world. 

Then,  all  at  once,  the  great,  brightly-colored  picture  and  its 
dark  background  began  to  disintegrate  and  fade.  The  Court 
darkened,  but  bright  masses  of  women  were  forming  in  proces- 
sion to  escort  the  envoys  to  the  gates  of  the  Exposition.  Orange 
lanterns  swayed  in  the  breeze;  purple,  white,  and  gold  draperies 
fluttered,  the  blare  of  the  band  burst  forth,  and  the  great  surging 
crowd  followed  to  the  gates. 

There,  Ingeborg  Kindstedt  and  Maria  Kindberg,  of  Provi- 
dence, Rhode  Island,  who  had  purchased  the  car  that  is  to  take 
the  crusaders  on  their  long  journey,  met  the  procession.  The 
Overland  car  was  covered  with  Suffrage  streamers.  Miss 
Kindberg  was  at  the  wheel.  To  the  wild  cheering  of  the  crowd. 
Miss  Joliflfe  and  Mrs.  Field,  the  two  envoys  for  Washington, 
were  seated.  The  crowd  surged  close  with  final  messages. 
Cheers  burst  forth  as  the  gates  opened,  and  the  big  car  swung 
through,  ending  the  most  dramatic  and  significant  Suffrage  Con- 
vention that  has  probably  ever  been  held  in  the  history  of  the 

And  so  Alice  Paul's  stupendous  pageant — ^whose  stage 
was  the  entire  United  States — opened. 

The  petition  which  the  envoys  were  to  carry  across  the 
country  to  Washington  was,  even  when  it  left  California, 


the  largest  ever  signed  in  one  place.  It  was  18,338  fe«t 
long,  and  contained  500,000  names. 

Very  soon  after  the  envoys  started,  President  Wilson  made 
his  first  declaration  for  Suffrage.  He  also  went  to  New 
Jersey  and  voted  for  it. 

Frances  Joliffe  was  called  back  to  California  by  illness 
in  her  family  at  the  beginning  of  the  journey.  Sara  Bard 
Field,  therefore,  continued  alone  across  the  continent  with 
her  two  Swedish  convoys.  It  was  a  remarkable  trip, 
filled  with  unexpected  adventure.  A  long  procession  of 
Mayors  and  Governors  welcomed  Mrs.  Field  in  her  nation- 
wide journey.  Everywhere  she  advertised  the  Democratic 
record  in  Congress.  One  of  the  early  mishaps  was  to  get 
lost  in  the  desert  of  Utah.  They  wandered  about  for  a 
whole  day,  and  regained  the  highway  in  time  to  arrive  in 
Salt  Lake  City  at  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Later  in 
Kansas  came  a  more  serious  mishap.  But  let  Mrs.  Field 
speak  for  herself.  No  better  picture  can  be  given  of  her 
picturesque  journey  than  her  own  reports,  published  from 
time  to  time  in  the  Suffragist. 

From  Fallon,  Nevada,  Mrs.  Field  wrote: 

Here  we  are  in  the  heart  of  Nevada's  desert,  having  traveled 
already  over  three  hundred  and  eighty  miles  of  every  kind 
of  country — meadow  land,  green,  luzurious  ranches,  rolling  hill 
country,  steep  mountain  grades,  the  grass  lands  of  the  Sierras, 
and  now  through  the  bare  but  beautiful  desert. 

We  reached  Reno  at  midnight  on  Sunday  after  a  vision  of  the 
sublime  chaos  of  the  Sierras  at  night. 

At  night,  from  a  car  flying  the  Congressional  Union  colors 
and  the  Amendment  banner.  Miss  Martin  and  I  spoke  in  the 
streets  of  Reno.  The  crowd  listened  with  close  attention,  and 
pressed  closely  about  the  car  to  sign  the  petition. 

At  noon  today,  we  left  Reno  for  the  most  trying  and  perilous 
part  of  our  journey.  We  are  traveling  across  some  six  hundred 
miles  of  barren  land  known  as  the  "  Great  American  Desert" 
Our  next  destination  is  Salt  Lake  City. 

From  Salt  Lake  City,  Mrs.  Field  wrote: 


The  State  Capitol,  where  each  meeting  was  held,  stands  on 
a  hill.  The  world  is  at  its  feet.  The  mountains  wall  the  entire 
city.  .  .  .  While  the  earth  was  glowing  in  the  light  of  a  flaming 
sunset,  and  the  mountains  about  stood  like  everlasting  witnesses. 
Representative  Howell  of  Utah  pledged  his  full  and  unqualified 
support  to  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment  in  the  coming  ses- 
sion of  Congress. 

At  Colorado  Springs,  their  reception  was  almost  a 
pageant.  Marching  to  music,  a  procession  of  women  clad 
in  purple,  white,  and  gold  surplices  and  carrying  banners, 
accompanied  the  Suffrage  car  to  the  City  Hall  where  they 
sang  The  March  of  the  Women  and  The  Song  of  the  Free 
Womek.  The  Mayor  of  Colorado  Springs  greeted  them  with 
a  welcoming  speech. 

In  the  bogs  of  southern  Kansas,  the  Suffrage  car  had  an 
adventure.     The  Suffragist  says: 

Fulling  into  Hutchinson  on  Monday  evening  over  muddy 
roads,  the  car  plunged  suddenly  into  a  deep  hole  filled  with  water. 
The  body  of  the  Flier  was  almost  submerged.  The  petitioners, 
fearing  to  step  out  of  the  car,  sat  and  called  "  Help ! "  into 
the  darkness  of  the  night  until  their  voices  were  hoarse.  No 
response  came  from  the  apparently  deserted  country.  But  they 
knew  there  was  a  farmhouse  about  a  mile  back.  So  Sara  Bard 
Field,  little  but  brave,  slipped  away  from  her  place  on  the  back 
seat;  before  her  companions  knew  it,  was  almost  up  to  hei;  waist 
in  slimy  mud.  Hardly  able  to  pull  one  foot  out  of  the  mud  to 
plant  it  ahead  of  the  other,  she  finally,  after  a  two  hours' 
struggle,  reached  the  ranch,  where  the  farmer  and  his  son  were 
roused  from  their  sleep  (for  it  was  now  midnight)  and  told  of 
the  women's  plight.  In  a  little  while,  horses  were  harnessed 
and  a  rescue  party  was  on  its  way;  but  not  until  three  o'clock 
did  the  women  start  toward  Hutchinson  tired  and  wet,  and  cov- 
ered with  mud. 

In  Kansas  City,  Missouri,  the  Suffragists,  accompanied  by 
a  procession  of  automobiles,  impressively  long,  called  first  on 
Mayor  Jost  and  then  on  Senator  Reed.  The  difference 
between  Suffrage  and  non-Suffrage  States  became  immedi- 
ately evident  from  Mayor  Jost's  attitude;  for,  while  he 
bade  the  envoys  welcome,  he  declined  to  state  his  own  con- 


victions  on  the  purposes  of  their  journey.  There  was  no 
doubt  about  Senator  Reed's  conviction.  He  had  voted 
against  the  Suffrage  measure  in  the  last  Session.  The 
women  made  speeches.  In  answer,  Senator  Reed  spoke  sev- 
eral sentences  in  such  a  low  and  indistinct  manner  that  no 
one  in  the  crowd  that  overflowed  his  office  could  understand 
him,  and  a  man  in  the  delegation  called  out,  "  You  need 
say  only  one  word,  Senator."  There  were  more  speeches 
from  the  women,  and,  when  Senator  Reed  saw  that  some- 
thing must  be  said,  he  finally  declared  he  "  would  take  the 
matter  into  consideration." 

Mrs.  Field  writing  of  Missouri,  said: 

"  In  the  enemy's  country," — ^that  is  what  the  newspapers  said 
of  our  arrival  in  Missouri,  the  first  non-Su£Erage  State  we 
reached.  Such  kind,  genial,  hospitable  "  enemies."  I  wish  all 
enemies  were  of  their  disposition.  For  a  whole  day  and.  night, 
Kansas  City,  Missouri,  was  alive  with  Suffrage  enthusiasm; 
great  crowds  attended  our  advent  everywhere.  We  never  spoke 
that  whole  day,  from  our  noon  meeting  on  the  City  Hall  steps 
until  the  last  late  street  meeting  at  night,  but  we  had  more 
people  to  talk  to  than  our  voices  could  reach.  As  our  auto  pro- 
cession passed  down  the  street,  crowds  gathered  to  see  it;  and 
the  windows  of  every  business  house  and  office  building  were 
lined  with  kindly  faces.  Often,  there  was  applause  and  cheers; 
when  these  were  lacking,  there  was  a  peculiar  sort  of  earnest 
curiosity.  And,  oh  the  Suffragists!  I  wish  that  every  western 
voting  woman  who  is  making  a  sacrificial  effort  at  all  for  Na- 
tional Suffrage  could  have  seen  those  grateful  women.  "  The 
greatest  day  for  Suffrage  Kansas  has  ever  seen,"  said  some  of  the 
older  Suffrage  workers :  "  How  good  of  the  western  women  to 
come  to  our  aid !  "  At  the  City  Club  meeting,  which  was  packed, 
Mr.  Frank  P.  Walsh  predicted  National  Suffrage  in  1916. 
There  was  good  fellowship  over  a  Suffrage  dinner,  and  earnest 
street  meetings  afterwards;  gravely  interested  crowds  attended, 
and  the  newspapers  gave  large  space.  The  whole  city  talked 
National  Suffrage  for  at  least  two  days. 

At  Topeka  occurred  another  adventure.  A  great  crowd 
awaited  the  Suffrage  automobile  for  two  hours.  But  sixty 
miles  away,  afflicted  with  tire  trouble  and  engine  difficulties. 


the  car  stoQd  stationary  for  those  two  hours.  And  all  the 
time,  the  valiant  Mabel  Vernon  talked,  hoping  against  hope 
that  the  arrival  of  the  car  would  interrupt  her  speech.  She 
says  that  in  those  two  hours  she  talked  everything  she  ever 
knew,  'guessed,  hoped,  or  wished  for  Suffrage. 

The  Chicago  reception  was  unusually  picturesque.  En- 
thusiasm was  heightened  by  the  fact  that  the  women  voters 
were  holding  a  Convention  there,  and  they  added  their  wel- 
come to  that  of  the  city. 

At  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning,  fifty  automobiles,  flying 
the  Suffrage  colors,  and  filled  with  Suffrage  workers  from 
all  organizations,  met  Mrs.  Field  at  her  hotel.  Then  the 
long  line  of  cars  escorted  by  mounted  officers,  passed 
through  the  crowded  streets  to  the  Art  Museum  on  the  wide 
Michigan  Boulevard.  Here  was  a  stage  equal  in  impressive- 
ness,  although  of  quite  a  different  kind,  to  that  of  the  Court 
of  Abundance,  which  saw  the  envoys  depart  down  their 
nation-wide  trail.  Back  of  them  was  the  great  silver- 
gray  Lake;  in  front  of  them,  the  long  line  of  monolithic 
Chicago  skyscrapers,  grim  and  weather-blackened;  and  on 
both  sides  the  wide  expanses  of  the  Boulevard.  The  Suf- 
frage women,  a  mass  of  brilliant  color,  covered  the  steps  of 
the  Museum.  At  the  top  a  chorus  of  a  hundred  women 
grouped  about  the  band.  From  the  bronze  standard  in 
the  center  of  the  steps  hung  the  Amendment  banner.  And 
in  their  midst,  like,  as  somebody  has  said — "  a  brown 
autumn  leaf  blown  from  the  West " — Sara  Bard  Field  in 
her  simple  traveling  suit  punctuated  all  that  vividness. 

Mayor  Thompson  said: 

Speaking  for  the  City  of  Chicago,  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
represent,  I  can  say  that  we  wish  you  God-speed  and  much 
success  in  your  mission. 

He  further  told  Mrs.  Field: 

We  have  watched  the  growth  of  the  Suffrage  movement  with 
great  interest,  and  as  you  know,  we  have  partial  Suffrage  in 


Illinois.     I  hope  it  will  not  be  long  before  women  have  full 
Suffrage  here  and  throughout  the  nation. 

Mrs.  Field  replied: 

I  like  Mayor  Thompson's  way  of  putting  it.  At  Kansas  City 
the  other  day,  the  Mayor  quite  flustered  me  with  his  speech.  He 
said  so  many  things  about  women — for  instance,  that  woman 
was  a  Muse  that  soared;  that  she  was ^  the  poetry  of  our  exist- 
ence; and  something  about  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars.  Then  he 
added  that  he  did  not  think  women  should  be  allowed  to  vote. 
I  think  Mayor  Thompson's  method  is  much  better. 

"  My  recollections  yesterday,"  Mrs.  Field  wrote  to  the  Suf- 
fragist, "  are  a  confused  mass  of  impressions — ^music  and  cheers 
— throngs  of  men,  women,  and  children — colors  flying  in  the  sun- 
shine, and  great  crowds  surging  and  pressing  about." 

In  Indianapolis,  there  gathered  to  meet  the  envoys  the 
largest  street  meeting  ever  held  in  Indiana  in  behalf  of 
Suffrage.    The  Indianapolis  News  of  November  8  says : 

Mrs.  Sara  Bard  Field,  brown-eyed  and  slender,  saw  men 
gather  at  the  curbing  in  the  shadows  of  the  Morton  Monument, 
on  the  State  House  steps,  shortly'after  noon  today — watched  them 
smile  as  she  began  her  talk  for  Woman  Suffrage,  then  saw  their 
faces  grow  serious  as  they  stepped  nearer.  Then  she  smiled 
herself,  and  her  argument  poured  forth  while  "  old  hands  "  in 
the  State  House  coterie  and  machine  politicians  stood  with  open 
mouths  and  drank  in  her  pleadings. 

There  is  only  space  for  glimpses  of  this  picturesque  single 
pilgrimage  from  now  on  to  its  rception  at  Washington. 
At  Detroit,  they  were  welcomed  by  a  glowing  evening  recep- 
tion. A  long  procession  of  automobiles,  decorated  with 
yellow  flags,  yellow  pennants,  yellow  balloons,  and  illu- 
minated yellow  lanterns,  met  them  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
city,  and  escorted  them  to  the  steps  of  the  County  Building. 
Here  four  stone  urns  foamed  with  red  fire.  "  The  scene 
was,"  one  of  the  papers  said,  '*  like  pictures  of  Rome  in  the 
time  of  the  Cassars.  ..."  In  Cleveland,  they  held  an 
open-air  meeting  in  the  public  square  in  the  midst  of  a  whirl- 


ing  snowstorm.  A  drum,  a  trombone,  and  a  cornet  escorted 
them — with  an  effect  markedly  comic — through  the  echoing 
corridors  of  the  City  Hall  to  the  Mayor's  office;  escorted 
them,  after  the  official  call,  onto  the  street  again.  In  New 
York  came  their  first  real  accident.  On  the  way  to  Geneva, 
the  asde  broke.  The  Rochester  motor  companies  declared  it 
was  impossible  to  do  anything  for  a  day  at  least ;  but  Mrs. 
Field  telephoned  to  the  head  office  at  Toledo,  and  a  new 
axle  appeared  in  Rochester  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening. 
However,  the  envoys  had  to  drive  through  cold  and  a  light 
fall  of  snow  until  half-past  one  in  the  morning,  in  order 
to  make  the  meeting  at  Syracuse  the  next  day.  ...  In 
Albany,  preceded  by  a  musical  car  which  played  The  Battle 
Hymn  of  the  Republic,  they  proceeded  to  the  enormous 
Capitol  Building,  where  Governor  Whitman,  surrounded  by 
his  staff,  met  them.  The  Governor  was  amazed  that  a 
woman  had  driven  the  car  all  the  way  from  San  Francisco, 
and  even  more  amazed  at  the  size  of  the  envoy.  "  I 
thought  you  would  be  six  feet  tall,"  he  said.  ...  At 
Providence,  after  a  rousing  welcome  in  Boston — where  Gov- 
ernor Walsh  met  the  envoys,  and  the  enormous  crowd  which 
accompanied  them,  in  the  beautiful  rotunda  of  the  State 
House — the  little  car,  which  now  registered  nearly  five 
thousand  miles  of  hard  travel,  was  put  on  the  boat,  and  its 
occupants  brought  to  New  York  City.  The  weather-beaten 
automobile,  bearing  the  slogan  on  the  front,  ON  TO 
CONGRESS!,  and  on  the  back,  the  great  Demand  banner, 
ING WOMEN,  followed  one  hundred  other  cars,  beautifully 
decorated  with  purple  ribbons,  with  gold  and  white  chrysan- 
themums and  with  floating  goldein  balloons,  blazed — among 
the  jet-black  motors  and  the  glossy  green  busses  of  Fifth 
Avenue — a  path  of  purple  and  gold.  A  huge  meeting  was 
held  in  the  ball-room  at  Sherry's  at  which  Mrs.  O.  H.  P. 
Belmont,  Frances  Joliffe,  and  .Florence  Kelley  spoke  for  the 
Suffragists.      Sara  Bard   Field   closed   the   meeting.      The 


Tribune  said :  "  A  tired  little  woman  in  a  travel-worn  brown 
suit,  she  stood  in  the  glitter  of  Sherry's  ball-room,  and  held 
out  a  tired  little  brown  hand." 

"  We  want  to  help  you,  the  voting  women  of  the  West," 
she  pleaded ;  "  will  you  let  us  ?  "  "  The  audience,"  the 
Suffragist  says,  "  was  moved  to  tears  and  action :  six  thou- 
sand dollars  was  contributed  to  the  Congressional  Union." 

The  late  Mayor  Mitchell  telephoned  to  the  meeting  his 
regret  that  he  was  unable  to  be  present  because  of  illness; 
but  he  received  the  envoys  at  his  home,  and  added  his  name 
to  the  petition. 

At  Washington,  the  envoys  were  met  by  an  escort,  planned 
and  directed  for  the  Congressional  Union  by  Mary  Austin, 
the  celebrated  novelist.  It  comprised  a  group  of  mounted 
women,  representing  the  eleven  States  and  Alaska,  in  all  of 
which  women  are  enfranchised;  another  group,  representing 
the  thirty-seven  unenfranchised  States;  great  numbers  of 
flag  and  banner  bearers,  wearing  long,  purple  capes  with 
deep  yellow  collars  and  white  stoles;  hundreds  of  women 
carrying  purple,  white,  and  gold  pennants. 

The  party  started  at  once  for  the  Capitol  to  the  music 
first  of  the  Marseillaise  and  then  of  Dixie. 

There  were  two  picturesque  features  of  the  parade.  The 
famous  petition  itself,  bearing  five  hundred  thousand  sig^ 
natures,  unrolled  to  the  length  of  one  hundred  feet,  and 
carried  by  twenty  bearers,  was  the  focus  for  all  eyes.  A 
replica  of  the  Liberty  Bell,  lavishly  decorated  in  purple, 
white,  and  gold,  and  mounted  on  the  same  truck  which  had 
carried  it  through  the  Pennsylvania  State  campaign,  of 
course  attracted  almost  an  equal  degree  of  attention. 

At  the  top  of  the  high  broad  Capitol  steps  Senator 
Sutherland  of  Utah  and  Representative  Mbndell,  surrounded 
by  a  group  of  Senators  and  Representatives,  formed  a  recep- 
tion committee.  To  music,  Sara  Bard  Field  and  Frances 
Joliffe  marched  up  the  steps  followed  by  the  petition  bearers 
and  attendants.  The  envoys  made  speeches  and  Senator 
Sutherland  and  Representative  Mondell  replied  to  them. 


From  the  Capitol,  the  party  proceeded  to  the  White 

President  Wilson  received  the  envoys  in  the  East  Room. 
Anne  Martin  introduced  Sara  Bard  Field  and  Prances 

In  closing, ^Miss  Joliffe  said:  "  Help  us,  Mr.  President,  to 
a  new  freedom  and  a  larger  liberty." 

Sara  Bard  Field  emphasized  that  same  note: 

.  .  .  and,  Mr.  President,  as  I  am  not  to  have  the  woman's 
privUege  of  the  last  word,  may  I  say  that  I  know  what  your 
plan  has  been  in  the  past,  that  you  have  said  it  was  a  matter 
for  the  States.  But  we  have  seen  that,  like  all  great  men,  you 
have  changed  your  mind  on  other  questions.  We  have  watched 
the  change  and  development  of  your  mind  on  preparedness,  and 
we  honestly  believe  that  circumstances  have  so  altered  that  you 
may  change  your  mind  in  this  regard. 

Mrs.  Field  then  requested  the  President  to  look  at  the 
petition.  He  advanced,  unrolled  a  portion  of  it,  and  ex- 
amined it  with  interest. 

The  President  said: 

I  did  not  come  here  anticipating  the  necessity  of  making  an 
address  of  any  kind.  As  you  have  just  heard  (and  here  the 
President  smiled),  I  hope  it  is  true  that  I  am  not  a  man  set 
stiffly  beyond  the  possibility  of  learning.  I  hope  that  I  shall 
continue  to  be  a  learner  as  long  as  I  live. 

I  can  only  say  to  you  this  afternoon  that  nothing  could  be 
more  impressive  than  the  presentation  of  such  a  request  in  such 
numbers  and  backed  by  such  influence  as  undoubtedly  stands 
behind  you.  Unhappily  it  is  too  late  for  me  to  consider  what 
is  to  go  into  my  message,  because  that  went  out  to  the  news- 
papers at  least  a  week  ago;  and  I  have  a  habit — perhaps  the 
habit  of  the  teacher — of  confining  my  utterances  to  one  subject 
at  a  time,  for  fear  that  two  subjects  might  compete  with  one 
another  for  prominence.  I  have  felt  obliged  in  the  present  pos- 
ture of  affairs  to  devote  my  message  to  one  subject,  and  am, 
therefore,  sorry  to  say  that  it  is  too  late  to  take  under  consid- 
eration your  request  that  I  embody  this  in  my  message.  All  I 
can  say  with  regard  to  what  you  are  urging  at  present  is  this: 
I  hope  I  shall  always  have  an  open  mind,  and  I  shall  certainly 


take  the  greatest  pleasure  in  conferring  in  the  most  serious  way 
with  my  colleagues  at  the  other  end  of  the  city  with  regard 
to  what  is  the  right  thing  to  do  at  this  time  concerning  this 
great  matter.  I  am  always  restrained,  as  some  of  you  will  re- 
member, by  the  consciousness  that  I  must  speak  for  others  as 
well  as  for  myself  as  long  as  I  occupy  my  present  ofEce,  and, 
therefore,  I  do  not  like  to  speak  for  others  until  I  consult 
others  and  see  what  I  am  justified  in  saying. 

This  visit  of  yours  will  remain  in  my  mind,  not  only  as  a  very 
delightful  compliment,  but  also  as  a  very  impressive  thing  which 
undoubtedly  will  make  it  necessary  for  all  of  us  to  consider 
very  carefully  what  is  right  for  us  to  do. 

It  will  be  noted  that  in  this  speech,  the  President  referred 
to  the  "  influence "  behind  the  women.  He  speaks  of  the 
"  impressive  "  quality  of  this  demonstration. 

From  now  on  the  strength  of  the  woman  voters  became 
a  dominant  note  in  the  work  with  both  the  President  and 

On  December  12,  a  great  mass-meeting  of  welcome  to  the 
envoys  was  held  in  the  Belasco  Theatre.  Forty-five  thou- 
sand dollars  was  pledged  there  for  the  work  with  Congress. 

The  Sixty-fourth  Congress  convened  December  6. 

The  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment,  at  the  request  of  the 
Congressional  Union,  was  introduced  in  the  Senate  on  De- 
cember 7  by  Senator  Sutherland  of  Utah  and  in  the  House 
on  December  6  by  Representative  Mondell  of  Wyoming. 
Other  members  introduced  the  identical  measure  the  same 
day.  In  the  Senate,  it  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Woman  Suffrage  and  in  the  House  to  the  Judiciary  Com- 

On  December  16  occurred  a  Suffrage  hearing  before 
the  Judiciary  Committee.  It  will  be  remembered  that  this 
was  the  first  hearing  since  the  Congressional  Union  h^ 
campaigned  against  the  Democratic  Party.  It  was  one 
of  the  most  stormy  in  the  history  of  the  Congressional 
Union.    Later  a  Republican  Congressman  referred  to  it,  not 


IS  the  "hearing,"  but  as  the  "interruption."  The  storm 
3id  not  break  until  after  two  hours  in  which  the  speakers 
jf  the  other  Suffrage  Association  had  been  heard^  and  the 
Following  members  of  the  Congressional  Union:  Mrs. 
\ndreas  Ueland,  Jennie  C.  Law  Hardy,  Florence  Bayard 
Hilles,  Mabel  Vernon,  all  introduced  by  Alice  Paul. 

At  this  point,  there  occurred  among  the  Democratic 
nembers  of  the  Committee  a  sudden  meeting  of  heads,  a 
listurbed  whispering.  To  informed  lookers-on,  it  became 
evident  that  it  had  just  dawned  on  them  that  the  pale, 
lelicate,  slender  slip  of  a  girl  in  a  gown  of  violet  silk  and 
I  long  Quakerish  white  fichu  was  the  power  behind  all  this 
igitation,  that  redoubtable  Alice  Paul  who  had  waged  the 
:ampaign  of  1914  against  them. 

As  Alice  Paul  rose  to  introduce  one  of  the  speakers,  Mr. 
Faggart  of  Kansas  interrogated  her.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  this  was  the  Mr.  Taggart  whose  majority  had  been 
liminished,  by  the  Woman's  Party  campaign,  from  three 
:housand  to  three  hundred. 

Mr.  Taggart  to  Miss  Paul:  Are  you  here  to  report  progress 
D  your  effort  to  defeat  Democratic  candidates  ? 

Miss  Paul:  We  are  here  to  talk  about  this  present  Congress 
—this  present  situation.  We  are  here  to  ask  the  Judiciary 
liommittee  to  report  this  bill  to  the  House. 

Mr.  Taggart:  I  take  this  occasion  to  say  as  a  member  of 
his  committee  that  if  there  was  any  partisan  organization  made 
ip  of  men  who  had  attempted  to  defeat  members  of  this  com- 
aittee,  I  do  not  think  we  would  have  given  them  a  hearing.  And 
f  they  had  been  men,  they  wouldn't  have  asked  it. 

Miss  Paul:  But  you  hear  members  of  the  Republican  Party 
,nd  of  the  Prohibition  Party. 

Mr.  Webb:  They  aren't  partisan.     (Laughter). 

Mr.  Taggart,  coming  back  to  the  attack:  You  didn't  defeat 
.  single  Democratic  Member  of  Congress  in  a  Suffrage  State. 

Miss  Paul,  quickly:  Why,  then,  are  you  so  stirred  up  over 
ur  campaign?     (Audible  murmur  from  Republican  left  wing). 

Mr.  Webb :  I  move  a  recess  of  this  committee  for  one  hour. 

After  the  recess  Miss  Paul  rose  to  introduce  Helen  Todd 
f  California. 


Mr.  Williams  put  the  following  question  to  her: 

Miss  Paul,  would  you  state  to  me  the  names  of  the  candidates 
for  Congress  which  your  organization  opposed  in  the  State  of 
Illinois  ? 

Miss  Paul:  We  conducted  our  campaign  only  in  the  nine  States 
in  which  women  were  ahle  to  vote  for  members  of  Congress. 
In  no  way  did  we  participate  in  the  campaign  in  Illinois. 

Miss  Paul  then  introduced  Helen  Todd.    After  Miss  Todd 
had  spoken,  Frances  Joliffe  and  Sara  Bard  Field  spoke. 
Later  Alice  Paul  said: 

In  closing  the  argument  before  this  committee,  may  I  sum- 
marize our  position?  We  have  come  here  to  ask  one  simple 
thing:  that  the  Judiciary  Committee  refer  this  Suffrage  Amend- 
ment, known  as  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment,  to  the  House 
of  Representatives.  We  are  simply  asking  you  to  do  what  you 
can  do — that  you  let  the  House  of  Representatives  decide  this 
question.  We  have  tried  to  bring  people  to  this  hearing  from 
all  over  the  United  States  to  show  the  desire  of  women  that 
this  should  be  done. 

I  want  to  emphasize  just  one  point,  in  addition,  that  we  are 
absolutely  non-partisan.  We  are  made  up  of  women  who  are 
strong  Democrats,  Women  who  are  strong  Republicans,  women 
who  are  Socialists,  Progressives — every  type  of  women.  We  are 
all  united  on  this  one  thing — that  we  put  Suffrage  before  every- 
thing else.  In  every  election,  if  we  ever  go  into  any  future 
elections,  we  simply  pledge  ourselves  to  this — that  we  will  con- 
sider the  furtherance  of  Suffrage  and  not  our  party  affiliations 
in  deciding  what  action   we  shall  take. 

Mr.  Williams,  of  Illinois:  Is  it  your  policy  to  fight  this  ques- 
tion out  only  as  a  national  issue?  Do  you  make  any  attempt 
to  secure  relief  through  the  States? 

Miss  Paul:  The  Congressional  Union  is  organized  to  work  for 
an  Amendment  to  the  National  Constitution.  We  feel  that  the 
time  has  come,  because  of  the  winning  of  so  many  Suffrage 
States  in  the  West,  to  use  the  votes  of  women  to  get  Suffrage 
nationally.  In  the  earlier  days  in  this  country,  all  the  Suffrage 
work  was  done  in  the  States,  but  the  winning  of  the  Western 
States  has  given  us  a  power  which  we  did  not  have  before,  so 
we  have  now  turned  from  State  work  to  national  work.  We 
are  concentrating  on  the  national  government. 

Mr.  Gard:  Miss  Paul,  is  it  true  that  you  prefer  to  approach 


this  through  the  State  legislatures  than  to  approach  it  directly 
through  the  people? 

Miss  Paul:  We  prefer  the  quickest  way,  which  we  believe  is 
by  Congressional  action. 

Mr.  Taggart:  Why  did  you  oppose  the  Democrats  in  the  last 
election  ? 

Miss  Paul:  We  came  into  existence  when  the  administration 
of  President  Wilson  first  came  in.  We  appealed  to  all  members 
of  Congress  to  have  this  Amendment  put  through  at  once.  We 
did  get  that  measure  out  upon  the  floor  of  the  House  and  Senate, 
but  when  it  came  to  getting  a  vote  in  the  House  we  found  we 
were  absolutely  blocked.  We  went  again  and  again,  week  after 
week,  and  month  after  month  to  the  Democratic  members  of  the 
Rules  Committee,  who  controlled  the  apportioning  of  the  time  of 
the  House,  and  asked  them  to. give  us  five  or  ten  minutes  for  the 
discussion  of  Suffrage.  Every  time  they  refused.  They  told  us 
that  they  were  powerless  to  act  because  the  Democrats  had  met 
in  caucus  and  decided  that  Suffrage  was  a  matter  to  be  decided 
in  the  States  and  should  not  be  brought  up  in  Congress.  (Here 
Miss  Paul,  moving  the  papers  in  front  of  her,  deftly  extracted 
a  letter.)  I  have  here  a  letter  from  Mr.  Henry,  Chairman  of 
the  Rules  Committee,  m  which  he  says :  "  It  would  give  me  great 
pleasure  to  report  the  Resolution  to  the  House,  except  for  the 
fact  that  the  Democratic  caucus,  by  its  direct  action,  has  tied 
my  hands  and  placed  me  in  a  position  where  I  will  not  be  au- 
thorized to  do  so  unless  the  caucus  is  reconvened  and  changes  its 
decision.  I  am  sure  your  good  judgment  will  cause  you  to 
thoroughly  understand  my  attitude." 

(This  interesting  revelation  was  greeted  by  appreciative  grins 
from  the  Republican  members.) 

After  we  had  been  met  for  months  with  the  statement  that  the 
Democratic  Party  had  decided  in  caucus  not  to  let  Suffrage 
come  up  in  Congress,  we  said,  "We  will  go, out  to  the  women 
voters  in  the  West  and  tell  them  how  we  are  blocked  in  Wash- 
ington, and  ask  them  if  they  will  use  their  vote  for  the  very 
highest  purpose  for  which  they  can  use  it — to  help  get  votes  for 
other  women." 

We  campaigned  against  every  one  of  the  forty-three  men  who 
were  running  for  Congress  on  the  Democratic  ticket  in  any  of 
the  Suffrage  States;  and  only  nineteen  of  those  we  campaigned 
against  came  back  to  Washington.  In  December,  at  the  close  of 
the  election,  we  went  back  to  the  Rules  Committee.  They  told 
us  then  that  they  had  no  greater  desire  in  the  world  than  to 
bring  the  Suffrage  Amendment  out.     They  told  us  that  we  had 


misunderstood  them  in  thinking  that  they  were  opposed  to  having 
Suffrage  come  up  in  Congress.  They  voted  at  once  to  bring 
Suffrage  upon  the  floor  for  the  first  time  in  history.  The  whole 
opposition  of  the  Democratic  Party  melted  away  and  the  decision 
of  the  party  caucus  was  reversed. 

The  part  we  played  in  the  last  election  was  simply  to  tell  the 
women  voters  of  the  West  of  the  way  the  Democratic  Party  had 
blocked  us  at  Washington  and  of  the  way  the  individual  mem- 
bers of  the  Party,  from  the  West,  had  supported  their  Party  in 
blocking  us.  As  soon  as  we  told  this  record  they  ceased  block- 
ing us  and  we  trust  they  will  never  block  us  again. 

Question:  But  what  about  next  time? 

Miss  Paul:  We  hope  we  will  never  have  to  go  into  another 
election.  We  are  appealing  to  all  Parties  and  to  all  men  to  put 
this  Amendment  through  this  Congress  and  send  it  on  to  the 
State  Legislatures.  What  we  are  doing  is  giving  the  Democrats 
their  opportunity.  We  did  pursue  a  certain  policy  which  we 
have  outlined  to  you  as  you  requested.  As  to  what  we  may  do 
we  cannot  say.     It  depends  upon  the  future  situation. 

Question:  But  we  want  to  know  what  you  will  do  in  the  1916 

Miss  Paul:  Can  you  possibly  tell  us  what  will  be  in  the  plat- 
form of  the  Democratic  Party  in  1916? 

Mr.  Webb:  I  can  tell  one  plank  that  will  not  be  there,  and 
that  is  a  plank  in  favor  of  Woman  Suffrage. 

Question:  If  conditions  are  the  same,  do  you  not  propose  to 
fight  Democrats  just  the  same  as  you  did  a  year  ago?      ' 

Miss  Paul:  We  have  come  to  ask  your  help  in  this  Congress. 
But  in  asking  it  we  have  ventured  to  remind  you  that  in  the  next 
election  one-fifth  of  the  vote  for  President  comes  from  Suffrage 
States.  What  we  shall  do  in  that  election  depends  upon  what 
you  do. 

Mr.  Webb:  We  would  know  better  what  to  do  if  we  knew 
what  you  were  going  to  do. 

Mr.  Gard:  We  should  not  approach  this  hearing  in  any 
partisan  sense.  What  I  would  like  is  to  be  informed  about 
some  facts.  I  asked  Mrs.  Field  what  reason  your  organization 
had  for  asking  Congress  to  submit  this  question  to  States  that 
have  already  acted  upon  it.  Why  should  there  be  a  resubmission 
to  the  voters  by  national  action  in  States  which  have  either  voted 
for  or  against  it,  when  the  machinery  exists  in  these  same  States 
to  vote  for  it  again  ? 

Miss  Paul:  They  have  never  voted  on  the  question  of  a  Na- 
tional Amendment. 


Mr.  Gard:  The  States  can  only  ratify  it.  You  would  prefer 
that  course  to  having  it  taken  directly  to  the  people? 

Miss  Paul:  Simply  because  we  have  the  power  of  women's 
votes  to  brck  up  this  method.       < 

Mr.  Gard:  You  are  using  this  method  because  you  think  you 
have  power  to  enforce  it? 

Miss  Paul:  Because  we  know  we  have  power.  , 

Mr.  Taggart:  The  women  who  have  the  vote  in  the  West 
are  not  worrying  about  what  women  are  doing  in  the  East. 
You  will  have  to  get  more  States  before  you  try  this  na- 

Miss  Paul:  We  think  that  this  repeated  advise  to  go  back  to 
the  States  proves  beyond  all  cavil  that  we  are  on  the  right 
track.  / 

Mr.  Taggart:  Suppose  you  get  fewer  votes  this  time?  Do 
you  think  it  is  fair  to  those  members  of  Congress  who  voted  for 
Woman  Suffrage  and  have  stood  fori  Woman  Suffrage,  to  oppose 
them  merely  because  a  majority  of  their  Party  were  not  in  favor 
of  Woman  Suffrage?  / 

Miss  Paul:  Every  man  that  we  opposed  stood  by  his  Party 
caucus  in  its  opposition  to  Suffrage.  >. 

Mr.  Volstead:  This  inquiry  is  absolutely  unfair  and  improper. 
It  is  cheap  politics,  and  I  have  gotten  awfully  tired  listening 
to  it. 

Mr.  Taggart:  Have  your  services  been  bespoken  by  the  Re- 
publican committee  of  Kansas  for  the  next  campaign? 

Miss  Paul:  We  are  greatly  gratified  by  this  tribute  to  our 

Mr.  Moss:  State  just  whether  or  not  it  is  a  fact  that  the 
question  is.  What  is  right?  and  not.  What  will  be  the  reward 
or  punishment  of  the  members  of  this  committee?  Is  not  that 
the  only  question  that  is  pending  before  this  committee? 

Miss  Paul:  Yes,  as  we  have  said  over  and  over  today.  We 
have  come  simply  to  ask  that  this  committee  report  this  measure 
to  the  House,  that  the  House  may  consider  the  question. 

Mr.  Moss:  Can  you  explain  to  the  committee  what;  the  ques- 
tion of  what  you  are  going  to  do  to  a  member  of  this  committee 
or  a  Congressman  in  regard  to  his  vote  has  to  do  with  the  ques- 
tion of  what  we  should  do  as  our  duty? 

Miss  Paul:  As  I  have  said,  we  don't  see  any  reason  for  dis- 
cussing that. 

Mr.  Webb:  You  have  no  blacklist,  have  you.  Miss  Paul? 
Miss  Paul:  No. 

Mr.  Taggart:  You  are  organized,  are  you  not,  for  the  chas' 


tisement  of  political  Parties  that  do  not  do   your   bidding  at 

Miss  Paul:  We  are  organized  to  win  votes  for  women  and 
our  method  of  doing  this  is  to  organize  the  women  who  have 
the  vote  to  help  other  women  to  get  it. 

The  meeting  then  adjourned. 

Before  going  on  with  the  work  for  1916,  it  is  perhaps 
expedient  to  mention  here  one  of  two  interesting  events.  The 
New  York  Tribune  announced  on  November  5  that,  "  accept- 
ing the  advise  of  Mrs.  Medill  McCormick  of  Chicago,  the 
National  American  Woman  Suffrage  Association  announced 
yesterday  that  it  had  instructed  the  Congressional  Com- 
mittee not  to  introduce  the  Shafroth-Palmer  Resolution  in 
the  Sixty-fourth  Congress."  This  meant,  of  course,  that 
there  would  in  the  future  be  no  division  of  the  energies  of 
the  Suffrage  forces  of  the  country;  that  all  would  work 
for  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment. 



The  second  event  of  1916  of  less  importance  nationally, 
but  of  great  practical  importance  to  the  Congressional 
Union,  was  the  removal  of  Headquarters  from  the  dark,  con- 
gested rooms  in  F  Street  to  Cameron  HouSe,  sometimes 
known  as  the  Little  White  House.  Cameron  House  has  held, 
ever  since  its  construction,  a  vivid  place  in  Washington  his- 
tory. It  has  been  occupied  by  Senator  Donald  Cameron; 
Vice-President  Garret  A.  Hobart;  Senator  Mark  Hanna. 
The  famous  breakfasts  given  by  Senator  Hanna,  to  which 
President  McKinley  often  came,  occurred  here.  Presidents, 
such  as  John  Quincy  Adams,  Harrison,  Taylor,  and  Fillmore ; 
statesmen,  such  as  Webster,  Clay,  Cass,  and  Calhoun;  his- 
torians, such  as  Prescott,  Bancroft,  and  Washington  Irving, 
have  frequented  it.  The  Little  White  House  is  situated  at 
21  Madison  Place,  just  across  Lafayette  Square  from  the 
big  White  House.  From  the  windows  of  the  big  White 
House  could  be  seen  great  banners  of  purple,  white, 
and  gold,  waving  at  the  windows  of  the  Little  White 

Cameron  House  was  charming  inside  and  out.  Outside, 
a  great  wistaria  vine  made  in  the  spring  a  marvel  of  its 
fafade,  and  inside  a  combination  of  fine  proportions  and  a 
charming  architectural  arrangement  of  the  rooms  gave  it 
that  gemUtlich  atmosphere  necessary  to  a  rallying  spot. 
When  you  entered,  you  came  into  a  great  hall,  from  which 
a  noble  staircase  made  an  effective  exit,  and  in  which  a  huge 
fireplace  formed  a  focussing  center.  All  winter  long,  a  fire 
was  going  in  that  fireplace ;  there  were  easy  chairs  in  front 
of  it,  and  straying  off  from  it.     The  Little  White  House 



became  a  place  where  people  dropped  in  easily.  This  big 
reception  hall  always  held  a  gay,  interesting,  and  interested 
group,  composed  of  Party  members  resident  there;  sym- 
pathizers and  workers  who  lived  in  Washington ;  people  from 
all  over  the  United  States  who  had  come  to  Washington  on 
a  holiday.  The  organizers  were  always  returning  from  the 
four  corners  of  the  country  with  a  harvest  of  news  and  ideas 
and  plans  before  starting  off  for  new  fields. 

Perhaps  there  is  no  better  place  than  here  to  speak  of  the 
work  of  those  remarkable  young  women — ^the  organizers.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  from  the  time  of  the  formation  of 
the  Congressional  Committee  to  the  time  when  the  Senate 
passed  the  Anthony  Amendment  was  about  six  years  and  a 
half.  Yet  in  1919,  Maud  Younger  said  to  me,  "  There  have 
been  three  generations  of  organizers  in  this  movement." 
That  was  true.  Not  that  they  served  their  average  of  two 
years  and  left.  Most  of  them  who  came  to  work  for  the 
Party  stayed  with  it.  It  was  only  that,  as  the  work  grew, 
developed,  expanded,  more  organizers  and  even  more  became 
necessary.  And  perhaps  it  is  one  of  the  chief  glories  of  the 
Woman's  Party  that  these  organizers  came  to  them  younger 
and  younger,  until  at  the  end  they  were  fresh,  beautiful 
girls  in  their  teens  and  early  twenties. 

The  first  group  consisted  of: 

Mabel  Vernon;  Elsie  Hill;  Margaret  Whittemore;  Doris 
Stevens;  Mrs.  Sinclair  Thompson;  Virginia  Arnold. 

The  second  group  consisted  of: 

Iris  Calderhead;  Vivian  Pierce;  Beulah  Amidon;  Lucy 
Branham ;  Hazel  Hunkins ;  Clara  Louise  Rowe ;  Joy  Young ; 
Margery  Ross;  Mary  Gertrude  Fendall;  Pauline  Clarke; 
Alice  Henkel;  Rebecca  Hourwich. 

The  third  group  consisted  of : 

Julia  Emory;  Betty  Gram;  Anita  Pollitzer;  Mary  Du- 
brow;  Catherine  Flanagan. 

The  difficulties  which  lay  in  the  path  of  the  organizers 
cannot  possibly  be  exaggerated :  the  work  they  accomplished 
cannot  possibly  be  estimated.     Their  story  is  one  of  those 


sealed  chapters  in  the  history  of  feminism,  the  whole  of 
which  will  never  be  known.  With  her  usual  astuteness  Alice 
Paul  always  chose  young,  fresh,  convinced,  inspiring,  and 
inspired  spirits.  Always  she  preferred  enthusiasm  to  expe- 
rience. Before  an  organizer  left  Headquarters  for  parts 
unknown,  Alice  Paul  talked  with  her  for  several  hours,  going 
over  her  route,  indicating  the  problems  which  would  arise 
and — in  her  characteristic  and  indescribable  Alice  Paul  way 
— suggesting  how  they  were  to  be  met ;  holding  always  above 
these  details  the  shining  object  of  the  journey;  managing 
somehow  to  fill  her  with  the  feeling  that  in  spite  of  many 
obstacles,  she  would  conquer  all  these  new  worlds.  "  No 
matter,"  she  always  concluded,  "  what  other  Suffragists  may 
say  about  us,  pay  no  attention  to  it ;  go  on  with  your  work. 
Our  fight  is  not  against  women." 

Sometimes  these  girls  would  come  into  towns  where  there 
not  only  existed  no  Suffrage  organization  but  there  had 
never  been  a  Suffrage  meeting.  Sometimes  they  would  have 
a  list  of  names  of  people  to  whom  to  go  for  help;  some- 
times not  that.  At  any  rate  they  went  to  the  best  hotel  and 
established  themselves  there.  Then  they  found  Head- 
quarters, preferably  in  the  hotel  lobby ;  but  if  not  there,  in 
a  shop  window.  Next  they  saw  the  newspapers.  Inevitably 
it  seemed — ^Alice  Paul's  sure  instinct  never  failed  her  here 
— they  were  incipient  newspaper  women.  From  the  moment 
they  arrived,  blazing  their  purple,  white,  and  gold,  the 
papers  rang  with  them,  and  that  ringing  continued  until 
they  left.  They  called  on  the  women  whose  names  had  been 
given  them,  asked  them  to  serve  on  a  committee  in  order 
to  arrange  a  meeting.  At  that  meeting,  to  which  National 
Headquarters  would  send  a  well-known  speaker,  the  work 
would  be  explained,  the  aims  of  the  Woman's  Party  set 
forth,  its  history  reviewed.  When  the  organizer  left  that 
town,  she  left  an  organization  of  some  sort  behind  her.  Alice 
Paul  always  preferred,  rather  than  a  large,  inactive  mem- 
bership, a  few  active  women  who,  when  needed,  could  bring 
pressure  to  bear  from  their  State  on  Washington. 


In  the  course  of  its  history,  the  Woman's  Party  has 
organized  at  some  time  in  every  State  of  the  Union. 

Whenever  the  organizers  came  hack  to  Washington,  Miss 
Paul  always  sent  them  to  the  Capitol  to  lobby  for  a  while. 
This  put  them  in  touch  with  the  Congressional  situation. 
Moreover,  Congressmen  were  always  glad  to  talk  with 
women  who  brought  them  concrete  information  in  regard 
to  the  country  at  large,  and  particularly  in  regard  to 
the  Suffrage  sentiment  and  the  political  situation  in  their 
own  States,  which  they  had  often  not  seen  for  months.  On 
the  other- hand,  when  the  organizers  embarked  on  their  next 
journey,  editors  of  small  towns  were  always  very  grateful  for 
the  chance  of  talking  with  these  informed  young  persons, 
who  could  bring  their  news  straight  from  the  national 

But  one  of  the  great  secrets  of  Alice  Paul's  success  was 
that  she  freshened  her  old  forces  all  the  time,  by  giving 
them  new  work,  brought  new  forces  to  bear  all  the  time  on 
the  old  work.  If  organizers  showed  the  first  symptoms  of 
growing  stale  on  one  beat,  she  transferred  them  to  another. 
Most  of  them  performed  at  some  time  during  their  connec- 
tion with  the  Woman's  Party  every  phase  of  its  work. 
Perpetual  change  .  .  .  perpetual  movement  .  .  .  the 
onward  rush  of  an  exhilarating  flood  .  .  .  that  was  the 
feeling  the  Woman's  Party  gave  the  onlooker. 

I  reiterate  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  do  justice,  short 
of  a  book  devoted  entirely  to  their  efforts,  to  these  or- 
ganizers. They  turn  up  everywhere.  They  do  everything! 
They  know  not  fatigue !  There  is  no  end  to  their  ingenuity 
and  enthusiasm. 

In  spite  of  all  this  intensive  thinking,  and  its  result  in 
action,  the  Congressional  Union  had  its  lighter  moments,  and 
many  of  them. 

On  Valentine's  Day,  1916,  a  thousand  Suffrage  valentines 
were  despatched  to  Senators  and  Representatives  by  mem- 
bers of  the  Congressional  Union  living  in  their  districts ;  the 
President  and  VicerPresident  were  not  forgotten.    They  were 


of  all  kinds  and  descriptions.  Recalcitrant  politicians  were 
especially  favored.  The  Rules  Committee,  for  instance, 
were  showered.  One  of  Mr.  Henry's  valentines  took  the 
form  of  an  acrostic:  • 

H  is  for  Hurry — 

Which  Henry  should  do. 

E  is  for  Every — 

Which  includes  women  too, 

N  is  for  Now — 
The  moment  to  act. 

R  is  for  Rules — 

Which  must  bend  to  the  fact. 

Y  is  for  You — 

With  statesmanlike  tact. 

Mr.  Pou's  valentine  showed  an  exquisitely  ruffled  little 
maiden,  with  Jieel-less,  cross-gartered  slippers  and  a  flower- 
trimmed  hat,  curtseying  to  a  stocked  and  ruffled  gentleman 
who  is  presenting  her  with  a  bouquet.    Underneath  it  says : 

The  rose  is  red. 
The  violet's  blue. 
But  VOTES  are  better 
Mr.  Pou. 

One  to  Representative  Williams  of  the  Judiciary  Com- 
mittee ran: 

Ok,  will  you  will  us  well.  Will, 
As  we  will  will  by  you. 
If  you'll  only  will  to  help  us 
Put  the  Amendment  through! 

Representative  Webb's  valentine  bore  the  words,  "  From 
a  fond  heart  to  a  Democratic  (?)  Congressman,"  with  the 
following  verse: 


Federal  aid  he  votes  for  rural /highways. 
And  Federal  aid  for  pork  ea^h  to  his  need; 
And  Federal  aid  for  rivers,  trees,  and  harbors. 
But  Federal  aid  for  women? — No,  indeed! 

Representative  Fitzgerald  received:  _ 

Your  Party's  health  is  very  shaky, 
The  Western  women  say. 
They  scorn  a  laggard  lover 
And  will  not  tell  him  "  Yea," 
B!ut  pass  the  Suffrage  measure. 
Then  watch  Election  Day ! 

Congressman  Mondell's  valentine  was  a  red  heart,  on  which 
was  written: 

Oh,  a  young  Lochinvar  has  come  out  of  the  West, 
Of  all  the  great  measures  his  bill  was  the  best ! 
So  fearless  in  caucus,  so  brave  on  the  floor 
There  ne'er  was  a  leader  like  young  Lochinvar! 

On  May  Day,  the  Woman's  Party  hung  a  May  basket 
for  the  President.  It  was  over-brimming  with  purple,  white, 
and  gold  flowers,  and,  concealed  in  their  midst,  was  a  plea 
for  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment. 

Later,  in  May,  on  Representative  Williams's  birthday,  he 
was  invited  by  Representative  Kent  to  go  with  him  into  the 
visitors'  lobby.  There  he  met  Gertrude  and  Ruth  Crocker 
of  the  Congressional  Union,  who  were  carrying  on  a  tray, 
made  of  the  Congressional  Union  banner  and  the  American 
flag,  a  huge  birthday  cake.  It  was  frosted  and  set  with 
fifty-nine  candles,  each  emerging  from  a  small,  yellow  rose 
and  bore  an  inscription  in  purple  letters : 

May  the  coming  year  bring  yon  joy  and  the  Susan  B.  Anthony 

A  few  days  later,  when  Representative  Steele  reached  his 
office,  he  found  on  his  desk  a  purple  basket  filled  with  forget- 
me-nots.    The  card  bore  this  inscription : 


"  Forget  me  not  "  is  the  message 
I  bring  in  my  gladsome  blue; 
Forget  not  the  fifty-six  years  that  have  gone 
And  the  work  there  is  still  to  do; 
Forget  not  the  Suffrage  Amendment  •■ 

That  waits  in  committee  for  you. 

The  first  National  Convention  of  the  Congressional  Union 
was  held  at  Cameron  House  from  December  G  to  December 
13,  1915.  The  following  ten  members  were  elected  for  the 
Executive  Committee:  Alice  Paul;  Lucy  Bums;  Mrs. 
O.  H.  P.  Belmont;  Mrs.  John  Winters  Brannan;  Mrs. 
Gilson  Gardner;  Mrs.  William  Kent;  Mrs.  Lawrence, Lewis; 
Elsie  Hill;  Anne  Martin;  Mrs.  Donald  R.  Hooker. 




("  Why  do  you  come  here  and  bother  us  ?  " — Chairman  Webb, 
at  the  Suffrage  hearing  in  Washington.) 

Girls,  girls,  the  worst  has  happened; 

Our  cause  is  at  its  ebb. 
How  could  you  go  and  do  it! 

You've  bothered  Mr.  Webb! 
You  came  and  asked  for  freedom, 

(As  law  does  not  forbid) 
Not  thinking  it  might  bother  him, 

And  yet,  it  seems,  it  did. 

Oh,  can  it  be,  my  sisters, 

My  sisters  can  it  be. 
You  did  not  think  of  Mr.  Webb 

When  asking  to  be  free? 
You  did  not  put  his  comfort 

Before  your  cause.''    How  strange! 
But  now  you  know  the  way  he  feels 

I  hope  we'll  have  a  change. 

Send  word  to  far  Australia 

And  let  New  Zealand  know. 
And  Oregon  and  Sweden, 

Finland  and  Idaho; 
Make  all  the  nations  grasp  it. 

From  Sitka  to  El  Teb, 
We  never  mention  Suffrage  now; 

It  bothers  Mr.  Webb! 

Alice  Duer  Miller. 



("  I  am  opposed  to  Woman  Suffrage,  but  I  am  not  opposed  to 
woman." — Anti-Suffrage  speech  of  Mr.  Webb  of  North  Carolina.) 

Oh,  women,  have  you  heard  the  news 

Of  charity  and  grace? 
Look,  look,  how  joy  and  gratitude 

Are  beaming  in  my  face ! 
For  Mr.  Webb  is  not  opposed 

To  woman  in  her  place ! 

Oh,  Mr.  Webb,  how  kind  you  are 

To  let  us  live  at  all. 
To  let  us  light  the  kitchen  range 

And  tidy  up  the  hall; 
To  tolerate  the  female  sex 

In  spite  of  Adam's  fall. 

Oh,  girls,  suppose  that  Mr.  Webb 

Should  alter  his  decree! 
Suppose  he  were  opposed  to  us — 

Opposed  to  you  and  me. 
What  would  be  left  for  us  to  do — 

Except  to  cease  to  be? 

Alice  Duer  Miller. 

DuBiNG  1916,  the  central  department  of  the  Congressional 
Union — the  legislative — was  in  the  hands  of  Anne  Martin 
who  after  her  notable  success  in  making  Nevada  a  free  State 
and  with  the  added  advantage  of  being  a  voter  herself,  was 
particularly  fitted  for  this  work.  Anne  Martin  showed  ex- 
traordinary ability  in  building  back-fires  in  Congressional 
Districts,  in  keeping  State  and  district  chairmen  informed 
of  the  actions  of  the  representatives,  in  getting  pressure 
from  home  upon  them  and  in  organizing  the  lobbying.  Maud 
Younger,  as  chairman  of  the  Lobby  Committee,  composed 
of  women  voters,  assisted  her.  Lucy  Bprns  edited  the 
The  friends  of  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment  were 


surprised — and  of  course  delighted — ^when  through  the  tire- 
less efforts  of  Anne  Martin — the  Suffrage  Bill  came  out  of 
committee  and  onto  the  calendar  of  the  Senate  on  Janu- 
ary 8.  In  the  House  at  first,  the  situation  seemed  equally 
encouraging.  But  unexpected  obstacles  manifested  them- 
selves; continued  to  multiply  and  grow.  Presently  there 
developed  between  the  Judiciary  Committee  and  the  Suf- 
fragists a  contest  similar  to  that  of  1914!  between  the  Rules 
Committee  and  the  Suffragists,  but  more  intense. 

The  Judiciary  Committee  as  usual  referred  the  Amend- 
ment to  a  sub-committee.  Anne  Martin  lobbied  the  members 
of  the  sub-committee  and  in  consequence  of  this  pressure, 
the  sub-committee  on  February  9,  voted  the  report  out — 
although  without  recommendation,  to  the  full  committee 
which  would  meet  on  February  15. 

At  this  meeting,  by  a  vote  of  nine  to  seven,  the  Judiciary 
Committee  referred  the  Suffrage  Resolution  back  to  the  sub- 
committee with  instructions  to  hold  it  until  December  14 — 
nearly  a  year  off.  This  was  an  unusual  thing  to  do.  After 
a  sub-committee  has  reported  a  measure  to  the  committee, 
it  is  customary  to  allow  at  least  a  week  to  elapse  before  it 
is  acted  upon,  so  that  the  members  who  are  absent  may  be 
present  when  the  committee,  as  a  whole,  votes  upon  it.  There 
is  a  gentleman's  agreement  to  this  effect. 

In  her  Revelations  of  a  Woman  Lobbyist,  in  McCcUVs 
Magazine,  Maud  Younger  thus  describes  the  meeting  of 
February  16: 

The  day  ended  as  discouragingly  as  it  had  begun  and  I  re- 
ported the  situation  to  Mr.  John  Nelson,  of  Wisconsin,  the  only 
man  on  the  committee  who  showed  genuine  enthusiasm. 

"Your  Amendment  can't  come  up  tomorrow,"  he  assured  me. 
"  There's  a  gentleman's  agreement  that  no  action  shall  be  taken 
on  a  bill  for  a  week  after  the  sub-committee  reports  it  out.  The 
matter  lies  over  so  that  the  members  may  he  notified  to  be 
present.    Your  Amendment  will  come  up  next  week." 

Relying  on  this  reprieve,  I  felt  no  apprehension  when  Anne 
and  I  went  to  the  Capitol  next  morning.  Standing  in  the  ante- 
room of  the  Judiciary  Committee's  chamber,  we  watched  the 


members  passing  througb.     Tbe  committee  went  into  executive 
session  and  tbe  door  closed. 
>      "  There's    the    gentleman's    agreement,"    I    said    to    Anne. 
"  Nothing  can  happen." 

"  No,"  she  answered  meditatively. 

We  waited.  An  hour  passed  and  Mr.  Carlin  came  out.  He 
walked  close  to  Anne  and  said  with  a  laugh  as  he  passed  her, 
"  Well,  we've  killed  Cock  Robin." 

"Cock  Robin?"  said  Anne,  puzzled,  looking  after  him. 

Mr.  Nelson  came  out,  much  perturbed,  and  explained.  Upon 
motion  of  Mr.  Carlin  the  Judiciary  Committee  had  voted  to  send 
the  Amendment  back  to  the  sub-committee  to  remain  until  the 
following  December. 

This  was  in  direct  violation  of  the  gentleman's  agreement  but 
our  opponents  had  the  votes,  nine  to  seven,  and  they  used  them. 
Our  Amendment  was  killed.  Every  one  on  the  committee  said 
so.  Every  one  in  Congress  with  whom  we  talked  said  so.  The 
newspaper  men  said  so.  Soon  every  one  believed  it  but  Alice 
Paul,  and  she  never  believed  it  at  all. 

"  That's  absurd !  "  she  said  impatiently.  "  We  have  only  to 
make  them  reconsider." 

At  once  she  went  over  the  list  of  our  opponents  to  decide  who 
should  make  the  move.  "Why,  William  Elza  Williams,  of 
Illinois,  of  course.     He  will  do  it."    She  sent  me  to  see  him. 

Mr.  Williams  was  necessary  not  only  for  purposes  of  recon- 
sideration, but  because,  when  he  had  changed  his  vote,  we  would 
have  a  majority  in  committee.  But  he  did  not  see  the  matter  at 
all  in  the  same  light  in  which  Miss  Paul  saw  it.  He  had  not  the 
least  intention  of  changing  his  vote.  I  pointed  out  that  the 
women  of  Illinois,  being  half  voters,  had  some  claims  to  repre- 
sentation, but  he  remained  obdurate. 

When  this  was  reported  to  Miss  Paul  she  merely  said,  "  Mr. 
Williams  will  have  to  change  his  vote.  Elsie  Hill  can  attend 
to  it." 

So  Elsie,  buoyant  with  good  spirits,  good  health,  and  tireless 
enthusiasm,  pinned  her  smart  hat  on  her  reddish-brown  hair  and 
set  out  through  Illinois  for  Mr.  Williams's  vote. 

Presently  the  ripples  of  Elsie's  passing  across  the  Illinois 
prairies  began  to  break  upon  the  peaceful  desk  of  Mr.  Williams 
in  Washington.  I  found  him  running  a  worried  hand  through 
his  hair,  gazing  at  newspaper  clippings  about  Mr.  Williams  and 
his  vote  on  the  Judiciary  Committee.  Resolutions  arrived  from 
Labor  Unions  asking  him  to  reconsider;  letters  from  constituents, 
telegrams,  reports  of  meetings,  editorials. 


On  March  8,  a  deputation  of  twenty  members  of  the  Con- 
gressional Union,  led  by  Maud  Younger,  called  on  Repre- 
sentative Williams.     I  quote  the  Suffragist: 

Mr.  Williams  received  the  women  with  cordiality  and  Miss 
Younger  at  once  laid  before  him  tfie  object  of  the  visit. 

"  Op  the  fifteenth  of  February,"  said  Miss  Younger,  "  the  sub- 
committee reported  out  the  Suffrage  Amendment.  We  are  told 
that  there  is  a  gentleman's  agreement  to  the  effect  that  when  a 
sub-committee  reports,  no  action  shall  be  taken  that  day  but 
the  matter  shall  lie  over  for  a  week.  Four  of  our  supporters 
were  absent  on  the  day  of  the  report  and  the.  opposition  sent  the 
Amendment  back  to  sub-committee.  There  were  nine  votes  cast 
in  favor  of  sending  it  back,  and  seven  against.  We  feel  that  it 
was  you  who  cast  the  deciding  vote,  for  if  you  had  voted  with 
supporters  of  Suffrage,  the  vote  would  have  been  a  tie,  and  the 
Amendment  would  not  now  be  in  sub-committee. 

You  told  me  that  you  were  in  favor  of  having  this  matter 
remain  in  committee  until  December,  because  you  felt  it  would 
be  embarrassing  to  some  men  who  would  run  for  o£Bce  next  fall. 
As  a  trades-unionist,  as  well  as  a  woman  voter,  I  feel  that  the 
eight  million  working  women  of  this  country  are  entitled  to  as 
much  consideration  as  are  a  few  politicians." 

Miss  Younger  then  introduced  Mrs.  Lowell  Mellett,  of  Seattle, 
Washington;  Mrs.  William  Kent,  of  California;  Mrs.  GUson 
Gardner,  Mrs.  Charles  Edward  Russell,  of  Illinois;  Anne 
Martin,  of  Nevada;  each  of  whom  made  an  appeal  to  Mr. 
Williams  to  give  his  support  to  a  report  from  the  Judiciary 
Committee  during  the  present  session. 

Miss  Martin  said: 

You  are  in  what  seems  to  us  a  very  undesirable  position.  You 
are  a  Representative  from  a  Suffrage  State,  from  a  State  where 
women  have  the  right  to  vote  for  President.  You  are  a  pro- 
fessed Suffragist,  yet  you  are  the  only  member  of  that  committee 
who  is  a  Suffragist  and  who  is  in  the  position  of  having  voted 
with  the  professed  anti-Suffragists  against  a  hearing.  .  .  .  We 
urge  you  to  do  everything  in  your  power  to  reconsider  the 
smothering  of  this  resolution,  and  bring  up  the  question  in  com- 
mittee again  as  soon  as  possible,  to  report  it  to  the  House  and 
then  to  leave  to  the  Rules  Committee  the  question  of  what  time 
it  shall  have  for  discussion  in  this  session.  We  urge  this  most 


Mr.  Williams  replied: 

I  am  pleased  to  hear  from  you  ladies  and  to  know  fully  your 
side  of  this  case. 

If  I  remember  correctly  the  conversation  you  refer  to  in  which 
I  spoke  of  some  embarrassment — not  to  myself,  but  to  some  of 
my  colleagues — I  think  I  stated  the  condition  of  the  calendar 
and  the  business  of  this  session.  I  have  not  double-crossed  any- 
body. I  have  not  taken  any  sudden  change  of  front.  I  have 
told  every  representative  of  the  Suffrage  organization  who  has 
visited  me  that  I  do  not  favor  a  report  at  this  first  session  of 
the  Sixty-fourth  Congress.  I  gave,  as  my  primary  reason,  the 
crowded  condition  of  the  business  of  this  Congress.  I  inciden- 
tally— sometimes  in  a  good-natured  way,  as  I  remember — stated 
that  it  did  not  embarrass  me  to  vote  on  the  question  because  I 
was  already  on  record,  but  it  might  embarrass  some  of  my  col- 
leagues. My  real  views  have  been  that  Congress  has  duties  in 
this,  a  campaign  year,  when  all  members  hope  to  leave  ,at  a 
reasonable  time  within  which  to  make  their  campaign;  that  this 
session  is  not  a  good  time  to  take  upon  ourselves  the  considera- 
tion of  any  unimportant  question  that  can  be  disposed  of  just 
as  well  at  the  next  session. 

With  a  campaign  approaching  and  two  national  conventions 
in  June,  I  do  not  believe  it  wise  for  your  cause  to  crowd  this 
matter  on  now.  I  do  not  believe  that  it  would  get  that  consid- 
eration that  you  will  get  after  the  election  and  after  these  neces- 
sary matters — ^matters  of  importance  and  urgent  necessity — ^are 
disposed  of. 

I  am  opposed  to  smothering  anything  in  committee.  I  do  not 
propose  to  smother  this  in  committee.  I  intend,  when  I  think 
it  is  the  proper  time,  to  vote  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment 
out  and  vote  for  it  in  the  House.  Now  that  is  my  intention. 
I  have  not  said  that  I  would  not  do  so  at  this  session.  I  think 
the  strongest  that  I  have  put  it  is  that  I  would  not  do  so  unless 
the  work  of  the  session  is  cleared  away  so  that  we  can  get  to  it. 

Now  I  have  said  more  than  that.  At  any  time  that  you  get  a 
full  attendance  of  the  committee,  or  those  absent  represented 
by  pairs  so  that  both  sides  are  represented,  and  no  advantage 
can  be  taken  and  no  criticism  made  of  what  takes  place,  when- 
ever there  is  what  is  equivalent  to  a  full  committee  present,  I 
am  willing  that  the  committee  shall  again  vote  on  the  question 
and  determine  whether  they  want  it  out  now. 

Miss  Younger:  Before  the  conventions  will  meet  in  June,  Con- 
gress will  have  been  in  session  six  months,  and  we  ask  you  for 
only  one  day  out  of  the  six  months.     Some  of  those  other  ques- 


tions,  such  as  preparedness,  are  not  ready  to  come  before  Con- 

Mr.  Williams :  You  would  not  be  satisfied  with  one  day. 

Miss  Martin:  That  is  all  we  had  last  time  and  we  were 

Mrs.  Russell:  Whatever  action  Congress  takes  or  does  not  take 
on  preparedness,  we  women  wiU.  have  to  stand  for  it.  Any 
program  tha,t  Congress  puts  through  we  shall  be  involved  in. 
Isn't  that  jiist  one  more  reason  why  we  ought  to  have  a  vote 
promptly  ? 

Mr.  Williams:  Yes,  but  you  cannot  get  it  in  time  for  the 
emergency  that  is  now  before  us.  I  believe  this:  If  women  had 
full  political  rights  everywhere  there  would  not  be  any  war. 
But  that  cannot  be  brought  about  in  time  for  this  emergency. 

"  We  cannot  conceive,"  said  one  member  of  the  delegation  at 
this  juncture,  "  of  any  situation  which  will  not  permit  of  three- 
quarters  of  an  hour  being  taken  on  the  floor  of  the  House 
for  a  vote." 

Mr.  Williams:  We  have  no  right  to  refuse  to  submit  it.  I 
would  not  smother  it  in  committee  at  all,  but  I  believe  the  com- 
mittee has  a  right  to  exercise  their  discretion  as  to  when  it  shall 
be  submitted.  .  .  .  How  do  you  take  my  suggestion?  I  am 
willing  that  a  vote  may  be  had  at  any  time  if  there  is  the 
equivalent  of  a  full  attendance  of  the  committee.  Can  that  be 
secured  ? 

Miss  Martin:  I  have  been  working  with  this  committee  for 
nearly  three  months,  and  I  do  not  know  of  any  session  at  which 
they  have  all  been  present.  You  impose  upon  us  now  a  condition 
that  you  did  not  exact  when  this  Amendment  was  smothered. 

I  think  that  we  must  regard  a  motion  to  postpone  until  after 
election  as  an  action  unfriendly  to  Suffrage. 

Mr.  Williams:  It  may  be.     I  do  not  see  how  it  can  be. 

"  Last  year,"  a  member  of  the  delegation  then  reminded  Mr. 
Williams,  "the  Amendment  was  postponed  and  voted  on  im- 
mediately after  the  elections  were  safely  over.  The  plan  now 
is  to  postpone  it  until  after  the  elections  to  the  Sixty-fifth  Con- 
gress are  over  and  no  one's  election  will  be  jeopardized.  We 
do  not  like  to  have  the  vote  taken  in  each  Congress  inunediately 
after  election." 

Miss  Martin:  We  are  not  saying  anything  with  reference  to 
a  vote  on  the  floor  of  the  House  at  this  time.  We  are  simply 
asking  that  the  Judiciary  Committee  perform  its  function  and 
judge  the  bill  on  its  merits  and  make  its  report  to  the  House. 
Does  not  that  appeal  to  you? 


Mr.  Williams:  Yes,  it  does.  I  am  told  I  am  the  only  member 
of  the  committee  who  voted  to  postpone  the  Amendment,  who 
is  a  Representative  from  a  Suffrage  State.  Somehow  or  other 
you  have  put  the  burden  on  me. 

Miss  Martin:  You  are.     The  burden  is  on  you. 

Miss  Younger:  If  we  could  prove  to  you  that  with  your  vote 
we  would  have  a  majority  of  the  committee,  would  you  be  willing 
to  vote  to  report  it  out  to  the  House. 

Mr.  Williams:  There  would  be  ten  besides  myself  favorable 
to  reporting  it  out?     Yes,  if  you  have  the  ten. 

Miss  Martin:  I  have  them  right  here.  You  are  the  eleventh. 
We  have  those  ten  votes. 

Mr.  Williams:  Well,  I  hope  you  have.  May  I  ask  you  just 
to  read  them? 

Miss  Martin:  These  are  the  ten  who  are  for  reporting  the 
Amendment:  Representatives  Thomas,  of  Kentucky;  Taggart,  oi 
Kansas ;  Dale  of  New  York ;  Neely,  of  West  Virginia ;  Volstead, 
of  Minnesota;  Nelson,  of  Wisconsin;  Morgan,  of  Oklahoma; 
Chandler,  of  New  York;  Dyer,  of  Missouri,  and  Moss,  of  West 
Virginia.     That  makes  ten. 

Mr.  Williams:  And  Mr.  Williams  will  make  eleven.  When 
will  it  be  possible  to  get  them  all  together? 

Miss  Martin:  We  were  hoping  to  do  that  by  tomorrow.  Mr. 
Dale  was  here  but  he  has  been  called  back  to  New  York.  Mr. 
Moss  has  been  seriously  ill  but  has  promised  to  attend  the 
meeting  tomorrow.  I  will  read  the  names  of  the  men  who  are 
against  a  report.  They  are  all  anti-Suffragists  and  you  are 
classified  with  them:  Representatives  Webb,  of  North  Carolina; 
Carlin,  of  Virginia ;  Walker,  of  Georgia ;  Gard,  of  Ohio ;  Whaley, 
of  South  Carolina;  Caraway,  of  Arkansas;  Igoe,  of  Missouri; 
Steele,  of  Pennsylvania,  and,  until  now,  yourself. 

Mr.  Williams:  If  a  majority  of  the  committee  want  to  recon- 
sider it  I  will  vote  in  favor  of  it. 

Miss  Martin:  What  would  you  do  if  we  could  only  get  ten 
Suffrage  members  present  tomorrow  and  they  were  a  majority 
of  those  present? 

Mr.  Williams :  Let  us  not  make  any  further  agreement.  I  have 
agreed  to  your  former  proposition  and  I  will  stand  by  my  word. 

Miss  Martin:  We  are  sure  you  will. 

After  the  deputation  had  left  his  office  Mr.  Williams 
promised  Miss  Younger  and  Miss  Martin  that,  whenever  the 
requisite  number  of  friends  of  Suffrage  were  present  at  a 


meeting  of  the  Judiciary  Committee/ he  himself  would  move 
a  reconsideration  of  the  question. 

Again  I  quote  Miss  Younger's,  Revelations  of  a  Woman 
Lobbyist : 

We  now  had  a  majority  of  one  on  the  committee.  We  had  only 
to  get  the  majority  together.  It  seemed  a  simple  thing  to  do, 
but  it  wasn't. 

The  number  of  things  that  could  take  a  Congressman  out  of 
town  on  Tuesday  and  Thursday  mornings,  the  number  of  minor 
ailments  that  could  develop  on  those  days  was  appalling.  It 
seemed  that  every  time  a  Congressman  faced  something  he  did 
not  want  to  do,  he  had  a  headache. 

Monday  after  Monday,  Wednesday  after  Wednesday,  we  went 
from  office  to  office,  inquiring  solicitously  about  each  man's  health. 
Was  he  quite  well?  Did  he  have  a  headache  or  any  symptoms 
of  internal  disorders.^  Was  his  wife  in  good  health.?  His 
children?  Could  any  business  affairs  arise  to  take  him  out  of 
town  next  day?   .    .    . 

The  weeks  went  by  and  we  were  not  able  to  get  our  majority, 

"  You  think  you're  going  to  bring  that  question  up  again," 
said  Mr.  Webb,  the  chairman.  "  No  power  on  earth  will  do  it. 
It's  locked  up  in  sub-committee  till  next  December,  and  it's 
going  to  stay  there." 

This  was  repeated  to  Miss  Paul.  "  Nonsense ! "  she  said. 
"  Of  course  it  will  be  brought  up." 

But  why  should  all  this  petty  bickering,  this  endless  struggling 
with  absurdities  be  necessary  in  order  to  get  before  Congress 
a  measure  dealing  with  a  question  of  public  good?  No  man 
would  run  his  private  business  that  way.  Yet  that  is  the  way 
public  business  is  done. 

Finally  after  weeks  of  working  and  watchful  waiting  I  re- 
ported to  Anne  on  Wednesday  that  a  majority  of  our  members 
were  in  town  and  well.  We  were  jubilant.  Early  next  morning 
we  were  before  the  doors  of  the  Judiciary  Committee  to  see  them 
file  in.  They  arrived  one  by  one,  solemn,  nervously  hurrying  by, 
or  smiling  in  an  amused  or  friendly  way.  Mr.  Hunter  Moss, 
our  staunch  friend,  appeared.  Mr.  Moss  was  dying  of  cancer. 
Though  often  too  ill  to  leave  his  bed,  he  asked  his  secretary  to 
notify  him  whenever  Suffrage  was  to  come  up  so  that  he  might 
fight  for  it.  Mr.  Moss  was  our  tenth  man.  We  recoimted  them 
anxiously.  Ten  supporters,  ten  opponents — ^where  was  Mr. 
Dale  of  New  York?     I  flew  downstairs  to  his  office — I  don't 


know  who  went  with  me  but  I  have  a  faint  memory  of  red  hair 
— and  there  he  was  in  his  shirt  sleeves  cahnly  looking  over  his 

"  Hurry ! "  we  cried.  "  The  committee  is  ready  to  meet. 
Every  one's  there  except  you !  " 

He  reached  for  his  coat  but  we  exclaimed,  "Put  it  on  in  the 
hall ! "  and  hurrying  him  out  between  us  we  raced  down  the 
corridor,  helping  him  with  the  coat  as  we  ran,  then  into  the 
elevator  and  up  to  the  third  floor  and  to  the  committee  room. 
We  deposited  him  in  one  vacant  seat.  Our  majority  was  com- 
plete ! 

As  we  stood  oflf  and  looked  at  our  eleven  men  sitting  there 
together,  gathered  with  so  much  effort  and  trial,  no  artist  was 
ever  prouder  of  a  masterpiece  than  we.  We  stood  entranced  sur- 
veying them  until  Mr.  Webb  sternly  announced  that  the  com- 
mittee would  go  into  executive  session  which  meant  that  we 
must  go. 

In  the  anteroom  other  Suffragists  gathered,  also  the  news- 
paper men.  Every  one  said  that  in  a  few  moments  the  Amend- 
ment would  be  reported  out.  But  the  minutes  ran  into  hours. 
'Our  suspense  grew.  Each  time  those  closed  doors  opened  and 
a  member  came  out  we  asked  for  news.  There  was  none. 
"Carlin's  got  the  floor." 

The  morning  dragged  past.  Twelve  o'clock  came.  Twelve- 
thirty.  One  o'clock.  The  doors  opened.  We  clustered  around 
our  supporters  and  eagerly  asked  the  news. 

Well,  Carlin  got  the  floor  and  kept  it.  He  took  up  the  time. 
It  got  late  and  the  members  were  hungry  and  wanted  to  go  to 
luncheon,  and  there  would  have  been  a  lot  of  wrangling  over 
the  Amendment.  So  they  adopted  Carlin's  motion  to  make  Suf- 
frage the  special  order  of  business  two  weeks  from  today. 

"  It's  all  right,"  our  friends  consoled  us.  "  Only  two  weeks' 

But  why  two  weeks.''  And  why  had  Mr.  Carlin,  our  avowed 
and  bitter  enemy,  himself  made  the  motion  to  reconsider,  tacking 
to  it  the  two  weeks'  delay,  unless  something  disastrous  was 

Now  began  a  care  and  watchfulness  over  our  eleven,  in  com- 
parison to  which  all  our  previous  watchfulness  and  care  was  as 
nothing.  Not  only  did  we  know  each  man's  mind  minutely  from 
day  to  day,  but  we  had  their  constituents  on  guard  at  home. 

Washington's  mail  increased.  One  man  said,  "  I  wish  you'd 
ask  those  Pennsylvania  ladies  to  stop  writing  me !  "  Mr.  Morgan 
said,  "  My  secretary  has  been  busy  all  day  long  answering  letters 


from  Suffragists.  Why  do  you  do  it?  You  know  I'm  for  it." 
Mr.  Neely,  at  a  desk  covered  with  mail,  broke  forth  in  wrath, 
eyes  blazing,  "  Why  do  you  have  all  those  letters  written  to  me 
as  though  you  doubted  my  stand?  I'm  as  unchangeable  as  the 
Medes  and  Persians !  " 

On  the  27th  of  March,  the  day  before  the  vote,  telegrams 
poured  in.  We  stumbled  over  messenger  boys  at  every  turn  in 
the  House  o£Sce  building.  Late  that  afternoon  as  Anne  and  I 
went  into  Mr.  Taggart's  office  we. passed  a  postman  with  a  great 
bundle  of  special-delivery  letters. 

Mr.  Taggart  was  last  on  the  list.  Every  one  else  was  pledged 
to  be  at  the  meeting  next  day. 

"  Yes,  I'll  be  there,"  said  Mr.  Taggart  slowly  and  ominously. 
"  But  I'll  be  a  little  late." 

"  Late!  "  We  jumped  from  our  seats.  "  Why,  it's  the  special 
order  for  ten-thirty !  " 

Well,  I  may  not  be  very  late.  I've  got  an  appointment  with 
the  Persian  Ambassador — Haroun  al  Baschid,"  said  he,  and 
looked  at  each  of  us  defiantly. 

We  pleaded,  but  in  vain.  Without  Mr.  Taggart  we  had  not 
a  majority.  What  could  we  do?  We  discussed  it  while  we 
walked  home  in  the  crisp  afternoon  air.  There  was  no  Persian 
ambassador  in  America,  but  a  charge  d'affaire,  and  his  name  was 
not  Haroun  al  Raschid,  but  Ali  Kuli  Kahn.  We  smiled  at  Mr. 
Taggart's  transparency,  but  we  were  alarmed.  Our  Amendment 
hung  on  Mr.  Taggart's  presence. 

Suppose  after  all  he  did  intend  to  consult  Persia  on  some 
matter  of  moment  to  Kansas  ?  To  leave  no  loop-hole  unguarded, 
Mary  Gertrude  Fendall  next  morning  at  nine  o'clock  took  a  taxi 
to  the  Persian  legation  and  left  it  on  the  corner.  At  ten  o'clock 
she  was  to  ring  the  bell,  ask  for  Mr.  Taggart,  drive  him  in 
haste  to  the  Capitol  and  deposit  him  in  the  midst  of  our  ma- 
jority. As  she  walked  up  and  down,  however,  the  problem 
became  acute,  for  how  could  she  get  him  out  of  the  legation 
when  he  did  not  go  in?  At  last,  ringing  the  bell,  seeing  one 
attache  and  then  another,  she  became  convinced  that  nothing  was 
known  of  the  Kansas  Congressman  in  the  Persian  legation,  so 
she  telephoned  us  at  the  Capitol.  ^ 

This  confirmed  our  fears.  Every  one  else  was  present;  Mr. 
Taggart  was  not  in  his  office;  no  one  knew  where  he  was.  Ten- 
thirty  came ;  ten  forty-five.  There  was  nothing  of  the  vanquished 
in  the  faces  of  our  opponents.  Mr.  Carlin  grinned  affably  at 
all  of  us,  and  the  grin  chilled  us.  We  looked  anxiously  from 
one  to  another  as  the  meeting  began.     Ten  supporters — ten  op- 


ponents.  Mr.  Taggart,  wherever  he  was,  had  our  majority.  The 
minutes  dragged.  Our  friends  prolonged  the  preliminaries.  A 
stranger  near  me  pulled  out  his  watch.  I  leaned  over  and  asked 
the  time.  "  Five  minutes  to  eleven."  And  just  at  that  moment, 
looking  up,  I  saw  Mr.  Taggart  in  the  doorway— Mr.  Taggart, 
very  much  of  a  self-satisfied,  naughty  little  boy,  smiling  tri- 
umphantly.    That  did  not  matter.     Our  majority  was  complete. 

The  committee  went  into  executive  session,  and  we  moved  to 
the  anteroom.  "  A  few  minutes  and  you'll  have  your  Amendment 
reported  out,"  said  the  newspaper  men.  "  It's  all  over  but  the 
shouting."  The  situation  was  ours.  Suffrage  was  the  special 
order;  nothing  could  be  considered  before  it,  and  we  had  a  ma- 
jority. As  the  moments  passed  we  repeated  this,  trying  to  keep 
up  our  courage.  For  time  lengthened  out.  We  eyed  the  door 
anxiously,  starting  up  when  it  opened.  We  caught  glimpses  of 
the  room.  The  members  were  not  sitting  at  their  places,  they 
were  on  their  feet,  shaking  their  fists. 

"  They're  like  wild  animals,"  said  one  member  who  came  out. 

"  But  what's  happening?  "  There  was  no  answer.  The  door 
closed  again.  , 

Slowly  we  learned  the  incredible  fact.  When  the  door  had 
shut  upon  us,  Mr.  Carlin  immediately  moved  that  all  constitu- 
tional amendments  be  indefinitely  postponed.      \ 

Now  there  were  many  constitutional  amendments  before  that 
committee,  covering  many  subjects;  marriage,  divorce,  election 
of  judges,  a  national  anthem,  prohibition.  Mr.  Carlin,  to  defeat 
us,  had  thrown  them  all  into  one  heap.  A  man  could  not  vote 
to  postpone  one  without  voting  to  postpone  them  all.  He  could 
not  vote  against  one  without  voting  against  them  all.  Were 
these  men  actually  adult  human  beings,  legislating  for  a  great 
nation,  for  the  welfare  of  a  hundred  million  people? 

The  motion  threw  the  committee  into  an  uproar.  Our  friends 
protested  that  it  could  not  be  considered;  Suffrage  was  the  spe- 
cial order  of  the  day.  Mr.  Moss  moved  that  the  Suffrage  Amend- 
ment be  reported  out.  The  chairman  ruled  this  out  of  order. 
Now  there  was  a  majority  in  that  committee  for  Suffrage  and  a 
majority  for  prohibition,  but  they  were  not  the  same  majority. 
One  of  the  strongest  Suffragists  represented  St.  Louis  with  its 
large  breweries.  If  he  voted  against  postponing  the  Prohibition 
Amendment  he  could  never  again  be  re-elected  from  St.  Louis. 
Yet  he  could  not  vote  to  postpone  it  without  postponing  Suffrage 

Through  the  closed'  door  came  the  sound  of  loud,  furious 
voices.    We  caught  glimpses  of  wildly  gesticulating  arms,  fists  in 


air,  contorted  faces.  One  o'clock  approached.  Mr.  Moss  came 
out  and  crossed  quickly  to  the  elevator.     We  hurried  after  him. 

"  Indefinitely  postponed,"  he  said  indignantly,  not  wanting  to 
talk  about  it. 

"But  our  majority?" 

"  We  lost  one." 


"  I  cannot  tell."  He  stepped  into  the  elevator.  The  other 
men  came  trooping  out.  Our  defeat  was  irrevocable,  they  all 
said.     Nothing  could  be  done  until  the  following  December. 

"  You  see,"  said  Mr.  Taggart,  looking  very  jubilant  for  a 
just-defeated  Suffragist,  "  You  women  can  all  go  home  now.  You 
needn't  have  cpme  at  all  this  session.  But  of  course  you  women 
don't  know  anything  about  politics.  We  told  you  not  to  bring 
up  Suffrage  before  election.  Next  December,  after  election,  we 
may  do  something  for  you." 

Our  opponents,  secure  in  victory,  grew  more  friendly;  but  as 
they  warmed,  our  supporters  became  colder.  Mr.  Chandler  flatly 
refused  to  stay  with  us. 

"  I've  voted  for  your  Amendment  twice,"  he  said,  "  and  I 
won't  vote  for  it  again  this  session.     That's  final." 

I  also  heard  rumors  of  Mr.  Neely's  refusing  to  vote  for  it, 
so  I  caught  him  in  a  corridor  and  hurried  beside  him,  talking 
as  I  walked. 

"  That  true,"  he  said.  "  I  won't  vote  for  it  again  this  session. 
It's  no  use  talking.  I  am  as  unchangeable  as  the  Medes  and 

"  But  that's  just  what  you  said  when  you  were  receiving  so 
many  letters  that  you  thought  we  doubted  you !  You  said  noth- 
ing could " 

"  I've  got  some  bills  of  my  own  to  get  out  of  this  committee," 
said  he,  waving  aside  the  Medes  and  Persians.  "  I  won't  get 
them  out  if  you  keep  bringing  up  this  Suffrage.     Good  day." 

In  commenting  upon  the  action  of  the  Judiciary  Com- 
mittee, Miss  Alice  Paul  said: 

The  action  of  the  Democratic  leaders  at  Washington  in  again 
blocking  the  Suffrage  Amendment  by  postponing  indefinitely  its 
consideration  in  the  Judiciary  Committee  is'  an  additional  spur 
to  Suffragists  to  press  forward  with  their  plan  of  going  out 
through  the  Suffrage  States  to  tell  the  women  voters — ^particu- 
larly those  who  are  supporting  the  Democratic  Party — of  the 
opposition  which  the  Party  is  giving  to  the  Federal  Amendment 
at  Washington. 


We  have  now  labored  nearly  a  third  of  a  year  to  persuade  the 
Democratic  leaders  in  Congress  to  allow  the  Amendment  to  be 
brought  before  the  members  of  the  House  for  their  consideration. 
The  rebuff  in  the  committee  today  shows  the  necessity  of  not 
delaying  longer  in  acquainting  the  four  million  voting  women 
with  what  is  going  on  in  Congress. 

Many  months  still  remain,  in  all  probability,  before  Congress 
adjourns.  We  will  do  our  utmost  in  these  months  to  create  such 
a  powerful  party  of  voting  women  in  the  West  as  to  make  it 
impossible  for  the  Democratic  leaders  at  Washington  longer  to 
continue  their  course  of  refusing  to  let  this  measure  come  before 
the  House  for  even  the  few  minutes  necessary  for  discussion  and 
a  vote. 

Miss  Younger  says  further: 

The  following  Tuesday  found  me  as  usual  in  the  Judiciary 
Committee  room.  When  I  appeared  in  the  doorway  there  was 
a  surprised  but  smiling  greeting. 

"  You  haven't  given  up  yet?  " 

"  Not  until  you  report  our  Amendment." 

For  the  first  time  Mr.  Webb  smiled.  There  was  surprise  in  his 
voice.    "  You  women  are  in  earnest  about  this." 



In  the  meantime  the  work  with  the  President  was  going  on. 
Mr.  Wilson  was  about  to  make  a  speaking  trip  which  in- 
cluded Kansas.  This  would  be  the  first  time  since  his 
inauguration  that  he  would  visit  a  Suffrage  State. 

On  January  26,  1916,  Mrs.  William  Kent  and  Maud 
Younger  waited  on  the  President  to  ask  him  to  receive  a 
delegation  of  women  in  a  forthcoming  visit  to  New  York. 
In  presenting  this  request,  Mrs.  Kent  sounded  a  note  which 
was  beginning  to  become  the  dominant  strain  in  the  Suffrage 
demands  of  the  western  women. 

"  Women  are  anxious  to  express  to  you,  Mr.  President," 
she  said,  "  the  depth  of  earnestness  of  the  demand  for 
Woman  Suffrage.  We  as  western  women  and  as  citizens 
are  accustomed  to  having  a  request  fdr  political  considera- 
tion received  with  seriousness ;  and  we  feel  keenly  the  injus- 
tice of  the  popular  rumor  that  such  delegations  are  planned 
to  annoy  a  public  official.  We  hope  that  you  will  appreciate 
the  dignity  and  propriety  of  such  a  representative  appeal  as 
the  women  of  New  York  are  now  making." 

President  Wilson  said  that  such  an  assumption  was  en- 
tirely absent  from  his  mind.  He  added  that  he  had  decided 
to  make  it  a  rule  during  his  trip  to  New  York  and  through- 
out the  Middle  West  not  to  receive  any  delegations  whatever, 
since  he  would  "  get  in  wrong,"  as  he  said,  if  he  received  one 
and  not  another;  it  was  very  possible,  however,  that  he 
might  be  approached  by  deputations  which  he  would  be  able 
to  receive. 

As  Mrs.  Kent  and  Miss  Younger  came  out  from  this  call 
on  the  President,  the  evening  papers  were  on  the  stands. 



They  announced  that  the  next  day  in  New  York  the  Presi- 
dent would  receive  fifteen  hundred  ministers. 

On  the  morning  of  January  27,  1916,  over  a  hundred 
women,  organized  by  Doris  Stevens  and  led  by  Mrs.  E. 
Tiffany  Dyer,  assembled  in  the  East  Room  of  the  Waldorf 
Astoria  Hotel.  Fifteen  minutes  later  they  sent  up  a  note 
asking  for  a  ten-minute  audience  with  the  President,  that 
New  York  women  might  lay  their  caje  for  federal  action 
upon  Suffrage  before  him.  Secretary  Tumulty  sent  back 
the  following  note: 

For  the  President,  I  beg  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
note  requesting  a  Conference  with  him  to  discuss  the  'Suffrage 
Amendment.  I  very  much  regret  that  the  President's  engage- 
ments make  it  impossible  to  arrange  this  matter  as  you  have  so 
generously  suggested.  When  a  representative  from  your  com- 
mittee called  at  the  White  House  the  President  informed  her  of 
the  crowded  condition  of  his  calendar  today. 

Joseph  Tumulty. 

As  this  note  merely  said  that  no  time  had  been  set  aside 
for  a  deputation  of  women,  and  did  not  say  that  it  would 
be  impossible  to  see  him  at  all,  a  second  note  was  sent, 
asking  for  just  five  minutes  and  offering  to  wait  as  long  as 
necessary^.  In  the  meantime,  an  interview  between  Mr. 
Tumulty  and  Mrs.  Amos  Pinchot  took  place.  Mrs.  Pinchot 
reported  to  the  deputation  that  the  President  and  his  Sec- 
retary were  "  conferring."  For  two  hours  the  women  waited, 
holding  a  meeting.  Some  of  the  women  thought  it  was  un- 
dignified to  wait  since  the  President  had  stated  in  his  note 
that  an  appointment  had  not  been  secured. 

"  But,"  said  Mrs.  Carol  Beckwith,  "  why  quibble  about 
our  undignified  position  here  in  the  Waldorf?  Our  political 
position  is  undignified,  and  that  is  what  we  should  remedy." 

At  a  quarter  past  eleven,  the  President  appeared. 

In  answer  to  the  speeches  of  Mrs.  Dyer,  Mrs.  Henry 
Bruere,  Mary  Ritter  Beard,  President  Wilson  said : 

I  ought  to  say,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  apologies,  I  think, 
ought  to  come  from  me,  because  I  had  not  understood  that  an 


appointment  had  been  made.  On  the  contrary,  I  supposed  none 
had  been  made,  and,  therefore,  had  filled  my  morning  with  work, 
from  which  it  did  not  seem  possible  to  escape. 

I  can  easily  understand  the  embarrassment  of  any  one  of  your 
representatives  in  trying  to  make  a  speech  in  this  situation.  I 
feel  that  embarrassment  very  strongly  myself,  and  I  wish  very 
much  that  I  had  the  eloquence  of  some  of  your  speakers,  so  that 
I  could  set  my  views  forth  as  adequately  as  they  set  forth 

It  may  be,  ladies,  that  my  mind  works  slowly.  I  have  always 
felt  that  those  things  were  most  solidly  built  that  were  built 
piece  by  piece,  and  I  felt  that  the  genius  of  our  political  develop- 
ment in  this  country  lay  in  the  number  of  our  States,  and  in  the 
very  clear  definition  of  the  difference  of  sphere  between  the 
State  and  Federal  Government.  It  may  be  that  I  am  a  little  old- 
fashioned  in  that. 

When  I  last  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  some  ladies  urging 
the  Amendment  that  you  are  urging  this  morning,  I  told  them 
that  my  mind  was  unchanged,  but  I  hoped  open,  and  that  I 
would  take  pleasure  in  conferring  with  the  leaders  of  my  Party 
and  the  leaders  of  Congress  with  regard  to  this  matter.  I  have 
not  fulfilled  that  promise,  and  I  hope  you  will  understand  why 
I  havp  not  fulfilled  it,  because  there  seemed  to  be  questions  of 
legislation  so  pressing  in  their  necessity  that  they  ought  to  take 
precedence  of  everything  else;  that  we  could  postpone  funda- 
mental changes  to  immediate  action  along  lines  in  the  national 
interest.  That  has  been  my  reason,  and  I  think  it  is  a  sufiicient 
reason.  The  business  of  government  is  a  business  from  day  to 
day,  ladies,  and  there  are  things  that  cannot  wait.  However 
great  the  principle  involved  in  this  instance,  action  must  of  neces- 
sity in  great  fundamental  constitutional  changes  be  deliberate, 
and  I  do  not  feel  that  I  have  put  the  less  pressing  in  advance 
of  the  more  pressing  in  the  course  I  have  taken. 

I  have  not  forgotten  the  promise  that  I  made,  and  I  certaiidy 
shs(ll  not  forget  the  fulfillment  of  it,  but  I  want  to  be  absolutely 
frank.  My  own  mind  is  still  convinced  that  we  ought  to  work 
this  thing  out  State  by  State.  I  did  what  I  could  to  work  it 
out  in  my  own  State  in  New  Jersey,  and  I  am  willing  to  act 
there  whenever  it  comes  up;  but  that  is  so  far  my  conviction  as 
to  the  best  and  solidest  way  to  build  changes  of  this  kind,  and 
I  for  my  own  part  see  no  reason  for  discouragement  on  the  part 
of  the  women  of  the  country  in  the  progress  that  this  movement 
has  been  making.  It  may  move  like  a  glacier,  but  when  it  does 
move,  its  effects  are  permanent. 

The  Suffragist's  Dream. 

President    Wilson  :    My    dear    young    lady,    you   have    saved    my    life. 
How  can   I  thank  you? 

Nina  Allender  in  The  Suffragist. 


I  had  not  expected  to  have  this  pleasure  this  morning,  and 
therefore  am  simply  speaking  offhand,  and  without  consideration 
of  my  phrases,  but  I  hope  in  entire  frankness.  I  thank  you 
sincerely  for  this  opportunity. 

Smiling  the  President  turned  to  leave  the  room,  when  Mrs. 
Beard  reminded  him  that  the  Clayton  Bill,  with  its  far- 
reaching  effects  on  the  working-man,  had  not  been  gained 
State  by  State. 

"  I  do  not  care  to  enter  into  a  discussion  of  that,"  he  said 

In  February,  President  Wilson  visited  Kansas  in  his 
"Preparedness  Tour."  As  soon  as  it  became  known  that 
he  was  coming  to  Topeka,  the  heads  of  various.  Civic  and 
Suffrage  organizations  in  Kansas  telegraphed  him,  asking  for 
an  interview. 

Secretary  Tumulty  answered  by  telegram  that  the 
crowded  condition  of  the  Topeka  program  would  not  permit 
of  this  arrangement. 

The  Kansas  women  telephoned  that  they  were  sure  the 
President  could  spare  them  five  minutes,  and  they  would 
await  him  at  the  State  House,  immediately  after  the  party 
arranged  in  his  honor. 

When  Secretary  Tumulty  alighted  from  the  President's 
car  in  Topeka,  the  inspired,  swift,  and  executive  Mabel 
Vernon  met  him  with  a  note  from  the  Kansas  women  asking 
the  President  to  see  them.  To  do  this,  she  had  had  to  run 
the  gauntlet  of  a  large  force  of  police.  Secret  Service  men 
and  the  National  Guard. 

Mr.  Tumulty  said  that  he  could  give  no  answer  at  that 
time,  but  that  later  the  delegation  could  telephone  him  at 
Governor  Capper's  house,  where  President  and  Mrs.  Wilson 
were  entertained.  Governor  Capper  was  a  strong  Suffragist. 
The  women  did  call  later,  but  Secretary  Tumulty  explained 
then  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  the  President  to  see 
them.  After  much  talk,  an  arrangement  was  made  that  the 
delegation  should  come  to  the  Governor's  house  at  twenty 
minutes  before  one.    The  thermometer  was  at  zero,  and  snow 


was  falling,  but  the  women  waited  before  Governor  Capper's 
house  for  an  hour.  Finally  the  President  came  out.  The 
delegation,  following  the  purple,  white,  and  gold,  marched 
up  the  steps  in  double  file.  Lila  Day  Monroe  made  a  little 
speech,  and  handed  the  President  the  petition.  The  Presi- 
dent murmured: 

I  appreciate  this  call  very  much.  ...  I  appreciate  it  very 
much.  ...  I  am  much  obliged,  much  obliged.  .  .  .  Pleased 
to  meet  you  .  .  ."he  repeated  at  intervals,  but  he  gave  no 
expression  of  opinion. 

After  the  deputation  of  women  had  filed  by,~Ehe  President 
handed  the  petition  to  one  of  the  Secret  Service  men,  who 
buttoned  it  up  in  his  inside  pocket. 


The  Congressional  Union  was  now  to  undertake  another 
gigantic  task — the  formation  of  a  new  political  Party. 

For  this  purpose,  a  conference  of  national  officers,  state 
officers,  members  of  the  Advisory  Council  of  the  Congressional 
Union  from  the  unenfranchised  States  met  at  the  Little 
White  House  April  8  and  9,  1916.  Brilliant  speeches  were 
made  by  Anne  Martin  and  Lucy  Burns.  Alice  Paul  summed 
the  whole  matter  up  in  her  usual  convincingly  incisive  and 
logical  way: 

This  is  the  third  time  we  iave  called  together  the  members 
of  our  Advisory  Council  and  our  state  and  national  officers  to 
lay  before  them  a  new  project.  The  first  time  was  at  Newport 
when  we  proposed  a  campaign  against  all  Democratic  candidates 
for  Congress  in  the  Suffrage  States.  The  second  time  was  a 
year  ago  in  New  York  when  we  proposed  to  convert  the  Con- 
gressional Union  into  a  national  organization  with  branches  in 
the  different  States.  Today  we  want  to  lay  another  plan  before 
you  for  your  consideration — ^that  is  the  organization  of  a  po- 
litical Party  of  women  voters  who  can  go  into  this  next  election^ 
if  it  is  necessary  to  go  into  it^  as  an  independent  Party. 

I  think  we  are  all  agreed  on  certain  essential  points.  First — 
from  what  source  our  opposition  comes.  We  are  agreed  that  it 
comes  from  the  Administration.  We  do  not  have  to  prove  that. 
Second — we  are  agreed  as  to  where  our  power  lies — that  is  in 
the  Suffrage  States.  Third — we  are  agreed  as  to  the  political 
situation.  We  know  that  the  two  Parties  are  about  equal,  that 
both  want  to  win.  We  know  that  the  Suffrage  States  are  doubt- 
ful States  and  that  every  one  of  those  States  is  wanted  by  the 
political  Parties.  We  know  that  many  of  the  elections  will  be 
close.  The  State  of  Nevada  was  won  by  only  forty  votes  in  the 
last  Senatorial  election.  In  Utah  it  was  a  week  before  the 
campaign  was  decided.  In  Colorado,  the  same.  Going  back  over 
a  period  of  twenty  years  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  have 



changed  only  nine  per  cent  of  the  total  vote  cast  in  the  presi- 
dential elections  in  order  to  have  thrown  the  election  to  the  other 
Party.  This  gives,  us  a  position  of  wonderful  power,  a  position 
that  we  have  never  held  before  and  that  we  cannot  hope  to  hold 
again  for  at  least  four  years,  and  which  we  may  not  hold 

We  have  been  working  for  two  years  to  effect  an  organisation 
in  the  Suffrage  States  and  have  finally  completed  such  an  organi- 
zation. Our  last  branch  was  formed  about  ten  days  ago  in  the 
State  of  Washington.  We  now  have  to  demonstrate  to  the  Ad- 
ministration, to  the  majority  Party  in  Congress,  that  the  organi- 
zation in  the  Suffrage  States  does  exist  and  that  it  is  a  power 
to  be  feared.  There  are  many  months  still  remaining,  probably, 
before  Congress  will  adjourn.  If  in  these  months  we  can  build 
up  so  strong  an  organization  there  that  it  really  will  be  dan- 
gerous to  oppose  It,  and  if  we  can  show  Congress  that  we  have 
such  an  organization,  then  we  will  have  the  matter  in  our 

We  have  sent  a  request  to  our  branches  in  the  East  to  select 
one  or  more  representative  women  who  will  go  out  to  the  West 
and  make  a  personal  appeal  to  the  women  voters  to  stand  by 
us  even  more  loyally  than  they  have  before — to  form  a  stronger 
organization  than  has  ever  before  existed. 

Today  we  must  consider  what  concrete  plan  we  shall  ask  these 
envoys  who  go  out  to  the  West  to  propose  to  the  voting  women. 
I  do  not  think  it  will  do  very  much  good  to  go  through  the 
voting  States  and  simply  strengthen  our  Suffrage  organizations. 
That  will  not  be  enough  to  terrify  the  men  in  Congress.  Suf- 
frage organizations,  imfortunately,  have  come  to  stand  for 
feebleness  of  action  and  supineness  of  spirit.  What  I  want  to 
propose  is  that  when  we  go  to  these  women  voters  we  ask  them 
to  begin  to  organize  an  independent  political  Party  that  will 
be  ready  for  the  elections  in  November.  They  may  not  have 
to  go  into  these  elections.  If  they  prepare  diligently  enough 
for  the  elections  they  won't  have  to  go  into  them.  The  threat 
will  be  enough.  We  want  to  propose  to  you  that  we  ask  the 
women  voters  to  come  together  in  Chicago  at  the  time  that  the 
Progressives  and  Republicans  meet  there  in  June,  to  decide 
how  they  will  use  these  four  million  votes  that  women  have,  in 
the  next  election. 

Now,  if  women  who  are  Republicans  simply  help  the  Repub- 
lican Party,  and  if  women  who  are  Democrats  help  the  Demo- 
cratic Party,  women's  votes  will  not  count  for  much.  But  if  the 
political  Parties  see  before  them  a  group  of  independent  women 


voters  who  are  standing  together  to  use  their  vote  to  promote 
Suffrage,  it  will  make  Suffrage  an  issue — the  women  voters  at 
once  become  a  group  which  counts;  whose  votes  are  wanted. 
The  Parties  will  inevitably  have  to  go  to  the  women  voters  if 
the  latter  stand  aloof  and  do  not  go  to  the  existing  political 
Parties.  The  political  Parties  will  have  to  offer  them  the  thing 
which  will  win  their  votes.  To  count  in  an  election  you  do  not 
hkve  to  be  the  biggest  Party;  you  have  to  be  simply  an  inde- 
pendent Party  that  will  stand  for  one  object  and  that  cannot  be 
diverted  from  that  object. 

Four  years  ago  there  was  launched  a  new  Party,  the  Pro- 
gressive Party.  It  really  did,  I  suppose,  decide  the  last  Presi- 
dential election.  We  can  be  the  same  determining  factor  in  this 
coming  election.  And  if  we  can  make  Congress  realize  that  we 
can  be  the  determining  factor,  we  won't  have  to  go  into  the  elec- 
tion at  all. 

What  I  would  like  to  propose,  in  short,  is  that  we  go  to  the 
women  voters  and  ask  them  to  hold  a  convention  in  Chicago 
the  first  week  in  June,  and  that  we  spend  these  next  two  months 
in  preparation.  We  could  not  have  a  better  opportunity  for 
preparation  than  this  trip  of  the  envoys  through  every  one  of 
the  Suffrage  States,  calling  the  women  together  to  meet  in  Chi- . 
cago,  the  place  where  the  eyes  of  the  whole  country  will  be 
turned  in  June. 

We  want  very  much  to  know  what  you  think  about  this  plan 
and  whether  you  will  help  us  in  carrying  it  through.  It  is  not 
an  easy  thing  to  launch  a  new  Party  and  have  it  stand  competi- 
tion with  the  Republican  and  Democratic  Parties.  If  we  under- 
take it,  we  must  make  it  a  success.  We  must  make  it  worthy 
to  stand  beside  these  great  Parties.  That  is  the  biggest  task 
that  we  have  ever  dreamed  of  since  we  started  the  Congressional 

It  was  unanimously  decided  by  the  Conference  to  send 
an  appeal  to  all  members  in  the  SuiFrage  States  to-  meet 
in  Chicago  on  June  6,  6,  and  7,  to  form  a  Woman's 
Party.  Envoys  to  carry  this  appeal  to  the  West  were 
elected.  , 

Mrs.  W.  D.  Ascough,  Harriot  Stanton  Blatch,  Abby 
Scott  Baker,  Lucy  Burns,  Agnes  Campbell,  Mrs.  A.  R. 
Colvin,  Anna  Constable,  Edith  Goode,  Jane  Goode, 
Florence  Bayard  Hilles,  Julia  Hurlburt,  Caroline  Katzen- 


stein,  Winifred  Mallon,  Mrs.  Cyrus  Mead,  Agnes  Morey, 
Katherine  Morey,  Gertrude  B.  Newell,  Mrs.  Percy  Read, 
Ella  Riegel,  Mrs.  John  Rogers,  Mrs.  Townsend  Scott, 
Helen  Todd,  Mrs.  Nelson  Whittemore. 

All  of  these  women  were  chosen  by  State  groups  of  the 
National  Woman's  Party;  they  therefore  went  to  the  West 
as  the  spokesmen  of  the  unenfranchised  women  of  their  own 
States.    Ahead  of  them  went  the  organizers. 

This  Suffrage  Special  must  not  be  confused  with  Hughes' 
"  Golden  Special,"  which  in  October — six  months  later — 
toured  the  West  and  with  which  the  National  Woman's 
Party  had  no  connection. 

Five  thousand  people  gathered  in  the  Union  Station  at 
Washington  to  see  the  envoys  off — what  the  Washington 
Times  describes  as  a  "  banner-carrying,  flag-waving,  flower- 
laden  cheering  crowd."  Automobiles  flying  the  tri-color 
brought  the  envoys  to  the  station.  Two  buglers  sounded 
the  assembly  for  the  farewell.  The  Naval  Gun  Factory 
Band  greeted  them  with  the  Marseillaise,  and  in  the  half- 
hour  before  the  train's  departure,  it  continued  to  play 
martial  music.  When  it  struck  up  Onward  Christian  Sol- 
diers and  America,  the  crowd  sang  with  them. 

The  envoys  made  a  tremendous  impression  in  the  West. 
Whenever  their  train  arrived — purple,  white,  and  gold  deco- 
rations floating  from  all  the  windows — that  arrival  became 
an  event  and  created  excitement. 

"  I  wish  you  might  see  some  of  these  meetings,"  Abby  Baker 
wrote  to  the  Suffragist  of  April  29,  "  and  see  the  looks  of 
amusement  of  the  men  as  our  train  pulls  in,  gay  with  our  Con- 
gressional Union  colors.  They  invariably  call  out,  '  Here  come 
the  Suffragettes,'  but  very  soon  they  are  saying,  '  She's  all  right,' 
and  '  That's  straight  lady,'  or  some  such  approving  phrase,  and 
as  the  train  pulls  out  of  the  station,  we  hear,  '  Bully  for  you ! '  • 
'  Good  luck ! '  and  so  forth." 

"  At  Williams,  Arizona,"  said  another  letter  in  the  same  num- 
ber of  the  Suffragist,  "  there  was  nothing  in  sight  but  a  water 
tank,  a  restaurant,  a  picture  postal  card  shop,  and  yet  we  had 
a  tremendous  meeting." 


At  El  Tova,  in  the  same  State,  they  carried  the  message 
of  the  unenfranchised  women  of  the  East  to  the  very  rim  of 
the  canyon,  a  mile  below  sea  level! 

Leaving  very  early  in  the  morning,  at  Maricopa  they 
found  a  group  of  women  waiting,  who  said  plaintively,  "  Oh, 
if  you  could  only  stop  longer,  so  that  we  might  drum  up 
all  the  women  out  of  the  sage  brush ! " 

It  was  not  the  people  alone  or  the  civic  authorities  who 
made  this  trip  of  the  envoys  so  attractive.  When  the  Suf- 
fragists came  to  breakfast  on  the  road  from  Maricopa  to 
Tucson,  they  found  that  the  management  of  the  railway  had 
decorated  the  breakfast  tables  in  the  dining  car  with 
purple,  white,  and  gold — sweet  peas  and  yellow  laburnums. 
At  Tucson,  Eugene. Debs  came  with  the  crowd  to  meet 

At  a  meeting  in  Cheyenne,  Mrs.  Blatch  was  presented  with 
a  framed  copy  of  a  facsimile  of  the  Governor's  signature 
attached  to  the  act  enfranchising  the  women  of  Wyoming 
when  the  State  came  into  the  Union. 

In  San  Francisco,  where  there  was  a  large  meeting  in  the 
Civic  Auditorium,  presided  over  by  Gail  Laughlin,  Sara 
Bard  Field  spoke.  At  the  close  of  the  meeting,  she  asked 
if  the  people  present  who  put  Suffrage  before  Party  affilia- 
tions would  say,  "  I  will."  The  audience  arose  as  one  man, 
and  answered  roundly,  "  I  will." 

At  Sacramento,  California,  where  they  were  given  a  recep- 
tion and  luncheon  by  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  the  annual 
fruit  show  was  in  progress  and  the  envoys  were  presented 
with  an  immense  box  of  raisins  and  two  boxes  of  Sacrainento 
Valley  cherries. 

At  Seattle,  the  station  was  decorated  with  Congressional 
Union  banners;  the  national  colors;  hanging  baskets  of 
flowers.  A  bugler  called  together  the  big  crowd — including 
the  Acting  Mayor — ^which  had  gathered  to  welcome  the 

"Ladies,"  Mrs.  Blatch  ended  her  speech,  "we  are  here 
after  your  votes."     A  man's  voice  in  the  audience  cried: 


"  You'll  get  them,"  and  when  Mrs.  Blatch  said,  "  Men,  we 
need  yours  too,"  the  whole  crowd  burst  into  applause. 

Immediately  after  the  address,  the  envoys  were  taken  on 
a  tour  of  the  city  in  a  pirocession  of  a  hundred  and  fifty 
automobiles,  all,  of  course,  flying  the  purple,  white,  and 
gold.  They  attended  court,  where  Seattle's  only  woman 
judge,  a  member  of  the  Congressional  Union,  presided — 
Reah  Whitehead. 

It  was  in  Washington  State  that  the  doctrine  of  Suffrage 
first  reached  what  the  Suffragist  described  as  "  the  height  of 
its  career."  Lucy  Burns,  as  the  guest  of  Flight  Lieutenant 
Maroney  of  the  Naval  Militia  at  Washington,  flew  to  a 
height  of  fourteen  hundred  feet  over  Seattle,  scattering 
leaflets  as  she  went.  When  she  started.  Miss  Bums  carried 
a  Congressional  Union  banner,  but  the  eighty-mile-an-hour 
gale  soon  tore  it  from  her  hand.  When  last  seen,  it  reposed 
gracefully  on  the  roof  of  a  large  Seattle  mill.  At  Belling 
ham  occurred  one  of  the  biggest  out-of-door  meetings  the 
envoys  had  had.  For  a  solid  block,  the  street  was  packed 
with  people  from  one  side  to  the  other. 

At  Spokane,  they  participated  in  an  interesting  and 
rather  poignant  event,  the  planting  of  a  tree  in  memory  of 
May  Arkwright  Hutton,  pioneer  Suffragist  of  Washington. 

At  Helena,  Montana,  a  huge  mass-meeting  was  held  in  the 
Auditorium.  A  sand  storm,  which  had  greeted  their  arrival, 
grew  worse  towards  night,  the  wind  howling  louder  and 
louder.  In  the  midst  of  Mrs.  Rogers's  speech  the  lights  sud- 
denly went  out.  She  did  not  even  hesitate,  and  in  the 
absolute  darkness  continued  to  urge  women  to  stand  by 
women.  There  was  not  a  sound  from  the  audience;  they 
listened  in  perfect  quiet  till  the  end. 

In  one  State,  the  Governor  declared  the  coming  of  the 
Suffrage  Special  a  legal  holiday.  Everything  on  wheels 
turned  out  to  meet  the  envoys  at  the  train,  including  the 
fire  engine. 

A  Convention  at  Salt  Lake  City  on  May  11  closed  the 
swing  of  the  Suffrage  Special  round  the  circle  of  the  twelve 


free  States,  and  brought  the  Western  tour  to  its  highest 
stage  of  success.  The  envoys  passed  from  the  station  under 
a  great  purple,  white,  and  gold  flag,  through  a  lane  of 
women,  their  arms  full  of  spring  blossoms,  to  a  long  line  of 
waiting  automobiles  flying  banners  of  purple,  white,  and 

The  Convention  passed  resolutions  demanding  from  Con- 
gress favorable  action  on  the  Suffrage  Amendment  in  the 
present  session  and  elected  three  women  voters  to  carry  these 
resolutions  to  Congress. 

These  women  accompanied  the  envoys  to  Washington. 
There  they  were  welcomed  by  a  luncheon  in  the  Union  Sta- 
tion. Then,  in  automobiles,  brilliantly  decbrated,  they  drove 
through  streets  lined  with  huge  posters  which  said  come  to 
THE  CAPITOL.  As  they  approached  the  Capitol,  two  buglers, 
from  the  broad  platforms  at  the  top  of  the  high,  wide  stair- 
way, alternately  sounded  a  note  of  triumphant  welcome.  A 
huge  chorus  of  women  in  white  sang  America.  Through 
the  aisle  formed  on  the  Capitol  steps  by  ribbons  held  in  the 
hands  of  other  women  in  white,  the  envoys  passed  up  the 
steps  into  the  Rotunda.  In  the  Rotunda,  they  grouped 
themselves  into  a  semi-circle  facing  another  semi-circle — 
nearly  a  hundred  Senators  and  Representatives.  The 
Senate  had  taken  a  recess  especially  to  meet  these 

The  envoys,  elected  at  the  Salt  Lake  City  Convention,  then 
presented  to  the  assembled  Congressmen  the  resolutions 
passed  at  that  Convention  and  speeches  followed. 

While  the  envoys  were  rousing  the  West,  the  Congressional 
Union  was  sending  deputations  to  great  political  leaders  in 
the  hope  of  getting  declarations  of  support  which  would 
influence  the  coming  National  Political  Conventions.  To  a 
deputation  consisting  of  Mary  Beard,  Elizabeth  Gerberding, 
Alice  Carpenter,  and  Mrs.  Evan  Evans,  Theodore  Roosevelt, 
who  had  long  been  converted  to  the  principle  of  Suffrage, 
announced  himself  in  favor  of  the  Federal  Amendment  and 
promised  his  active  support  in  the  campaign.    This  was  of 


course  an  encouraging  episode  in  the  story  of  the  National 

Three  weeks  later  came  the  next  important  event  in  the 
history  of  the  Congressional  Union — the  launching  of  a 
Woman's  Party  on  July  6  at  the  Blackstone  Theatre  in 
Chicago,  At  this  time  Chicago  was  the  center  of  publicity; 
the  strategic  point  as  far  as  the  press  was  concerned.  The 
Woman's  Party  Convention  met  before  the  Conventions  of 
the  Republicans  and  Democrats.  The  reporters,  gathered 
there  and  waiting  in  idleness  for  these  later  occasions,  looked 
upon  the  Woman's  Party  Convention  as  a  gift  of  the  gods. 

Helena  Hill  Weed  presented  a  report  of  the  Credentials 
Committee,  of  which  she  was  Chairman.     She  said: 

This  is  not  a  delegated  body. 

It  is  a  mass  convention  of  all  members  of  the  Congressional 
Union  to  form  a  Woman's  Party,  made  up  of  enfranchised 
women  of  the  eleven  full  Suffrage  States,  and  of  Illinois,  where 
women  may  vote  for  President  of  the  United  States. 

There  are  two  classes  of  delegates  in  this  convention — mem- 
bers of  the  Union  in  these  twelve  Suffrage  States,  who  have  the 
right  to  speak  and  vote  in  the  convention;  and  members  of  the 
Union  in  the  thirty-six  unfree  States,  who  may  speak  from  the 
floor,  but  may  not  vote. 

As  registration  is  still  going  on,  it  is  impossible  to  give  a 
final  vote  of  the  number  of  delegates  attending.  Over  fifteen 
hundred  delegates  have  already  registered. 

Maud  Younger  was  temporary  Chairman  of  the  Conven- 
tion and  keynote  speaker.     She  said  in  part: 

A  new  force  marches  on  to  the  political  field.  For  the  first 
time  in  a  Presidential  election  women  are  a  factor  to  be  reck- 
oned with.  Four  years  ago,  women  voted  in  six  States — ^today  in 
twelve,  including  Illinois.  These  States  with  their  four  million 
women  constitute  nearly  one-fourth  of  the  electoral  college  and 
more  than  one-third  of  the  votes  necessary  to  elect  a  President. 
With  enough  women  organized  in  each  State  to  hold  the  balance 
of  power,  the  women's  votes  may  determine  the  Presidency  of 
the  United  States. 


The  Woman's  Party  has  no  candidates  and  but  one  plank,  the 
enfranchisement  of  the  women  of  America  through  a  Federal 

Anne  Martin  was  chosen  permanent  Chairman  of  the 
Party;  Phoebe  A.  Hearst,  Judge  Mary  A.  Bartelme,  Vice- 
Chairmen;  Mabel  Vernon,  Secretary. 

The  Party  platform,  adopted  unanimously  amid  cheers, 
re^ds : 

The  National  Woman's  Party  stands  for  the  passage  of  the 
Amendment  to  the  United  States  Constitution  known  as  the  Susan 
B.  Anthony  Amendment,  proposing  an  Amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  extending  the  right  of  Suflfrage, 
to  women: 

Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled  (two-thirds  of 
each  House  concurring  therein)  that  the  following  article  be  pro- 
posed in  the  legislatures  of  the  several  States  as  an  Amendment 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which,  when  ratified  by 
three-fourths  of  the  said  legislatures,  shall  be  valid  as  part  of 
such  Constitution,  namely: 

Article  1,  Section  1.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States  to  vote  shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United 
States  or  by  any  State  on  account  of  sex. 

Section  2.  Congress  shall  have  power,  by  appropriate  legisla- 
tion, to  enforce  the  provisions  of  this  article. 

The  National  Woman's  Party,  convinced  that  the  enfranchise- 
ment of  women  is  the  paramount  issue,  pledges  itself  to  use  its 
united  vote  to  secure  the  passage  of  the  'Susan  B.  Anthony 
Amendment,  irrespective  of  the  interests  of  any  national  political 
Party,  and  pledges  its  unceasing  opposition  to  all  who  oppose 
this  Amendment. 

Sara  Bard  Field  closed  that  first  meeting  with  an  eloquent 
invocation  to  the  spirit  of  freedom,  quoting  from  Alfred 
Wallace  the  words  he  used  just,  before  his  death: 

All  my  long  life  and  investigations  have  shown  me  that  there 
is  one  supreme  force  needed  in  the  universe  for  growth,  either 
material  or  spiritual,  physical  or  mental — and  that  force  is 


An  evening  session  of  the  Woman's  Party  Convention,  held 
also  at  the  Blackstone  Theatre,  was  made  interesting  and 
picturesque  by  the  presence  of  representatives  of  all  the 
political  Parties. 

The  Convention  appointed  women  representing  the 
Woman's  Party,  to  speak  at  the  Republican,  Democratic, 
and  Progressive  Conventions. 

Incidental  to  the  Convention  a  big  "  Suffrage  First " 
luncheon  was  given  in  the  Auditorium  Hotel.  So  many  hun- 
dreds of  applicants  for  tickets  had  to  be  refused  that  finally 
tickets  of  admission  for  standing  room  were  sold.  Every 
inch  of  steps  was  occupied  when  the  luncheon  began.  Re- 
markable speeches  were  made  by  Rheta  Childe  Dorr,  the 
famous  publicist,  and  one  of  the  early  editors  of  the  Suf- 
fragist; by  Crystal  Eastman,  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
Congressional  Union,  brilliant  speaker,  writer,  and  editor; 
Inez  MiDiolland  Boissevain,  who,  before  the  year  was  out, 
was  to  end,  with  such  tragic  abruptness,  a  vivid  and  devoted 
life;  Helen  Keller,  whose  unexampled  achievement  is  known 
to  the  whole  world. 

The  publicity  which  the  Woman's  Party  received  was  ex- 
traordinary. The  Convention  lasted  three  days  and  the 
meetings  were  packed.  Arthur  Brisbane  pointed  out  the 
difference  between  the  clock-like  organization  of  the  women 
and  the  hap-hazard  organization  of  the  men. 

Ida  M.  Tarbell,  describing  the  Woman's  Party  in  the 
Kew  York  World  of  June  7  and  8,  191G,  says: 

The  new  Woman's  Party  had  permitted  representation  of  five 
different  political  Parties  to  appear  before  them  and  briefly 
present  their  various  claims  to  the  Suffrage  of  women.  "  We  do 
not  ask  you  here  to  tell  us  what  we  can  do  for  your  Parties,  but 
what  your  Parties  can  do  for  us,"  Miss  Martin  told  the  speakers 
in  a  tone  of  exultant  sweetness  which  sent  a  cheer  from  shore  to 
shore  of  the  human  sea  that  filled  the  house.   .    .    . 

"  Votes  don't  matter,"  Benson  shouted  at  them,  "  nothing  but 
education  matters.  Women,  like  men,  don't  know  how  to  vote. 
Nevertheless,  if  you  have  nothing  but  ignorance  you  have  a  right 
to  contribute  that.     As  for  the  Socialists,  we  shall  continue  to 



vote  for  Suffrage^  as  we  always  have  done,  if  no  women  vote  for 

Much  as  they  gasped  at  Benson's  defiance  of  their  "  power," 
they  took  it  like  sports,  and  sent  him  to  his  seat  with  rounds  of 
cheers  and  long  waving  of  their  lovely  banners.  (They  have  a 
wonderful  eye  for  color,  these  new  politicians.) 

But  when  Mr.  Hammond — confident  and  bland — assured  them 
the  Republican  Party  offered  them  protection  from  invaders, 
they  jeered  at  him.  He  did  not  understand  that  they  are  their 
own  protectors  and  war  scares  are  not  going  to  stampede  them. 

Another  thing  that  the  gentlemen  must  have  noticed — used  as 
they  are  to  the  same  game — and  that  was,  that  no  amount  of 
eloquence  made  the  faintest  scratch  on  the  rock-ribbed  determina- 
tion of  the  women.  The  one  and  only  thing  they  wanted  to 
know,  so  the  women  told  the  men  after  they  had  gone  through 
their  ordeals,  was  whether  or  no  they  proposed  to  support  the 
Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment.  That  was  the  only  possible 
interest  they  had  in  what  the  gentlemen  could  say.  Was  it,  yes 
or  no? 

The  Republican  and  Progressive  Conventions  began  in 
Chicago  the  day  the  Woman's  Party  Convention  ended. 
The  delegates  elected  by  the  women  spoke  before  the  Reso- 
lution Committee  of  both  these  Conventions. 

The  hearing  before  the  Republicans  was  held  in  the  vast 
Coliseum.  Representatives  of  the  National  American  Woman 
Suffrage  Association  addressed  the  Committee.  Anti-Suf- 
fragists followed.     In  closing,  their  last  speaker  said : 

"  We  will  now  leave  you  to  the  tender  mercies  of  those 
who  demand." 

The  Woman's  Party  then  took  the  hearing  in  charge. 

The  hearing  of  the  Woman's  Party  before  the  Progressive 
Convention  was  held  at  eight  o'clock  the  same  evenjng  in  the 
South  Parlor  of  the  Auditorium  Hotel. 

Later,  members  of  the  Woman's  Party  went  to  St.  Louis 
where  the  Democrats  were  holding  their  Convention.  When 
they  arrived  they  found  there  was  no  room  in  the  hotel  which 
could  be  used  for  Headquarters.  Most  of  them,  a  little 
discouraged,  went  in  to  breakfast.  While  they  sat  at  the 
table,  a  newspaper  man   approached.     "  Where   are  your 


Headquarters  ?  "  he  asked.  "  Here,"  Alice  Paul  answered 
instantly.  After  breakfast  she  chose  a  table  in  a  conspicuous 
part  of  the  hotel  lobby ;  covered  it  with  Woman's  Party  lit- 
erature, hung  a  purple,  white,  and  gold  banner  back  of  it. 
The  hotel,  seething  with  the  activity  due  to  the  fact  that 
Democratic  Headquarters  was  there,  took  no  notice  of  what 
she  was  doing.  Nobody  said  anything  to  her.  Gradually 
Alice  Paul  hung  purple,  white,  and  gold  banners  everywhere 
in  that  comer  of  the  lobby.  Nobody  remonstrated.  Per- 
haps by  this  time,  the  hotel  authorities  decided  that  her 
color  scheme  was  decorative.  At  any  rate,  the  Woman's 
Party  maintained  that  corner  as  Headquarters.  It  was  a 
conspicuous  spot;  everybody  had  to  pass  it  to  go  to  the 
elevator.  They  could  not  have  hired  a  place  so  advan- 
tageously situated. 

Newspaper  cartoonists  began  to  introduce  the  new  Party 
into  their  pictures.  Alice  Paul  in  the  figure  of  a  little  deer, 
big-eyed  and  wistful,  stood  timidly  among  a  group  which 
included  the  elephant,  the  donkey  and  the  bull  moose. 

The  Woman's  Party  found  every  sentiment  in  favor  of 
Suffrage  among  the  Democratic  delegates  until  Secretary 
of  War  Baker  arrived  from  Washington  bringing  the  plat- 
form drawn  up  by  Wilson.  Then  the  atmosphere  changed. 
Newspaper  men,  who  told  the  Woman's  Party  delegates  of 
the  encouraging  condition  earlier,  now  said :  "  There  is  no 
chance  of  getting  what  you  want." 

When  later  the  Resolutions  Committee  met,  representa- 
tives from  the  Woman's  Party  waited  all  night  outside  the 
door  in  a  last  effort  to  influence  the  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee going  in  and  out  of  the  Committee  Rooms.  The  entire 
platform  was  accepted,  with  very  slight  changes,  as  it  had 
been  originally  drafted  in  Washington.  It  contained  a 
recommendation  that  the  question  of  Woman  Suffrage  be 
confined  to  the  States. 

The  Progressives  endorsed  National  Suffrage.  This  was 
the  first  time  a  national  political  Party  had  ever  endorsed 
the  Federal  Amendment ;  for  although  the  Progressives,  the 


Socialists,  and  the  Prohibitionists  had  endorsed  the  principle 
of  Suffrage  in  1912,  they  had  apparently  never  heard  of  the 
principle  of  Federal  Suffrage.  The  platforms  of  the  other 
two  Parties  were  unsatisfactory  as  far  as  the  Federal  Amend- 
ment was  concerned. 

The  Republican  Suffrage  plank  was : 

The  Republican  Party,  reaffirming  its  faith  in  a  government  of 
the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people,  as  a  measure  of 
justice  to  one-half  the  adult  population  of  this  country,  favors 
the  extension  of  Suffrage  to  women,  but  recognizes  the  right  of 
each  State  to  settle  this  question  for  itself. 

The  Democratic  Suffrage  plank  ran: 

We  recommend  the  extension  of  the  franchise  to  the  women  of 
the  country  by  the  States  upon  the  same  terms  as  to  men. 

These  two  planks  also  marked  a  great  advance ;  for  it  was 
the  first  time  the  major  political  Parties  had  ever  mentioned 

Now  every  effort  of  the  Woman's  Party  was  directed  to 
getting  the  Presidential  candidates,  Wilson  and  Hughes,  to 
come  out  for  National  Suffrage. 

Alice  ^Paul's  campaign,  conducted  on  Hughes,  was  par- 
ticularly vigorous.  It  was  nation-wide  in  its  extent.  She 
sent  telegrams  all  over  the  country  asking  people  to  urge 
this  upon  him.  She  sent  numberless  women  to  plead  with 
Hughes.  She  sent  women  to  Roosevelt  and  to  other  promi- 
nent Republicans  and  Progressives  to  get  them  to  use  their 
influence  with  Hughes.  Every  Republican  member  of  Con- 
gress was  lobbied  to  write  to  Hughes  or  to  see  him. 

Hughes  found  himself  bombarded.  Letters  inundated  him 
from  all  over  the  nation.  Newspapers  besieged  him  with 
editorials.  Most  important  of  all,  Alice  Paul  herself  went 
to  him.  Then  it  was  that  she  presented  an  unanswerable 
argument   which   has   already  been  quoted. 


Yotir  Party  consists  of  two  factions,  the  old  stand-pat  Re- 
publicans and  the  Progressives.  Now  if  you  put  a  Suffrage 
plank  in  your  platform,  you  will  not  alienate  the  Progressives, 
because  the  Progressives  have  a  Suffrage  plank  and  the  old 
stand-pat  Republicans  will  not  vote  for  a  Democrat,  no  matter 
what  you  put  in  your  platform. 

At  a  great  mass-meeting  in  Carnegie  Hall,  Hughes  ac- 
cepted the  nomination.  He  did  not,  however,  satisfactorily 
mention  Woman  Suffrage.  That  evening  an  unknown  man 
came  up  to  the  box  where  Alice  Paul  was  sitting  and  intro- 
ducing himself  as  Hughes's  representative,  asked  her  what  she 
thought  of  the  program.  "  Utterly  unsatisfactory,"  said 
Alice  Paul ;  "  it  did  not  mention  Federal  Suffrage."  That 
night  Alice  Paul  and  other  Suffragists  went  early  to  the 
public  reception  given  to  Hughes  at  the  Hotel  Astpr.  They 
told  every  Senator,  Congressman,  and  plain  individual  whom 
they  knew  there :  "  When  you  congratulate  Mr.  Hughes,  tell 
him  how  disappointed  you  were  that  he  did  not  mention 
Federal  Suffrage." 

In  a  telegram  sent  on  August  1  to  Senator  Sutherland 
of  Utah,  Hughes  declared  himself  in  favor  of  the  Federal 
Amendment.  It  was  the  first  time  any  Presidential  candi- 
date of  either  of  the  two  big  political  Parties  had  publicly 
declared  the  Federal  Amendment  a  part  of  his  policy. 

On  June  19,  President  Wilson  sent  to  Mrs.  Carrie  Chap- 
man Catt,  president  of  the  National  American  Woman  Suf- 
frage Association,  the  following  letter,  which  is  a  reply  to  a 
telegram  from  her  asking  what  the  Suffrage  plank  in  the 
Democratic  platform  meant: 

My  dear  Mrs.  Catt: 

I  was  away  from  the  city  and  did  not  get  your  telegram  of 
June  sixteenth  promptly. 

I  am  very  glad  to  make  my  position  about  the  Suffrage  plank 
adopted  by  the  convention  clear  to  you,  though  I  had  not  thought 
that  it  was  necessary  to  state  again  a  position  I  have  repeatedly 
stated  with  entire   frankness.     The  plank  received  my   entire 


approval  before  its  adoption  and  I  shall  support  its  principle 
with  sincere  pleasure.  I  wish  to  join  my  fellow-Democrats  in 
i'ecommending  to  the  several  States  that  they  extend  the  Suf- 
frage to  women  upbn  the  same  ,terms  as  to  men. 

Cordially  and  sincerely  yours, 

WooDRow  Wilson. 



On  June  12,  1916,  Sara  Bard  Field  sent  a  telegram  to 
President  Wilson.  Mrs.  Field  was  a  Democrat,  but  she  was, 
first  ,of  all,  a  Suffragist.  In  that  telegram,  she  urged  the 
President  to  support  the  Suffrage  Amendment.  She  prom- 
ised, if  the  Democratic  Party  would  do  this,  that  she  herself 
would  gladly  campaign  for  him  in  the  Western  States  with- 
out remuneration.  She  promised  him  also  the  services  of 
at  least  five  other  influential  Democratic  women.  The  Presi- 
dent answered: 

Dear  Mrs.  Field: 

Your  frank  and  kindly  telegram  of  June  12  sent  from  St. 
Louis  was  warmly  appreciated.  I  have  been  in  frequent  con- 
ference with  my  Party  associates  about  a  platform  declaration 
with  regard  to  Woman  Suffrage  and  sincerely  hope  the  outcome 
has  been  acceptable  to  you. 

In  haste,  with  sincerest  appreciation. 

Cordially  yours, 

WooDROW  Wilson. 

On  June  21,  President  Wilson  received  Mrs.  D.  E.  Hooker 
of  Richmond,  who  came  to  him  as  a  delegate  from  the  Vir- 
ginia Federation  of  Labor.  Mrs.  Hooker  placed  in  the 
President's  hands  resolutions  passed  by  the  Federation,  de- 
manding favorable  action  on  the  Federal  Amendment  this 

"  This  is  very  strong,"  said  President  Wilson. 

The  Suffragist  of  July  1  says: 

Mrs.  Hooker  then  urged  upon  the  President,  very  movingly, 
the  humiliation,  from  the  standpoint  of  a  Southerner  and  a 
woman,  of  going  before  the  entire  population  of  men  now  en- 
franchised, and  begging  them  each  personally   to   approve  of 



woman's  right  to  full  citizenship.  Tears  came  into  her  eyes  as 
she  spoke,  and  the  President  seemed  rather  touched.  He  said 
consolingly  that  she  must  not  mind  the  criticism  she  encountered 
in  a  good  work.  "  Every  one  in  the  public  eye,"  the  President 
said,  "  is  deluged  with  criticism.  You  simply  must  do  what  you 
believe  to  be  right." 

Mrs.  Hooker  went  on  to  explain  the  political  difficulties  of  the 
State  by  State  road  to  National  Woman  Suffrage. 

President  Wilson  seemed  very  little  impressed  by  these  facts. 
"  Every  good  thing,"  he  said,  "  takes  a  great  deal  of  hard  work." 

Mrs.  Hooker  made  a  very  strong  point  of  the  indefensible 
behavior  of  the  House  Judiciary  Committee  in  blocking  the 
Suffrage  Amendment  and  refusing  to  allow  the  representatives 
of  the  people  an  opportunity  to  vote  upon  it.  "  Whatever  one 
may  think  of  Woman  Suffrage,"  she  said,  "  tying  the  Amend- 
ment up  this  way  before  an  election  is  wrong ;  and  the  blame  will 
fall  squarely  on  the  Democratic  Party." 

"  You  must  see  the  members  of  the  Judiciary  Committee  about 
that,"  said,  the  President,  with  a  considerable  tactical  skill.  "  I 
do  not  think  I  should  interfere  with  the  action  of  a  Committee  of 

"  Have  you  never  done  it  before,  Mr.  President  ?  "  asked  Mrs. 
Hooker.  The  President  explained  that  he  had  done  it  only  under 
pressure  of  a  national  emergency. 

The  interview  lasted  about  half  an  hour.  The  President's 
manner  was  kindly  and  friendly,  but  he  made  it  very  plain  that 
he  interpreted  the  Democratic  platform  pla6k  to  mean  the  limita- 
tion of  the  Suffrage  movement  to  State  activities,  and  that  he  was 
still  opposed  to  the  Federal  Suffrage  Amendment. 

Later,  Mrs.  Field  replied  to  the  President's  letter: 

I  am  sorry  to  have  to  tell  you  that  not  only  is  the  platform 
declaration  not  acceptable  to  me,  and  to  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  voting  women  of  the  West,  but  that  we  also  greatly  deprecate 
the  interpretation  which  you  gave  of  this  plank  to  Mrs.  D.  E. 
Hooker  of  Richmond. 

It  is  my  sincere  hope  as  a  Democratic  woman  that  you  will 
not  allow  any  menace  to  the  Democratic  Party  in  the  fall 
election  through  your  unwillingness  to  face  the  desire  of  the 
West  for  speedy  action  upon  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment. 

On  July  3,  a  delegation  representing  the  Woman's  Na- 
tional   Democratic    League,    composed,    according    to    the 


Washington  Times,  of  some  of  the  most  distinguished  ladies 
of  the  Congressional  and  official  sets,  went  to  inform  the 
President  that  the  League  had  raised  a  thousand  dollars  as 
a  contribution  towards  his  re-election.  Afterwards,  Mrs. 
F.  B.  Moran,  a  grand-niece  of  Martha  Washington,  and  it 
may  be  almost  unnecessary  to  state,  a  member  of  the  Con- 
gressional Union,  requested  a  five  minute  interview  with  the 

Mrs.  Moran  said: 

I  am  really  afraid  for  my  Paifty.  The  women  in  the  West 
are  far  superior  to  us.  They  have  power,  and  they  know  how 
to  use  it.  There  are  four  million  of  them,  and  they  are  heartily 
in  favor  of  the  Federal  Suffrage  Amendment  because  they  do 
not  wish  to  be  disfranchised  jrhen  they  pass  beyond  the  limits 
of  their  own  State.  It  is  not  a  question  of  their  threatening  us. 
It  is  a  question  of  our  realizing  what  they  are  going  to  do.'  You 
can  get  the  Suffrage  Amendment  through  Congress,  and,  if  you 
do  not  do  it,  these  women  will  regard  you  as  responsible. 

President  Wilson  said,  in  answer,  that  he  could  not  inter- 
fere with  the  action  of  Congress.  He  believed  that  Suffrage 
should  be  established  on  the  secure  foundation  of  separate 
State  action.  "  You  should  work  from  the  bottom  up,  not 
from  the  top  down,"  the  President  said.  "  Women  should 
be  patient,  and  continue  to  work  in  the  admirable  way  they 
have  worked  in  the  past." 

On  July  4,  President  Wilson  reviewed  a  Labor  parade  in 
connection  with  the  laying  of  the  corjier-stone  of  the  Labor 
Temple  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  in  Washing- 
ton, D.  C,  and  at  its  close  he  addressed  the  marchers.  He 
h^d  just  declared  that  he  stood  for  the  interests  of  all 
classes,  when  Mabel  Vernon,  who  sat  on  the  platform  a  few 
feet  away,  called  in  a  voice  which  has  a  notably  clear,  ring- 
ing quality,  "  Mr.  President,  if  you  sincerely  desire  to  for- 
ward the  interests  of  all  the  people,  why  do  you  oppose  the 
national  enfranchisement  of  women?" 



The  President  answered,  "  That  is  one  of  the  things  which 
we  will  have  to  take  counsel  over  later." 

When  the  President  was  closing  his  speech,  Mabel  Vernon 
called  again ;  "  Answer,  Mr.  President,  why  do  you  oppose 
the  national  enfranchisement  of  women  ?  " 

The  President  did  not  answer. 

The  Secret  Service  men  with  almost  an  exquisite  courtesy 
gently  hurried  Miss  Vernon  away. 

On  July  24,  another  deputation  of  prominent  Democratic 
women  called  on  the  President.  The  deputation  included 
Mrs.  George  W.  Lamont,  Harriot  Stanton  Blatch,  Mina 
Van  Winkle,  Helen  Todd.     I  quote  the  Suffragist: 

Mrs.  Lamont,  who  introduced  the  group  to  President  Wilson, 
said:  "  I  have  come  to  you,  Mr.  President,  as  a  Democratic 
woman.  I  used  to  be  first  a  Democrat  and  then  a  Suffragist; 
now  I  am  a  Suffragist  first."  She  asked  the  President  if  he 
realized  how  painful  a  position  he  created  for  Demoeiratic  women 
when  he  opposed  the  enfranchisement  of  their  sex  and  forced 
them  to  chose  between  their  Party  allegiance  and  their  loyalty 
to  women  throughout  the  nation. 

Mrs.  Blatch  told  President  Wilson  of  the  strength  of  the 
sentiment  for  Woman  Suffrage  she  had  found  in  the  West  on 
her  recent  trip  in  the  Suffrage  Special  through  the  equal  Suf- 
frage States  and  of  the  extraordinary  difficulties  she  had  experi- 
enced in  her  own  life  trying  to  win  Suffrage  by  amending  the 
constitution  of  her  State. 

"  I  am  sixty  years  old,  Mr.  President/'  said  Mrs.  Blatch,  "  I 
have  worked  all  my  life  for  Suffrage;  and  I  am  determined  that 
I  will  never  again  stand  up  on  the  street  corners  of  a  great  city 
appealing  to  every  Tom/  Dick,  and  Harry  for  the  right  of  self- 
government.  When  we  work  for  a  Federal  Amendment,  we  are 
dealing  at  last  with  men  who~  understand  what  we  are  talking 
about  and  can  speak  to  us  in  our  tongue.  We  are  not  asking 
for  an  easy  way  to  win  the  vote.  It  is  not  easy  to  amend  the 
United  States  Constitution.  We  are  asking  for  a  dignified  way; 
and  we  ought  to  be  able  to  rely  on  the  chivalry  of  our  repre- 
sentatives, particularly  of  the  southern  representatives,  to  accord 
to  women  a  self-respecting  method  of  working  out  their  en- 


Miss  Helen  Todd  told  the  President  of  her  experience  in  a 
State  campaign  in  Texas,  when  Democratic  members  of  the 
Legislature  refused  to  submit  the  question  to  the  voters,  saying 
bluntly  that  they  controlled  eleven  votes  in  the  upper  house  and 
that  those  eleven  could  keep  the  Suffrage  Amendment  "  tied  up  " 
indefinitely.  "  Women  go  to  Democrats  in  Congress  and  are  told 
they  must  appeal  to  State  Legislatures.  They  go  to  Democratic 
State  Legislatures,  who  refuse  to  allow  the  electors  of  their  own 
State  to  vote  upon  the  question  at  all.  "  What  are  women  to  do, 
Mr.  President?"  said  Miss  Todd,  "when  they  are  played  with 
in  this  cat  and  mouse  fashion?  " 

The  interview  was  in  many  respects  interesting.  President 
Wilson  did  not  mention  the  States'  rights  formula.  He  said  he 
was  imable  to  help  the  Suffrage  Amendment  in  Congress  because 
his  Party  was  opposed  to  it.  It  was  the  President's  theory,  he 
explained,  that  a  Party  leader  should  not  go  so  far  in  advance  of 
his  adherents  as  to  withdraw  himself  from  them,  and  make 
united  action  impossible  upon  the  other  issues  before  the  country. 

The  impression  was  strongly  conveyed,  however,  that  this 
opposition  from  the  President's  Party  was  not  necessarily 
permanent.  "  In  four  years,  or  in  two  years,"  said  Mr.  Wilson, 
impressively  but  vaguely,  "  the  situation  might  be  different.  At 
present  many  members  of  the  Democratic  Party  are  opposed  to 
Woman  Suffrage  on  account  of  the  negro  question."  "  But," 
said  one  of  his  visitors,  "  if  women  were  given  the  vote  through- 
out the  United  States  the  percentage  of  the  white  vote  to  the 
negro  vote  would  be  increased."  "  You  have  not  explained  that 
to  the  men  in  Congress,"  President  Wilson  said. 

In  answer  to  the  statement  that  the  Democratic  Party  would 
lose  the  support  of  women  in  the  West  and  therefore  of  western 
electoral  votes  if  they  persisted  in  opposing  women's  national 
enfranchisement,  President  Wilson  said  he  did  not  believe  women 
would  vote  in  a  national  election  on  the  Suffrage  issue.  "  If  they 
did  that,"  said  Mr.  Wilson,  with  superb  and  quite  unconscious 
insolence,  "  they  would  not  be  as  intelligent  as  I  think  they  are." 

The  women  came  away  from  this  meeting  convinced  that 
the  President  would  do  nothing  for  the  Federal  Amendment. 

On  September  8,  however,  President  Wilson  spoke  at  At- 
lantic City  before  a  Convention  of  the  National  American 
Woman  Suffrage  Association.  It  was  the  first  time  he  had 
ever  addressed  a  Suffrage  meeting.  That  was,  of  course,  in 
itself,  significant.    I  quote  the  Suffragist: 


I  have  found  it  a  real  privilege  to  be  here  tonight  and  to 
listen  to  the  address  which  you  have  heard.  Though  you  may 
not  all  of  you  believe  it,  I  would  a  great  deal  rather  hear  some 
one  else  speak  than  speak  myself,  but  I  should  feel  that  I  was 
omitting  a  duty  if  I  did  not  address  you  tonight  and  say  some  of 
the  things  that  have  been  in  my  thoughts  as  I  realized  the  ap- 
proach of  this  evening  and  the  duty  that  would  fall  upon  me. 

The  astonishing  thing  about  this  movement  which  you  represent 
is  not  that  it  has  grown  so  slowly,  but  that  it  has  grown  so 
rapidly.  No  doubt  for  those  who  have  been  a  long  time  in  the 
struggle,  like  your  honored  president,  it  seems  a  long  and  arduous 
path  that  has  been  trodden,  but  when  you  think  of  the  cumulating 
force  of  this  movement  in  recent  decades,  you  must  agree  with 
me  that  it  is  one  of  the  most  astonishing  tides  in  modern  history. 

Two  generations  ago,  no  doubt.  Madam  President  will  agree 
with  me  in  saying  it  was  a  handful  of  women  who  were  fighting 
this  cause.  Now  it  is  a  great  multitude  of  women  who  are  fight- 
ing it.  And  there  are  some  interesting  historical  connections 
which  I  wquld  like  to  attempt  to  point  out  to  you.  One  of  the 
most  striking  facts  about  the  history  of  the  United  States  is  that 
at  the  outset  it  was  a  lawyer's  history. 

There  was  a  time  when  nobody  but  a  lawyer  could  know 
enough  to  run  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  a  dis- 
tinguished English  publicist  once  remarked,  speaking  of  the 
complexity  of  the  American  government,  that  it  was  no  proof 
of  the  excellence  of  the  American  Constitution  that  it  had  been 
successfully  operated,  because  the  Anaerican  could  run  any  con- 
stitution. But  there  have  been  a  great  many  technical  difficulties 
in  running  it. 

And  then  something  happened.  A  great  question  arose  in  this 
country  which,  though  complicated  with  legal  elements,  was  at 
the  bottom  a  human  question,  and  nothing  but  a  question  of 
humanity.  That  was  the  slavery  question,  and  is  it  not  sig- 
nificant that  it  was  then,  and  then  for  the  first  time,  that  women 
became  prominent  in  politics  in  America?  Not  many  women. 
Those  prominent  in  that  day  are  so  few  that  you  can  almost 
name  them  over  in  a  brief  catalogue,  but  nevertheless,  they  then 
began  to  play  a  part  in  writing  not  only,  but  in  public  speech, 
which  was  a  very  novel  part  for  women  to  play  in  America;  and 
after  the  Civil  War  had 'settled  some  of  what  seemed  the  most 
difiicult  legal  questions  of  our  system,  the  life  of  the  nation  began 
not  only  to  unfold  but  to  accumulate. 

Life  in  the  United  States  was  a  comparatively  simple  matter 
at  the  time  of  the  Civil  War.     There  was  none  of  that  under- 


ground  struggle  which  is  now  so  manifest  to  those  who  look  only 
a  little  way  beneath  the  surface.  Stories  such  as  Dr.  Davis  has 
told  tonight  were  uncommon  in  those  simpler  days. 

The  pressure  of  low  wages,  the  agony  of  obscure  and  unre- 
munerated  toil  did  not  exist  in  America  in  anything  the  same 
proportions  that  they  exist  now.  And  as  our  life  has  unfolded 
and  accumulated,  as  the  contacts  of  it  have  become  hot,  as  the 
populations  have  assembled  in  the  cities,  and  the  cool  spaces  of 
the  country  have  been  supplanted  by  the  feverish  urban  areas,  the 
whole  nature  of  our  political  questions  has  been  altered.  They 
have  ceased  to  be  legal  questions.  They  have  more  and  more 
become  social  questions — questions  with  regard  to  the  relations 
of  human  beings  to  one  another — not  merely  their  legal  relations, 
but  their  moral  and  spiritual  relations  to  one  another. 

And  this  has  been  most  characteristic  of  American  life  in  the 
last  few  decades,  and  as  these  questions  have  assumed  greater 
and  greater  prpminence,  the  movement  which  this  association 
represents  has  gathered  cumulative  force.  So  that  if  anybody 
asks  himself,  "  What  does  this  gathering  force  mean  ?  "  if  he 
knows  anything  about  the  history  of  the  country,  he  knows  that 
it  means  something  that  has  not  only  come  to  stay,  but  has  come 
with  conquering  power. 

I  get  a  little  impatient  sometimes  about  the  discussion  of  the 
channels  and  methods  by  which  it  is  to  prevail.  It  is  going  to 
prevail,  and  that  is  a  very  superficial  and  ignorant  view  of  it 
which  attributes  it  to  mere  social  unrest.  It  is  not  merely 
because  the  women  are  discontented.  It  is  because  the  women 
have  seen  visions  of  duty,  and  that  is  something  which  we  not 
only  cannot  resist,  but,  if  we  be  true  Americans,  we  do  not  wish 
to  resist. 

So  that  what  we  have  to  realize  in  dealing  with  forces  of  this 
sort  is  that  we  are  dealing  with  the  substance  of  life  itself. 

I  have  felt  as  I  sat  here  tonight  the  wholesome  contagion  of 
the  occasion.  Almost  every  other  time  that  I  ever  visited  Atlantic 
City  I  came  to  fight  somebody.  I  hardly  know  how  to  conduct 
myself  when  I  have  not  come  to  fight  against  anybody,  but  with 
somebody.  I  have  come  to  suggest,  among  other  things,  that 
when  the  forces  of  nature  are  steadily  working  and  the  tide  is 
rising  to  meet  the  moon,  you  need  not  be  afraid  that  it  will  not 
come  to  its  flood. 

We  feel  the  tide:  we  rejoice  in  the  strength  of  it  and  we  shall 
not  quarrel  in  the  long  run  as  to  the  method  of  it.  Because, 
when  you  are  working  with  masses  of  men  and  organized  bodies 
of  opinion,  you  have  got  to  carry  the  organized  body  along. 


The  whole  art  and  practice  of  government  consists,  not  in  moving 
individuals,  but  in  moving  masses.  It  is  all  very  well  to  run 
ahead  and  beckon,  but,  after  all,  you  have  got  to  wait  for  the 
mass  to  follow.  I  have  not  come  to  ask  you  to  be  patient,  because 
you  have  been,  but  I  have  come  to  congratulate  you  that  there  was 
a  force  behind  you  that  will,  beyond  any  peradventnre,  be  tri- 
umphant and  for  which  you  can  afford  a  little  while  to  wait. 

This  speech  is,  of  course,  often  exquisitely  phrased.  How- 
ever, it  promised  nothing.  The  Woman's  Party  was  not 
deceived  by  it. 

It  is  to  be  seen  that  President  Wilson  was  moving — 
slowly,  to  be  sure ;  one  cautious  foot  carefully  planted  before 
the  other  cautious  foot  moved- — in  the  right  direction.  He 
had  progressed  a  measurable  distance  from  the  man  who  just 
after  his  inauguration  admitted  he  had  never  considered  the 
subject  of  Suffrage.  However,  he  still  held  to  his  idea  of 
the  "  State-by-State  "  progress  for  the  enfranchisement  of 
women.  But  he  was  to  change  even  in  that,  as  will  subse- 
quently be  seen. 



On  Augast  10,  11,  and  12,  of  1916,  the  newly  fonned  Na- 
tional Woman's  Party  held  a  conference  at  the  Hotel  Antlers 
in  Colorado  Springs,  to  formulate  a  policy  for  the  coming 
presidential  campaign. 

In  Washington,  Senators  and  Representatives  read  avidly 
the  newspaper  accounts  of  this  convention. 

Politically,  it  was  a  tremendously  impressive  gathering. 
Prominent  women  came  from  all  the  Western  States  to  decide 
how  they  should  endeavor  to  mobilize  the  women's  votes. 
Greatly  alarmed  at  this  drifting  away  of  members,  the 
Democratic  Party  sent  prominent  Democratic  women  to 
plead  with  them  not  to  leave  the  Party  and  to  represent  to 
them  that  Peace  was  more  important  than  Suffrage.  The 
Republicans  sent  important  Republican  women  to  plead  with 
them  to  give  their  support  to  Hughes  since  he  had  come  out 
for  the  Federal  Suffrage  Amendment. 

Finally  the  Democratic  leaders  appealed  to  the  President 
to  counteract  the  attacks  being  made  on  the  Party,  on  the 
score  of  its  Suffrage  record.  The  President,  thereupon,  des- 
patched to  the  Thomas  Jefferson  Club  of  Denver  the  fol- 
lowing letter  which  was  read  at  a  banquet  the  last  day  of 
the  Conference. 

The  White  House, 
Washington,  D.  C,  August  7,  1916. 
My  dear  Friends: 

I  wish  I  could  meet  you  face  to  face  and  tell  you  in  person 
how  deeply  I  appreciate  the  work  your  organization  has  done 
and  proposes  to  do  for  the  cause  of  democracy  and  popular 

I  am  told  that  yours  was  the  first  woman's  Democratic  voters' 
organization  in  America,  and  I  am  sure  that  as  such  it  must  have 



been  the  instrument  of  impressing  your  convictions  very  deeply 
upon  the  politics  of  your  State. 

One  of  the  strongest  forces  behind  the  Equal  Suffrage  senti- 
ment of  the  country  is  the  now  demonstrated  fact  that  in  the 
Suffrage  States  women  interest  themselves  in  public  questions, 
study  them  thoroughly,  form  their  opinions  and  divide  as  men 
do  concerning  them.  It  must  in  frankness  be  admitted  that  there 
are  two  sides  to  almost  every  important  public  question,  and  even 
the  best  informed  persons  are  bound  to  differ  in  judgment  con- 
cerning it.  With  each  difference  in  judgment,  it  is  not  only 
natural,  but  right  and  patriotic,  that  the  success  of  opposing 
convictions  should  be  sought  through  political  alignment  and  the 
measuring  of  their  strength  at  the  polls  through  political  agencies. 
Men  do  this  naturally,  and  so  do  women;  though  it  has  required 
your  practical  demonstration  of  it  to  convince  those  who  doubted 
this.  In  proportion  as  the  political  development  of  women  con- 
tinues along  this  line,  the  cause  of  Equal  Suffrage  will  be  pro- 

Those  who  believe  in  Equal  Suffrage  are  divided  into  those  who 
believe  that  each  State  should  determine  for  itself  when  and  in 
what  direction  the  Suffrage  should  be  extended,  and  those  who 
believe  that  it  should  be  immediately  extended  by  the  action  of 
the  national  government,  by  means  of  an  amendment  to  the  Fed- 
eral Constitution.  Both  the  great  political  Parties  of  the  nation 
have  in  their  recent  platforms  favored  the  extension  of  Suffrage 
to  women  through  State  action,  and  I  do  not  see  how  their  can- 
didates can  consistently  disregard  these  official  declarations.  I 
shall  endeavor  to  make  the  declaration  of  my  own  Party  in  this 
matter  effectual  by  every  influence  that  I  can  properly  and 
legitimately  exercise. 

Woman's  part  in  the  progress  of  the  race,  it  goes  without 
saying,  is  quite  as  important  as  man's.  The  old  notion,  too,  that 
Suffrage  and  service  go  hand  in  hand,  is  a  sound  one,  and  women 
may  well  appeal  to  it,  though  it  has  long  been  invoked  against 
them.  The  war  in  Europe  has  forever  set  at  rest  the  notion  that 
nations  depend  in  time  of  stress  wholly  upon  their  men.  The 
women  of  Europe  are  bearing  their  full  share  of  war's  awful 
burden  in  the  daily  activities  of  the  struggle,  and  more  than  their 
share  as  sufferers.  Their  fathers  and  husbands  and  sons  are 
fighting  and  dying  in  the  trenches;  but  they  have  taken  up  the 
work  on  the  farms,  at  the  mill,  and  in  the  workshop  and  counting 
houses.  They  bury  the  dead,  care  for  the  sick  and  wounded, 
console  the  fatherless,  and  sustain  the  constant  shock  of  war's 
appalling  sacriiices. 


From  these  hideous  calamities  we  in  this  favored  land  of  ours 
have  thus  far  been  shielded.    I  shall  be  profoundly  thankful,  if, 
consistently  with  the  honor  and  integrity  of  the  nation,  we  may 
maintain  to  the  end  our  peaceful  relations  with  the  world. 
Cordiallj-  and  sincerely  yours, 

WooDEOW  Wilson. 
To  the  officers  and  members  of  the 
Jane  Jefferson  Club  of  Colorado. 

The  Woman's  Party  did  not  care  for  whom  the  women 
cast  their  protest  vote — Republicans,  Socialists,  Prohibi- 
tionists— they  cared  only  that  women  should  not  vote  for  the 
Democrats.  They  knew  if  this  protest  vote  was  large 
enough,  whoever  was  elected  would  realize  that  opposition 
to  Suffrage  was  inexpedient. 

At  Colorado  Springs  the  National  Woman's  Party  passed 
the  following  resolutions: 

Resolved  that  the  National  Woman's  Party,  so  long  as  the 
opposition  of  the  Democratic  Party  continues,  pledges  itself  to 
use  its  best  efforts  in  the  twelve  States  where  women  vote  for 
President  to  defeat  the  Democratic  candidate  for  President;  and 
in  the  eleven  States  where  women  vote  for  members  of  Congress 
to  defeat  the  candidates  of  the  Democratic  Party  for  Congress. 

Immediately  the  campaign  began.  It  was  the  biggest  cam- 
paign— the  most  important  ever  waged  by  the  Woman's 
Party.  A  stream  of  organizers  started  for  the  Western 
States  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  speakers.  How  hard,  and 
how  long,  and  how  intensively  these  girl  organizers  worked 
will  never  be  known  because,  in  the  very  nature  of  things, 
there  could  be  no  adequate  record  of  their  efforts.  Then 
came  a  stream  of  speakers,  relay  after  relay — convinced, 
informed,  experienced — and  inspired.  Among  them  were 
Harriot  Stanton  Blatch,  Sara  Bard  Field,  Ida  Finney  Mack- 
rille,  Mrs.  William  Kent,  Mrs.  H.  O.  Havemeyer,  Helen 
Todd,  Maud  Younger,  Rose  Winslow,  Gail  Laughlin.  The 
brilliant,  beautiful  Inez  MilhoUand  Boissevain,  doomed  soon 
to  die  so  untimely  but  so  glorious  a  death,  was  appointed 
special  flying  envoy  to  make  a  twelve  mile  swing  through 


the  twelve  western  Equal  Suffrage  States;  to  bring  to  the 
enfranchised  women  of  the  West  an  appeal  for  help  from  the 
disfranchised  women  of  the  East. 

The  campaign  of  1916  was  characterized  by  the  swiftness 
of  attack  and  efficiency  of  method  which  characterized  the 
campaign  of  1914,  but  it  was  carried  out  on  a  much  larger 
scale.  In  Washington,  Headquarters  boiled  .  .  .  bubbled 
.    .    .   seethed.   .    .    . 

From  Washington  there  sifted  into  the  West  tons  of  cam- 
paign literature :  miles  of  purple,  white,  and  gold  banners ; 
acres  of  great  across-the-street  streamers.  In  the  West 
itself,  Woman's  Party  speakers  addressed  every  kind  of 
meeting  known  to  our  civilization:  indoor  meetings;  out- 
door meetings;  luncheons;  banquets;  labor  unions,  business 
men's  organizations;  in  churches,  factories,  theatres;  at 
mining  camps,  county  fairs.  They  took  advantage  of  im- 
promptu meetings  in  the  streets ;  small  ready-made  meetings 
at  clubs;  large  advertised  mass-meetings.  And  Inez  Mil- 
holland's  activities  as  a  flying  envoy — and  in  that,  her  last 
fight  she  did  fly — ^were  the  climax  of  it  all. 

The  slogan  of  the  Wilson  party  was,  "  He  kept  us  out  of 
war."  The  slogan  of  the  Woman's  Party  developed,  "  He 
kept  us    out   of  Suffrage." 

The  Democrats,  remembering  the  results  of  the  campaign 
of  1914,  were  far  from  indulgent  of  this  small  army,  the 
members  of  which  were  all  generals. 

In  Denver,  Elsie  Hill  the  Woman's  Party  organizer  was 
arrested  and  hurried  to  the  police  station  in  a  patrol  wagon. 
The  only  charge  against  her  was  that  she  had  distributed 
literature  telling  the  Democratic  record  on  Suffrage. 

In  Colorado  Springs,  the  Federal  Amendment  banner  was 
"arrested"  and  locked  up  for  the  night  in  jail. 

In  Chicago,  described  by  the  Chicago  Tribune  as  the 
"  pivotal  point  of  the  1916  election,"  this  hostility  was  much 
more  violent.  The  day  that  Wilson  spoke  there  a  hundred 
women,  some  of  them  carrying  inscribed  banners,  stationed 
themselves  at  the  entrance  to  the  auditorium  where  he  was 


to  appear.  They  were  attacked  by  groups  of  men,  who  tore 
their  banners  out  of  their  hands,  and  demolished  them.  Sev- 
eral women  were  thrown  to  the  ground,  and  one,  still  cling- 
ing to  the  banner,  was  dragged  across  the  street. 

This  was  followed  by  an  attack  upon  Minnie  E.  Brooke, 
one  of  the  Woman's  Party  speakers.  She  was  alone,  walk- 
ing quietly  down  Michigan  Boulevard.  She  had  a  small 
purple,  white,  and  gold  flag  in  her  hand,  and  was  wearing 
the  regalia  of  the  Woman's  Party.  Suddenly  two  men  darted 
up  to  her,  and  tried  to  tear  her  colors  away.  In  the  struggle 
she  was  thrown  down  and  would  have  fallen  in  front  of  an 
automobile  had  not  a  hotel  employee  run  to  her  assist- 

However,  in  the  out-of-way  country  places  in  the  Western 
States,  the  Woman's  Party  speakers  were  received  with  that 
hearty  hospitality,  that  instant  and  instinctive  chivalry, 
which  marks  the  West.  In  this  campaign,  they  made  a  point 
of  appearing  in  the  State  and  County  Fairs  which  charac- 
terized the  late  summer  and  early  fall  months. 

On  Frontier  Day,  at  the  Douglas  County  Grange  at  Castle 
Rock,  Colorado,  Elsie  Hill  spoke — to  a  grandstand  crowded 
with  people-^between  the  end  of  the  relay  race  (in  which 
the  riders  changed  horses  and  saddles)  and  the  beginning  of 
the  steer-roping  contest.  On  the  stand  were  massed  men, 
women,  and  children.  Just  over  the  fence  crowded  hundreds 
of  cowboys  and  farmers. 

Street  processions  also  characterized  this  campaign.  At 
night  in  Salt  Lake  City  occurred  an  extraordinary  parade — 
a  river  of  yellow.  The  squad  of  mounted  policemen  who 
headed  the  procession  wore  the  purple,  white,  and  gold  re- 
galia of  the  Woman's  Party.  Marching  women  carried 
lighted  yellow  Japanese  lanterns.  The  people  who  filled 
the  automobiles  carried  yellow  lanterns.  The  huge  Amend- 
ment banner  was  yellow.  Yellow  banners  were  strung  across 
the  streets. 

Billboards  and  posters  appeared  everywhere  which  ad- 
jured voters  not  to  support  Wilson  or  any  Democratic  can- 


didates  for  Congress.  In  Tucson  and  Prescott,  Arizona, 
these  great  banners  were  surreptitiously  cut  down.  In  Cali- 
fornia, the  Democrats  placed  counter  placards  beside  these 
disturbing  posters.  In  San  Francisco,  armed  patrols 
guarded  the  two  conflicting  posters  in  one  hotel  lobby. 

The  Woman's  Party  speakers  took  advantage  of  all  kinds 
of  situations.  In  one  town,  Maud  Younger  found  that  a 
circus  had  arrived  just  ahead  of  her.  There  was  no  ade- 
quate hall  for  a  meeting;  and  so  the  circus  men  offered  her 
their  tent;  they  even  megaphoned  her  meeting  for  her.  In 
another  town,  a  County  Fair  was  being  held.  Maud  Younger 
appealed  to  the  clowns  to  give  her  a  chance  to  speak,  and 
they  let  her  have  their  platform  and  the  spot-light  while 
they  were  changing  costumes.  In  San  Francisco,  Hazel 
Hunkins  scattered  thousands  of  leaflets  from  an  aeroplane 
flying  over  the  city.  Red  Lodge,  Montana,  sent  to  the  train, 
which  brought  Abby  Scott  Baker  to  them,  a  delegation  of 
members  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  the  leader 
bearing  a  large  American  flag.  They  conducted  her  in 
state  through  the  town  to  the  hall  where  she  was  to  speak. 

Perhaps  no  campaign  was  more  interesting  than  that  of 
Rose  Winslow  in  Arizona.  Vivian  Pierce,  whose  experienced 
newspaper  hand  on  the  Suffragist  helped  to  make  that  paper 
the  success  it  so  swiftly  became,  thus  describes  her  work : 

Rose  Winslow  represented  the  workers.  She  spoke  for  the 
exploited  women  in  Eastern  industry.  In  her  own  person  to 
her  audiences  she  typified  her  story  of  those  imprisoned  in  fac- 
tories and  slums,  unable  to  fight  their  own  battles.  Her  words 
had  the  authenticity  of  an  inspired  young  evangelist.  She  herself 
had  come  up  out  of  that  darkness;  and  the  men  of  the  mines 
and  lumber  camps,  the  women  of  the  remote  Arizona  towns, 
listened  to  her  with  tears  pouring  down  their  faces.  One  does 
not  see  Eastern  audiences  so  moved.  At  Winslow  .  .  .  this 
girl,  pleading  for  working  women,  the  most  exploited  class  in 
industry,  appealed  to  the  men  of  the  great  Santa  Fe  railroad 
shops  that  animate  the  life  of  that  remote  region  on  the  edge 
of  the  "  Painted  Desert."  Rose  Winslow  had  been  warned  that 
if  she  spoke  at  this  town,  she  would  be  "  mobbed  "  by  the  Wilson 
Democrats.    After  her  impassioned  story,  told  one  noon  hour,  the 


men  of  the  shops  crowded  around  this  young  woman  from  the 
£ast,  "  one  of  our  own  people,"  as  one  man  said,  and  asked  her 
what  they  could  do  for  the  women  of  the  East.   .    .    . 

In  the  remote  copper  camps  around  Jerome  and  Bisbee,  the 
story  of  the  industrial  workers  who  have  merely  asked  for  a 
chance  to  help  themselves,  made  a  deep  impression  on  the  foreign- 
born  voters  of  this  section.  There  were  Poles,  Finns,  and 
Lithuanians  in  the  great  audience  held  in  that  copper  town  that 
is  the  working-man's  annex  to  Bisbee.  That  audience  both 
laughed  and  cried  with  Rose  Winslow,  and  then  crowded  around 
to  greet  her  in  her  own  language. 

From  the  vividly  colored  fastness  of  the  miners'  villages  in  this 
wild  mountain  region,  to  border  towns  like  Nogales,  though  but 
a  short  step  geographically,  the  temper  and  character  of  the 
cities  change.  ...  In  places  like  Nogales,  the  soldiers  who 
could  not  go  home  to  vote  turned  the  Woman's  Party  meetings 
into  near-riots,  so  anxious  were  these  victims  of  a  peace  adminis- 
tration to  hear  what  the  ladies  had  to  say  about  Wilson.  The 
soldiers  registered  their  approval  by  helping  take  up  collections, 
though  even  the  provost  guard  could  not  remove  them  to  give 
space  to  citizens  able  to  register  their  protests. 

An  event  equally  picturesque  marked  the  closing  of  the 
campaign  on  the  night  of  Sunday,  November  5,  on  the  plat- 
form of  the  Blackstone  Theatre,  Chicago.  There,  Harriot 
Stanton  Blatch,  acting  as  the  spokesman  of  the  disfran- 
chised women  of  the  East,  called  up  by  long-distance  tele- 
phone a  series  of  mass-meetings,  one  in  each  of  the  twelve 
Suffrage  States  and' repeated  their  message — a  final  appeal 
to  the  women  voters  of  the  West  to  cast  their  ballots  on  the 
following  Tuesday  against;  President  Wilson. 

The  result  of  the  election  is  summed  up  in  the  Suffragist 
of  November  11: 

In  Illinois,  the  only  State  where  the  vote  of  women  is  counted 
separately,  over  seventy  thousand  more  women  voted  against  Mr. 
Wilson  than  for  him.   .    .    . 

The  reports  indicate  that  the  Woman's  Party  campaign  was 
as  successful  in  holding  the  woman's  vote  in  line  in  the  other 
eleven  States  as  in  Illinois.  While  ten  of  these  States  went  for 
Wilson,  they  did  not  do  so,  as  has  been  claimed,  by  the  woman's 


vote.  Mr.  Wilson  received  in  these  States  almost  the  solid  Labor 
vote,  the  Progressive,  and  the  farmer's  vote.  The  popular  ma- 
jority which  Mr.  Wilson  received  in  the  twelve  Suffrage  States 
amounted  only  to  twenty-two  thousand  one  hundred  seventy-one 
out  of  a  popular  vote,  according  to  the  latest  returns,  of  more 
than  four  million,  eight  hundred  and  ten  thousand  in  the  same 
States.  This  does  not  include  the  Socialist  and  Prohibition  vote, 
which  was  very  heavy  in  some  of  the  Western  States.   .    .    . 

We  were  not  concerned  with  the  result  of  the  election.  Ours 
was  a  campaign  in  which  it  made  no  difference  who  was  elected. 
We  did  not  endorse  any  candidate.  We  did  not  care  who  won. 
We  were  not  pro-Republican,  pro-Socialist,  pro-Prohibition — we 
were  simply  pro-woman.  We  did  not  endeavor  to  affect  the  result 
in  the  non-Suffrage  States.  What  we  did  try  to  do  was  to 
organize  a  protest  vote  by  women  against  Mr.  Wilson's  attitude 
towards  Suffrage.  This  we  did.  Every  Democrat  who  cam- 
paigned in  the  West  knows  this.  The  Democratic  campaign  in 
the  West  soon  consisted  almost  entirely  of  an  attempt  to  combat 
the  Woman's  Party  attack. 

Tribute  to  the  strength  of  the  Woman's  Party  campaign 
is  contained  in  the  remark  of  a  woman  who  had  in  charge 
the  campaign  of  the  Democratic  women  voters.  Out  of  six 
leaflets  which  her  organization  got  out,  five  were  on  the  sub- 
ject of  Suffrage.  A  reporter  remonstrated  with  her  in  regard 
to  Suffrage  not  being  an  issue  in  the  West.  She  agreed  with 
him,  but,  she  added,  "We  have  to  combat  the  Woman's 

The  whole  Western  campaign  of  the  Republicans  was 
conducted  as  if  they  were  assured  of  victory.  In  many  cases 
the  organizers  of  the  Woman's  Party  told  the  Republicans 
in  the  East  that  they  were  going  to  lose  in  certain  districts. 
"  Nensense,"  laughed  the  Republicans,  "  we  are  sure  to  win 
there,  absolutely  sure."  Alice  Paul  in  Chicago  received 
reports  from  campaigners  through  the  West  and  all  pre- 
dicted Democratic  victory.  She  went  to  Republican  Head- 
quarters with  these  reports,  but  she  could  not  convince  the 
Republicans  of  the  truth  of  them. 

Senator  Curtis,  Secretary  of  the  Republican  Senatorial 
Committee,  said  he  got  more  information  as  to  the  situation 


in  the  West  from  the  Woman's  Party  than  he  got  from  any 
other  source. 

It  became  apparent  soon  that  Wilson  was  going  to  win. 
It  was  then  that  advisors  came  to  Alice  Paul  and  said, 
"  Withdraw  your  speakers  from  the  campaign,  so  that  you 
will  not  have  the  humiliation  of  defeat  before  the  country." 

And  it  was  then  that  Alice  Paul  answered,  "  No.  If  me 
withdraw  our  speakers  from  the  campaign,  we  withdraw  the 
issue  from  the  campaign.  We  must  make  this  such  an  im- 
portant thing  in  national  elections  that  the  Democrats  will 
not  want  to  meet  it  again." 

Commenting  on  this  campaign,  Alice  Paul  said  the  Demo- 
crats made  a  strong  appeal  to  the  women  voters  but  for  the 
Republicans  the  women  did  not  exist,  and  in  fact  the  chief 
recognition  that  the  Republicans  made  of  the  women  in  the 
West  was  to  send  there  the  Hughes  so-called  "  Golden  Spe- 
cial," which,  on  leaving  Chicago,  announced  that  it  was  not 
a  "Suffrage  Special." 

<  After  the  campaign  was  over,  Vance  McCormick,  Chair- 
man of  the  Democratic  Party,  was  talking  with  a  member  of 
his  committee.  He  said,  in  effect :  "  Before  the  election  of 
1918,  we  must  patch  up  our  weak  places.  Our  weakest  spot 
is  the  Suffrage  situation.  We  must  get  rid  of  the  Suffrage 
Amendment  before  1918  if  we  want  to  control  the  next 

The  Sixty-fourth  Congress  met  for  its  second  and  last 
session  on  December  4,  1916.  President  Wilson  delivered  a 
message  which  made  no  reference  to  the  subject  of  Woman 
Suffrage.  The  Congressional  Union,  always  having  advance 
information,  knew  this  beforehand.  And  so  on  that  occa- 
sion, by  a  bit  of  direct  action,  they  brought  Suffrage  vividly 
to  the  attention  of  President  Wilson,  Congress,  and  the 
whole  country.  This  was  the  only  action  of  the  Woman's 
Party  which  Alice  Paul  did  not  give  out  beforehand  to  the 

Early  that  morning,  before  the  outer  doors  were  opened, 


five  women  of  the  Congressional  Union  appeared  before  the 
Capitol.  After  a  long  wait  the  doors  were  opened,  and — 
the  first  of  a  big  crowd — they  placed  themselves  in  the  front 
row  of  the  gallery  just  to  the  left  of  the  big  clock.  They 
faced  the  Speaker's  desk,  from  which  the  President  would 
read  his  message.  These  five  women  were:  Mrs.  John 
Rogers,  Jr.;  Mrs.  Harry  Lowenburg;  Dr.  Caroline  Spencer; 
Florence  Bayard  Hilles ;  Mabel  Vernon.  In  a  casual  manner, 
other  members  of  the  Union  seated  themselves  behind  them 
and  on  the  gallery  steps  beside  them:  Lucy  Burns;  Eliza- 
beth Papandre;  Mildred  Gilbert;  Mrs.  W^iUiam  L.  Colt; 
Mrs.  Townsend  Scott. 

Mabel  Vernon  sat  in  the  middle  of  the  five  women  in  the 
front  row.  Pinned  to  her  skirt,  under  the  enveloping  cape 
which  she  wore,  was  a  big  banner  of  yellow  sateen.  After 
the  five  women  had  settled  themselves,  Mabel  Vernon  un- 
pinned the  banner  and  dropped  it,  all  ready  for  unrolling, 
on  the  floor.  At  the  top  of  the  banner  were  five  long  tapes 
— too  long — 'Mabel  Vernon  now  regretfully  declares.  At  the 
psychological  moment,  which  had  been  picked  beforehand,  in 
President  Wilson's  speech — ^he  was  recommending  a  greater 
freedom  for  the  Porto  Rican  men — Mabel  Vernon  whispered 
the  series  of  signals  which  had  previously  been  decided  on. 
Immediately — ^working  like  a  beautifully  co-ordinated  ma- 
chine— the  five  women  stooped,  lifted  the  banner,  and, 
holding  it  tightly  by  the  tapes,  dropped  it  over  the  balcony 
edge.  It  unrolled  with  a  smart  snap  and  displayed  these 
words : 


Then  the  women  sat  perfectly  still,  in  the  words  of  the 
Washington  Post  "  five  demure  and  unruflBed  women  .  .  . 
with  the  cords  supporting  the  fluttering  thing  clenched  in 
their  hands." 

The  effect  was  instantaneous.  The  President  looked  up, 
hesitated  a  moment,  then  went  on  reading.     AH  the  Con- 


gressmen  turned;  The  Speaker  sat  motionless.  A  buzz  ran 
wildly  across  the  floor.  Policemen  and  guards  headed  up- 
stairs to  the  gallery  where  the  women  were  seated ;  but  their 
progress  was  inevitably  slow  as  the  steps  were  tightly 
packed  with  members  of  the  Congressional  Union.  In  the 
meantime,  one  of  the  pages,  leaping  upward,  caught  the 
banner  and  tore  it  away  from  the  cords  in  the  women's 
hands.  "  It  it  hadn't  been  for  those  long  tapes,"  Mabel 
Vernon  says,  "  they  never  could  have  got  it  until  the  Presi- 
dent finished  his  speech." 

The  episode  took  up  less  than  five  minutes'  time.  Until 
the  President  finished  his  message,  it  seemed  to  be  completely 
forgotten.  But  the  instant  the  President  with  his  escort 
disappeared  through  the  door,  every  Congressman  was  on  his 
feet  staring  up  at  the  gallery.  \ 

The  Woman's  Party  publicity  accounts  of  this  episode — 
multigraphed  the  night  before^were  in  the  hands  of  the 
men  in  the  Press  Gallery  the  instant  after  it  happened.  This 
is  a  sample  of  the  perfect  organization  and  execution  of  the 
Woman's  Party  plans. 

Of  course,  this  incident  was  a  front  page  story  in  every 
newspaper  in  the  United  States  that  night  despoiling  the 
President  of  his  headlines.  It  is  now  one  of  the  legends  in 
Washington  that  in  the  midst  of  the  dinner  given  to  the 
President  by  the  Gridiron  Club  shortly  after,  the  identical 
banner  was  unfurled  before  his  eyes. 

The  following  week,  at  the  first  meeting  of  the  Judiciary 
Committee  since  the  Presidential  Campaign,  the  report  of  the 
Federal  Suffrage  Amendment  was  made  without  recommenda- 
tion to  the  House  of  Representatives. 




"  For  Lycidas  is  dead,  dead  ere  his  prime ; 
Young  Lycidas,  and  hath  not  left  his  peer." 

— Milton. 

Inez,  vibrant,  courageous,  symbolic. 

How  can  death  claim  you? 

Many  he  leads  down  the  long  halls  of  silence 

Burdened  with  years. 

Those  who  have  known  sorrow 

And  are  weary  with  forgetting. 

The  young  who  have  tasted  only  gladness 

And  who  go  with  wistful  eyes. 

Never  to  see  the  sharp  breaking  of  illusion. 

For  these — 

We  who  remain  and  are  lonely 

Find  consolation,  saying 

"  They  have  won  the  white  vistas  of  quietness." 

But  for  you — 

The  words  of  my  grief  will  not  form 

In  a  pattern  of  resignation. 

The  syllables  of  rebellion 

Are  quivering  upon  my  lips ! 

You  belonged  to  life — 

To  the  struggling  actuality  of  earth ; 

You  were  our  Hortensia  and  flung 

Her  challenge  to  the  world — 

Our  world  still  strangely  Roman — 

"  Does  justice  scorn  a  woman?  " 

Oh !    Between  her  words  and  yours  the  centuries  seem 
Like  little  pauses  in  an  ancient  song. 
For  in  the  hour  of  war's  discordant  triumph 
You  both  demanded  "  Peace  " ! 
.     183 


And  I,  remembering  how  the  faces  of  many  women  , 
Turned  toward  you  with  passionate  expectation. 
How  can  I  find  consolation? 

Inez^  vibrant,  courageous,  symbolic. 

Can  death  still  claim  you? 

When  in  the  whitening  winter  of  our  grief 

Your  smile  witL  all  the  radiance  of  spring. 

When  from  the  long  halls  of  silence 

The  memory  of  your  voice  comes  joyously  back 

To  the  ears  of  our  desolation — 

Your  voice  that  held  a  challenge  and  a  caress. 

You  have  gone — 

Yet  you  are  ours  eternally ! 

Your  gallant  youth. 

Your  glorious  self-sacrifice — ^all  ours ! 

Inez,  vibrant,  courageous,  symbolic. 

Death  cannot  claim  you ! 

Ruth  Fitch. 
The  Suffragist.  December  30,  1916. 

The  most  poignant  event — and  perhaps  the  most  beautiful 
in  all  the  history  of  the  Congressional  Union — took  place 
on  Christmas  Day  of  this  year,  the  memorial  service  in 
memory  of  Inez  MilhoUand. 

Inez  MilhoUand  was  one  of  the  human  sacrifices  offered  on 
the  altar  of  woman's  liberty.  She  died  that  other  women 
might  be  free. 

In  the  recent  campaign,  she  had  spoken  in  Wyoming, 
Idaho,  Oregon,  Washington,  Montana,  Utah,  Nevada,  and 
California.    In  her  memorial  address,  Maud  Younger  said: 

The  trip  was  fraught  with  hardship.  Speaking  day  and  night, 
she  would  take  a  train  at  two  in  the  morning,  to  arrive  at  eight; 
and  then  a  train  at  midnight,  to  arrive  at  five  in  the  morning. 
She  would  come  away  from  audiences  and  droop  as  a  flower. 
The  hours  between  were  hours  of  exhaustion  and  suffering. 
She  would  ride  in  the  trains  gazing  from  the  windows,  listless, 
''almost  lifeless,  until  one  spoke;  then  again  the  sweet  smile,  the 
sudden  interest,  the  quick  sympathy.  The  courage  of  her  was 

Photo   Copr.   Harris   and   Ewing 

Inez  Milholland. 
In  the  Washington  Parade,  March  3,  1913. 


At  a  great  mass-meeting  at  Los  Angeles,  in  October,  she 
was  saying — in  answer  to  the  President's  words,  "  The  tide 
is  rising  to  meet  the  moon ;  you  will  not  have  long  to  wait," 
— "  How  long  must  women  wait  for  liberty?  "  On  the  word 
liberty,  she  fell  fainting  to  the  floor.  Within  a  month,  she 
was  dead. 

That  Christmas  Day,  Statuary  Hall  in  the  Capitol  of  the 
United  States  was  transformed.  The  air  was  full  of  the 
smells  of  the  forest.  Greens  made  a  background — partially 
concealing  the  semi-circle  of  statues — at  the  rear;  laurel  and 
cedar  banked  the  dais  in  front;  somber  velvet  curtains  fell 
about  its  sides.  Every  one  of  the  chairs  which  filled  the 
big  central  space  supported  a  flag  of  purple,  white,  and  gold. 
Between  the  pillars  of  the  balcony  hung  a  continuous  frieze ; 
pennants  of  purple,  white,  and  gold — the  tri-color  of  these 
feminist  crusaders. 

The  audience  assembled  in  the  solemn  quiet  proper  to  such 
an  occasion,  noiselessly  took  their  seats  in  the  semi-circle 
below  and  the  gallery  above.  The  organ  played  Ave  Maria. 
Then  again,  a  solemn  silence  fell.  j 

Suddenly  the  stillness  was  invaded  by  a  sound — music, 
very  faint  and  faraway.  It  grew  louder  and  louder.  It  was 
the  sound  of  singing.  It  came  nearer  and  nearer.  It  was 
the  voices  of  boys'.  Presently  the  beginning  of  a  long  line 
of  boy  choristers,  who  had  wound  through  the  marble  hall- 
way, appeared  in  the  doorway.  They  marched  into  the  hall , 

"  Forward,  out  of  error. 
Leave  behind  the  night. 
Forward  through  the  darkness. 
Forward  into  light." 

Behind  came  Mary  Morgan  in  white,  carrying  a  golden 
banner  with  the  above  words  inscribed  on  it.  This  was  a 
duplicate  of  the  banner  that  Inez  Milholland  bore  in  the 
first  Suffrage  parade  in  New  York.  Behind  the  golden  ban- 
ner   came    a   great    procession    of   young    women    wearing 



straight  surplices ;  the  first  division  in  purple,  the  next  in 
white,  the  last  in  gold,  carrying  high  standards  which  bore 
the  tri-color.    Before  each  division  came  another  young  girl 
in  white,  carrying  a  golden  banner — ^lettered. 
One  banner  said: 


Another  banner  said: 


The  last  banner  said: 


These  white-clad  girls  stood  in  groups  on  both  sides  of  the 
laurel-covered  dais  against  the  shadowy  background  of  the 
curtains.  The  standard-bearers  in  the  purple,  the  white,  the 
gold,  formed  a  semi-circle  of  brilliant  color  which  lined  the 
hall  and  merged  with  the  purple,  white,  and  gold  frieze  above 
them.  They  stood  during  the  service,  their  tri-colored  ban- 
ners at  rest. 

There  followed  music.  The  choristers  sang :  Forward  Be 
Our  Watchword.  The  Mendelssohn  Quartet  sang:  Love 
Divine  and  Thou  Whose  Almighty  Word.  Elizabeth  Howry 
sang  first  All  Through  the  Night  and,  immediately  after, 
Henchel's  ringing  triumphant  Morning  Song.  It  is  an 
acoustic  eifect  of  Statuary  Hall  that  the  music  seems  to 
come  from  above.  That  effect  added  immeasurably  to  the 
solemnity  of  this  occasion. 

Tribute  speeches  followed,  Anne  Martin  introducing  the 
speakers.  Mrs.  William  Kent  read  two  resolutions :  one  pre- 
pared under  the  direction  of  Zona  Gale,  the  other  by 
Florence  Brewer  Boeckel.  Maud  Younger  delivered  a  beau- 
tiful memorial  address. 


"  And  so  ever  through  the  West,  she  went,"  Miss  Younger  said 
in  part,  "  through  the  West  that  drew  her,  the  West  that  loved 
her,  until  she  came  to  the  end  of  the  West.  There  where  the  sun 
goes  down  in  glory  in  the  vast  Pacific,  her  life  went  out  in  glory 
in  the  shining  cause  of  freedom.  .  .  .  They  will  tell  of  her  in 
the  West,  tell  of  the  vision  of  loveliness  as  she  flashed  through 
her  last  burning  mission,  flashed  through  to  her  death,  a  falling 
stdr  in  the  western  heavens.  .  .  .  With  new  devotion  we  go 
forth,  inispired  by  her  sacrifice  to  the  end  that  this  sacrifice  be 
not  in  vain,  but  that  dying  she  shall  bring  to  pass  that  which 
living  she  could  not  achieve,  full  freedom  for  women,  full  democ- 
racy for  the  nation.   ..." 

At  the  end  the  quartet  sang,  Before  the  Heavens  Were 
Spread  Abroad.  Then  the  procession  re-formed,  and 
marched  out  again  as  it  had  come,  a  slow-moving  band  of 
color  which  gradually  disappeared;  a  river  of  music  which 
gradually  died  to  a  thread,  to  a  sigh  .  ...  to  nothing. 
.  .  .As  before  the  white-surpliced  choristers  headed  the 
procession,  chanting  the  recessional,  For  All  the  Saints. 
Their  banners  lowered,  the  girl  standard-bearers — first  those 
in  floating  gold,  then  those  in  drifting  white,  then  those  in 
heavy  purple — followed.  From  the  far-away  reaches  of  the 
winding  marble  halls  sounded  the  boyish  voices.  Faintly 

O,  may  Thy  Soldiers,  faithful,  true  and  bold. 
Fight  as  the  Saints  who  nobly  fought  of  old, 
And  win  with  them  the  victor's  crown  of  gold. 
Alleluia ! 

And  fainter  still: 

But,  lo,  there  breaks  a  yet  more  glorious  day. 
The  Saints  triumphant  rise  in  bright  array. 

The  voices  lost  themselves  in  the  distance,  merged  with 
silence.  The  audience  still  sat  moveless,  spellbound  by  all 
this  beauty  and  grief.  Suddenly  the  Marseillaise  burst 
from  the  organ  like  a  call  to  the  new  battle.  Instantly,  it 
was  echoed  by  the  strings. 


On  January  9,  the  President  received  a  deputation  of 
three  hundred  women.  This  deputation  brought  to  him  the 
resolutions  passed  at  memorials  held  in  commemoration  of 
Inez  Milholland  from  California  to  New  York. 

Sara  Bard, Field  said  in  part: . 

Since  that  day  (a  year  ago)  when  we  came  to  you,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, one  of  our  most  beautiful  and  beloved  comrades,  Inez  Mil- 
holland, has  paid  the  price  of  her  life  for  a  cause.  The  un- 
timely death  of  a  young  woman  like  this — a  woman  for  whom 
the  world  has  such  bitter  need — ^has  focussed  the  attention  of 
men  and  women  of  this  nation  on  the  fearful  waste  of  women 
which  this  fight  for  the  ballot  is  entailing.  The  same  maternal 
instinct  for  the  preservation  of  life — whether  it  be  the  physical 
life  of  a  child,  or  the  spiritual  life  of  a  cause — is  sending  women 
into  this  battle  for  liberty  with  an  urge  that  gives  them  no  rest 
night  or  day.  Every  advance  of  liberty  has  demanded'  its  quota 
of  human  sacrifice,  and,  if  I  had  time,^  I  could  show  you  that  we 
have  paid  in  a  measure  that  is  running  over.  In  the  light  of 
Inez  MilhoUand's  death,  as  we  look  over  the  long  backward  trail 
through  which  we  have  sought  pur  political  liberty,  we  are  asking, 
how  long,  how  long,  must  this  struggle  go  on? 

Mr.  President,  to  the  nation  more  than  to  women  themselves  is 
this  waste  of  maternal  force  significant.  In  industry,  such  a 
waste  of  money  and  strength  would  not  be  permitted.  The 
modern  trend  is  all  towards  efficiency.  Why  is  such  waste  per- 
mitted in  the  making  of  a  nation  ? 

Sometimes  I  think  it  must  be  very  hard  to  be  a  President,  in 
respect  to  his  contacts  with  people,  as  well  as  in  the  grave 
business  he  must  perform.  The  exclusiveness  necessary  to  a 
great  dignitary  holds  him  away  from  the  democracy  of  com- 
munion necessary  to  full  understanding  of  what  the  people  are 
really  thinking  and  desiring.  I  feel  that  this  deputation  today 
fails  in  its  mission  if,  because  of  the  dignity  of  your  office  and  the 
formality  of  such  an  occasion,  we  fail  to  bring  to  you  the  throb 
of  woman's  desire  for  freedom  and  her  eagerness  to  ally  herself 
with  all  those  activities  to  which  you  yourself  have  dedicated 
your  life.  When  once  the  ballot  is  in  her  hand,  those  tasks  which 
this  nation  has  set  itself  to  do  are  her  tasks  as  well  as  man's. 
We  women  who  are  here  today  are  close  to  this  desire  of  woman. 
We  cannot  believe  that  you  are  our  enemy,  or  are  indifferent  to 
the  fundamental  righteousness  of  our  demand. 

We  have  come  here  to  you  in  your  powerful  office  as  our  helper. 


Joy  Young  at  the  Inez  Milholland  Memorial 


We  have  come  in  the  name  of  justice,  in  the  name  of  democracy, 
in  the  name  of  all  women  who  have  fought  and  died  for  this 
cause,  and  in  a  peculiar  way,  with  our  hearts  bowed  in  sorrow,  in 
the  name  of  this  gallant  girl  who  died  with  the  word  "  Liberty  " 
on  her  lips.  We  have  come  asking  you  this  day  to  speak  some 
favorable  word  to  us,  that  we  may  know  that  you  will  use  your 
good  and  great  office  to  end  this  wasteful  struggle  of  women. 

The  President  replied: 

Ladies,  I  had  not  been  apprised  that  yota  were  coming  here  to 
make  any  representation  that  would  issue  an  appeal  to  me.  I 
had  been  told  that  you  were  coming  to  present  memorial  resolu- 
tions with  regard  to  the  very  remarkable  woman  whom  your 
cause  has  lost.  I  therefore  am  not  prepared  to  say  anything 
further  than  I  have  said  on  previous  occasions  of  this  sort. 

I  do  not  need  to  tell  you  where  my  own  convictions  and  my 
own  personal  purpose  lie,  and  I  need  not  tell  you  by  what 
circumscriptions  I  am  bound  as  leader  of  a  Party.  As  the  leader 
of  a  Party,  my  commands  come  from  that  Party,  and  not  from 
private  personal  convictions. 

My  personal  action  as  a  citizen,  of  course,  comes  from  iio 
source,  but  my  own  conviction,  and  there  my  position  has  been 
so  frequently  defined,  and  I  hope  so  candidly  defined,  and  it  is  so 
impossible  for  me  until  the  orders  of  my  Party  are  changed,  to 
do  anything  other  than  I  am  doing  as  a  Party  leader  that  I 
think  nothing  more  is  necessary  to  be  said. 

I  do  want  to  say  this:  I  do  not  see  how  anybody  can  fail  to 
observe  from  the  utterance  of  the  last  campaign  that  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  is  more  inclined  than  the  opposition  Party  to  assist 
in  this  great  cause,  and  it  has  been  a  matter  of  surprise  to  me, 
and  a  matter  of  very  great  regret,  that  so  many  of  those  who 
are  heart  and  soul  for  this  cause  seem  so  greatly  to  misunder- 
stand and  misinterpret  the  attitudes  of  Parties.  In  this  country, 
as  in  every  other  self-governing  country,  it  is  really  through  the 
instrumentality  of  Parties  that  things  can  be  accomplished.  They 
are  not  accomplished  by  the  individual  voice,  but  by  concen- 
trated action,  and  that  action  must  come  only  so  fast  as  you  can 
concert  it.  I  have  done  my  best,  and  shall  continue  to  do  my 
best  to  concert  it  in  the  interest  of  a  cause  in  which  I  personally 

In  Maud  Younger's  delightful  Revelations  of  a  Woman 
Lobbyist,  in  McCall's  Magazine,  she  thus  describes  that 
scene : 


The  doors  opened,  and,  surrounded  by  Secret  Service  men, 
President  Wilson  entered.  He  came  quickly  forward,  smiling  as 
he  shook  my  hand.  Contrary  to  the  general  impression.  President 
Wilson  has  a  very  human,  sympathetic  personality.  He  i^  not  the 
aloof,  academic  type  one  expects  of  a  man  who,  avoiding  people, 
gets  much  of  his  knowledge  from  books  and  reports.  Though 
he  appears  to  the  general  public  as  in  a  mist  on  a  mountain  top, 
like  the  gods  of  old,  he  is  really  a  man  of  decided  emotional 

I  answered  his  greeting  briefly,  giving  him  the  resolutions  I 
held,  and  presented  Mrs.  John  Winters  Brannan,  who  handed 
him  the  New  York  memorial  without  speaking  at  all.  We  were 
saving  time  for  his  declaration.  Then  came  Sara — small,  delicate 
Sara  Bard  Field,  a  woman  of  rare  spirituality  and  humor — 
whom  we  had  chosen  to  speak  for  us. 

She  began  to  talk  very  nobly  and  beautifully,  while  the  Presi- 
dent listened  cordially.  But  suddenly  a  cold  wave  passed  over 
him.  Sara  bad  quoted  Mr.  Hughes.  At  that  name,  the  Presi- 
dent's manner  chilled.  The  look  in  his  eyes  became  so  cold 
,  that,  as  Sara  says,  the  words  almost  froze  on  her  lips.  She 
finished  in  an  icy  stillness,  and  after  a  moment  the  President 

Instead  of  the  assurances  we  had  expected,  we  heard  words 
to  the  effect  that  he  could  not  dictate  to  his  Party.  We  must 
first  concert  public  opinion.  It  was  his  last  gleam,  for,  looking 
about  him  and  seeing  amazement,  disappointment,  indignation,  he 
grew  still  colder.  With  a  last  defiant  glance  at  us  all  he  abruptly 
left  the  room.  Secret  Service  men,  newspaper  men,  and  secre- 
taries followed  him.  Where  the  President  of  the  United  States 
had  been  was  now  a  clod^  door. 

Stunned,  talking  in  low,  indignant  tones,  we  moved  slowly  out 
of  the  East  Room  and  returned  to  our  Headquarters.  There  we 
discussed  the  situation.  We  saw-  that  the  President  would  do 
nothing  for  some  time,  perhaps  not  until  the  eve  of  the  Presiden- 
tial election  in  1920.  He  said  we  must  concert  public  opinion. 
But  how.**  For  half  a  century  women  had  been  walking  the  hard 
way  of  the  lobbyist.  We  had  had  speeches,  meetings,  parades, 
campaigns,  organization.    What  new  method  could  we  devise? 




ON  tHe  picket  line 

The  avenue  is  misty  gray, 
And  here  beside  the  guarded  gate 
We  hold  our  golden  blowing  flags 
And  wait. 

The  people  pass  in  friendly  wise; 
They  smile  their  greetings  where  we  stand 
And  turn  aside  to  recognize 
The  just  demand. 

Often  the  gates  are  swung  aside: 
The  man  whose  power  could  free  us  now 
Looks  from  his  car  to  read  our  plea — 
And  bow. 

Sometimes  the  little  children  laugh; 
The  careless  folk  toss  careless  words. 
And  scoflf  and  turn  away,  and  yet 
The  people  pass  the  whole  long  day 
Those  golden  flags  cgainst  the  gray 
And  can't  forget. 

Beulah  Amidon. 
The  Suffragist,  March  8,  1917. 

1.    The  Peaceful  Picketing 

Before  we  examine  the  consideration  which  actuated  the 
National  Woman's  Party  in  waging  the  picket  campaign  of 
1917,  let  us  see  where  President  Wilson  stood  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  war ;  let  us  briefly  recapitulate  the  steps  which 

brought  him  there. 



It  will  be  remembered  that,  shortly  after  the  President 
took  his  seat  in  March,  1913,  he  told  a  deputation  from 
the  Congressional  Committee  that  Suffrage  was  a  question 
to  which  he  had  given  no  thought  and  on  which  he  had  no 
opinion.  During  the  ^ear,  no  longer  stating  that  he  knew 
nothing  about  Suffrage,  he  gave  as  a  reason  for  inaction 
that  the  Congressional  program  was  too  crowded  to  con- 
sider it.  By  the  end  of  the  year,  he  had  reached  the  point 
where  he  stated  that  he  could  take  no  action  on  the  Suffrage 
Amendment  until  commanded  by  his  Party. 

In  1914,  he  continued  to  state  that  he  was  prohibited  from 
acting  because  of  being  bound  by  his  Party  until  June, 
when  he  seized  on  the  excuse  of  States  Rights  further  to 
explain  his  inaction.  In  the  autumn  of  1915  he  first  came 
out  personally  for  Suffrage  by  voting  for  it  in  New  Jersey 
but  still  refused  to  support  it  in  Congress.  His  next  step 
forward  came  in  June,  1916,  when  he  caused  the  principle 
of  Suffrage  to  be  recognized  in  the  Party  platform,  though 
as  yet  neither  he  nor  the  Party  had  endorsed  the  Federal 
Amendment.  In  September  of  that  same  year — after  the 
Woman's  Party  had  begun  its  active  campaign  in  the  Suf- 
frage States — ^the  President  took  another  step  and  addressed 
a  Suffrage  Convention  of  the  National  American  Woman's 
Suffrage  Association.  But  as  yet  he  was  not  committed  to 
the  Federal  Amendment,  had  not  begun  to  exert  pressure 
on  Congress. 

The  situation  of  the  President  and  the  Woman's  Party  at 
this  juncture  may  be  summed  up  in  this  way.  Wilson,  him- 
self, was  beginning  to  realize  that  the  Suffrage  Amendment 
must  ultimately  pass.  But  he  had  just  been  re-elected.  He 
was  safe  for  four  years;  he  could  take  his  time  about  it. 
The  Woman's  Party  on  the  other  hand,  realized  that  the 
President  being  safe  for  four  years,  no  political  pressure 
could  be  exerted  upon  him.  They  realized  that  they  must 
devise  other  methods  to  keep  Suffrage,  as  a  measure  de- 
manding immediate  enactment,  before  him. 

In  the  meantime,  a  feeling  of  acute  discontent  was  growing 


in  the  women  of  the  United  States.  The  older  women — 
and  they  were  the  third  generation  to  demand  the  vote — 
were  beginning  to  ask  how  long  this  period  of  entreaty  must 
be  protracted.  The  younger  women — the  fourth  generation 
to  demand  the  vote — ^were  becoming  impatient  with  the  out- 
worn methods  of  their  predecessors.  Moreover,  when  the 
disfranchised  women  of  the  East  visited  the  enfranchised 
States  of  the  West,  their  eyes  were  opened  in  a  practical 
way  to  the  extraordinary  injustice  of  their  own  disfranchise- 
ment. Equally,  the  enfranchised  women  of  the  West,  mov- 
ing to  Eastern  States,  resented  their  loss  of  this  political 
weapon.  On  many  women  in  America  the  militant  movement 
of  England  had  produced  a  profound,  impression. 

A  new  note  had  crept  into  the  speeches  made  by  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Woman's  Party — the  note  of  this  impatience  and 
resentment.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Mrs.  Kent  told  the 
President  that  the  women  voters  of  the  West  were  accus- 
tomed to  being  listened  to  with  attention  by  politicians,  and 
that  they  resented  the  effort  to  make  it  seem  that  they  were 
merely  trying  to  bother  a  very  busy  official.  Mrs.  Blatch 
had  told  him  that  the  time  had  gone  by  when  she  would 
stand  on  street  corners  i  and  ask  the  vote  from  every  Tom, 
Dick,  and  Harry ;  that  she  was  determined  to  appeal  instead 
to  the  men  who  spoke  her  own  language  and  who  had  in 
charge  the  affairs  of  the  government. 

Doris  Stevens,  in  an  interview  in  the  Omaha  Daily  News 
for  June  29,  1918,  voices  perfectly  what  her  generation  was 

A  successful  young  Harvard  engineer  said  to  me  the  other 
day,  "  I  don't  believe  you  realize  how  much  men  objected  to 
your  picketing  the  White  House.  Now  I  know  what  I'm  talking 
about.  I've  talked  with  men  in  all  walks  of  life,  and'  I  tell  you 
they  didn't  approve  of  what  you  women  did." 

This  last  with  warmer  emphasis  and  a  scowl  of  the  brow,  "  I 
don't  suppose  you  were  in  a  position  to  know  how  violently  men 
felt  about  it." 

I  listened  patiently  and  courteously.  Should  I  disillusion 
him  ?    I  thought  it  was  the  honest  thing  to  do.    "  Why,  of  course 


men  didn't  like  it.  Do  you  think  we  imagined  they  would? 
We  knew  they  would  disapprove.  When  did  men  ever  applaud 
women  fighting  for  their  own  liberty.''  We  are  approved  only 
when  we  fight  for  yours !  " 

"  You  don't  mean  to  say  you  planned  to  do  something  knowing 
men  would  not  approve  ?  " 

I  simply  had  to  tell  him,  "  Why,  certainly !  We're  just  be- 
ginning to  get  confidence  in  ourselves.  At  last  we've  learned  to 
make  and  stand  by  our  own  judgments." 

"  But  going  to  jail.    That  was  pretty  shocking." 

"  Yes,  indeed  it  was.  It  not  only  shocked  us  that  a  govern- 
ment would  be  alarmed  enough  to  do  such  a  thing,  but  what  was 
more  to  the  point,  it  shocked  the  entire  country  into  doing  some- 
thing quickly  about  Woman  Suffrage." 

It  will:  be  seen  by  the  foregoing  pages  of  this  book  that 
Suffragists  had  exhausted  every  form  of  Suffrage  agitation 
known  to  the  United  States.  In  particular,  they  had  sent 
to  the  President  every  kind  of  deputation  that  could  possibly 
move  him. 

They  decided  to  send  him  a  perpetual  deputation. 

Alice  Paul,  in  explanation  of  her  strategy  in  this  matter, 
uses  one  of  the  vivid  figures  that  are  so  typical  of  her :  "  If 
a  creditor  stands  before  a  man's  house  all  day  long,  de- 
manding payment  of  his  bill,  the  man  must  either  remove 
the  creditor  or  pay  the  bill." 

At  first,  the  President  tried  to  remove  the  creditor.  Later 
he  paid  the  bill. 

At  ten  o'clock  on  January  10,  1917,  the  day  after  the 
deputation  to  the  President,  twelve  women  emerged  from 
Headquarters  and  marclied  across  Lafayette  Square  to  the 
White  House.  Four  of  them  bore  lettered  banners,  and 
eight  of  them  carried  purple,  white,  and  gold  banners  of  the 
Woman's  Party.  They  marched  slowly — a  banner's  length 
apart.  Six  of  them  took  up  their  stand  at  the  East  gate, 
and  six  of  them  at  the  West  gate.  At  each  gate — standing 
between  pairs  of  women  holding  on  high  purple,  white,  and 
gold  colors — two  women  held  lettered  banners. 


One  read: 


The  other  read: 


These  were  the  first  women  to  picket  the  White  House. 

The  first  picket  line  appeared  on  January  10,  1917;  the 
last,  over  a  year  and  a  half  later.  Between  those  dates, 
except  when  Congress  was  not  in  session,  more  than  a  thou- 
sand women  held  lettered  banners,  accompanied  by  the  pur- 
ple, white,  and  gold  tri-colors,  at  the  White  House  gates, 
or  in  front  of  the  Capitol.  They  picketed  every  day  of  the 
week,  except  Sunday;  in  all  kinds  of  weather,  in  rain  and 
in  sleet,  in  hail,  and  in  snow.  All  varieties  oi  women  picketed : 
all  races  and  religions ;  all  cliques  and  classes ;  all  professions 
and  parties.  Washington  became  accustomed  to  the  digni- 
fied picture — ^the  pickets  moving  with  a  solemn  silence,  al- 
ways in  a  line  that  followed  a  crack  in  the  pavement ;  always 
a  banner's  length  apart ;  taking  their  stand  with  a  precision 
almost  military;  maintaining  it  with  a  movelessness  almost, 
statuesque.  Washington  became  accustomed  also  to  the 
rainbow  splash  at  the  White  House  gates — "like  trumpet 
calls,"  somebody  described  the  banners.  Artists  often  spoke 
of  the  beauty  of  their  massed  color.  In  the  daytime,  those 
banners  gilded  by  the  sunlight  were  doubly  brilliant,  but  at 
twilight  the  effect  was  transcendent.  Everyvifhere  the  big, 
white  lights — set  in  the  parks  on  such  low  standards  that 
they  seemed  strange,  luminous  blossoms,  springing  from  the 
masses  of  emerald  green  shrubbery — filled  the  dusk  with 
bluish-white  splendor,  and,  made  doubly  colorful  by  this 
light,  the  long  purple,  white,  and  gold  ribbon  stood  out 
against  a  back-ground  beautiful  and  appropriate;  a  mosaic 
on  the  gray  of  the  White  House  pavement ;  the  pen-and-ink 
blackness  of  the  White  House  iron  work;  the  bare,  brown 


crisscross  of  the  White  House  trees,  and  the  chaste  colonial 
simplicity  of  the  White  House  itself. 

With  her  abiding  instinct  for  pageantry  and  for  telling 
picturesqueness  of  demonstration,  Alice  Paul  soon  punctu- 
ated the  monotony  of  the  picketing  by  special  events. 
Various  States  celebrated  State  days  on  the  picket  line. 
Maryland  was  the  first  of  these,  and  the  long  line  of  Mary- 
land women  bearing  great  banners,  extended  along  Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue  the  entire  distance  from  the  East  gate  to  the 
West  gate.  Pennsylvania  Day,  New  York  Day,  Virginia 
Day,  New  Jersey  Day,  followed.  The  Monday  of  every 
week  was  set  aside  finally  for  District  of  Columbia  Day. 

The  New  York  delegation  carried  on  their  banners  phrases 
from  President  Wilson's  book.  The  New  Freedom. 



On  College  Day,  thirteen  colleges  were  represented,  the 
biggest  group  from  Goucher  College,  Baltimore.  Then  came 
Teachers'  Day;  Patriotic  Day,  and  Lincoln  Day.  On 
Patriotic  Day,  one  of  the  banners  read: 


On  Lincoln  Day,  they  said: 








On  Sunday,  February  18,  came  Labor  Day  on  the  picket 
line.  It  was,  of  course,  impossible  for  wage-earning  women 
to  picket  the  White  House  on  any  other  day.  They  repre- 
sented not  only  office  workers,  but  factory  workers  from  the 
great  industrial  centers.  Many  of  them  had  come  from 
other  cities. 

Susan  B.  Anthony's  birthday,  February  15,  was  celebrated 
impressively,  although  it  rained  and  snowed  heavily.  Three 
new  banners  appeared  that  day.  The  first — big  enough  and 
golden  enough  even  to  suit  that  big,  golden  woman — bore 
quotations  from  Susan  B.  Anthony: 


The  Second  Susan  B.  Anthony  banner  said : 


The  third  Susan  B.  Anthony  banner  said: 


On  March  2, 1917,  the  Congressional  Union  and  its  West- 
ern organization,  the  Woman's  Party,  met  in  joint  conven- 
tion and  organized  themselves  into  the  National  Woman's 

On  that  occasion,  Alice  Paul  said: 


We  feel  that  by  combining  the  Congressional  Union  and  the 
Woman's  Party  we  shall  bring  about  a  unity  in  organization 
which  will  make  impossible  duplication,  difference  of  opinion, 
and  divergence  of  method.  By  uniting  we  make,  moreover,  for 
unity  of  spirit  in  the  whole  Suffrage  movement,  bringing  the 
voters  and  non-voters  together  in  a  movement  in  which  they  should 
both  be  integral  parts. 

The  original  purpose  for  which  the  Woman's  Party,  as  an 
organization  confined  to  women  voters  alone,  was  formed,  has, 
we  believe,  been  served.  In  the  first  three  years  of  our  work  we 
endeavored  to  call  the  attention  of  political  leaders  and  Congress 
to  the  fact  that  women  were  voting  and  that  these  voting  women 
were  interested  in  Suffrage.  But  words  alone  did  not  have  much 
effect.  We  found  we  had  to  visualize  the  existence  of  voting 
women  out  in  the  West  and  their  support  of  the  Suffrage  Amend- 
ment. The  Woman's  Party  was  formed  as  one  means  of  doing 

The  Woman's  Party  did,  I  believe,  have  an  effect  on  the 
political  leaders.  It  was  very  clear,  I  think,  at  the  convention  in 
Chicago  and  in  St.  Louis  that  the  idea  that  women  were  voting 
and  that  those  women  were  interested  in  the  Federal  Amend- 
ment was  at  last  appreciated.  This  November's  election  com- 
pleted our  work  in  getting  that  fact  into  the  minds  of  Congress- 
men and  political  leaders.  There  is  no  longer  any  need  to  draw 
a  line  a,round  women  voters  and  set  them  off  by  themselves  in 
order  to  call  attention  to  them.  They  now  enter  into  the  calcula- 
tions of  every  political  observer. 

If  we  amalgamate  and  make  ourselves  one  great  group  of 
voters  and  non-voters  all  working  for  the  Federal  Amendment, 
the  question  arises:  What  name  shall  we  be  called  by,  the  Con- 
gressional Union  or  the  Woman's  Party?  Our  Executive  Com- 
mittee felt  that  we  ought  to  keep  the  name  of  the  Woman's 
Party,  because  it  stands  for  political  power. 

The  objections  brought  against  this  are,  I  think,  two.  First, 
that  non-voters  should  not,  according  to  custom,  be  part  of  a 
political  Party ;  second,  that  if  they  are  included,  that  Party  will 
not  command  as  much  respect  as  would  a  Party  composed  solely 
of  voters.  There  are  non-voters  in  the  Socialist,  the  Progressive, 
and  the  Prohibition  Parties;  there  is  no  reason  why,  if  we  are 
interested  in  precedent  and  custom,  they  should  not  be  in  our 
Party  also.  As  to  the  second  point:  The  Congressional  Union 
has  the  reputation  of  being  an  active,  determined,  and  well- 
financed  organization.  When  the  political  world  realizes  that 
this  young  Woman's  Party  has  been  strengthened  by  tie  influx 

Photo  Copr.  Harris  and  Ewing,  Washington,   D.  C. 

Wage  Earners  Picketing  the  White  House,  February,  1917. 


of  twenty-five  thousand  workers  of  the  Congressional  Union 
ready  to  give  their  service  and  money  it  will  consider  that  the 
Woman's  Party  stands  for  more  power  than  if  formed  of  the 
women  of  the  Western  States  only. 

All  of  us  in  the  Congressional  Union  feel  an  affection  for  it. 
But  that  is  no  reason  for  continuing  the  organization.  The  Con- 
gressional Union  has  served  a  useful  purpose,  we  believe.  But 
now  that  we  have  created  the  Woman's  Party  we  ought,  it  seems 
to  me,  to  develop  and  make  that  the  dominant  Suffrage  factor  in 
this  country  because  that,  through  its  name  and  associations, 
throws  the  emphasis  more  than  does  the  Congressional  Union 
on  the  political  power  of  women. 

The  following  officers  were  elected  unanimously  at  the 
morning  session :  Chairman  of  the  National  Woman's  Party, 
Alice  Paul ;  Vice-Chairman,  Anne  Martin ;  Secretary,  Mabel 
Vernon ;  Treasurer,  Gertrude  Crocker.  The  executive  board 
elected  were:  Lucy  Burns,  Mrs.  O.  H.  P.  Belmont,  Mrs. 
J.  W.  Brannan,  Mrs.  Gilson  Gardner,  Abby  Scott  Baker, 
Mrs.  William  Kent,  Maud  Younger,  Doris  Stevens,  Florence 
Bayard  Hilles,  Mrs.  Donald  Hooker,  Mrs.  J.  A.  H.  Hop- 
kins, and  Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis. 

At  that  Convention,  various  resolutions  were  passed;  the 
most  notable  in  regard  to  the  attitude  of  the  National 
Woman's  Party  towards  the  rapidly  developing  war  situa- 
tion.   That  resolution  runs  as  follows: 

Whereas  the  problems  involved  in  the  present  international 
situation,  affecting  the  lives  of  millions  of  women  in  this  country, 
make  imperative  the  enfranchisement  of  women. 

Be  it  resolved  that  the  National  Woman's  Party,  organized  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  securing  political  liberty  for  women,  shall 
continue  to  work  for  this  purpose  until  it  is  accomplished,  being 
unalterably  convinced  that  in  so  doing  the  organization  serves 
the  highest  interests  of  the  country. 

And  be  it  further  resolved  that  to  this  end  we  urge  upon  the 
President  and  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  the  immediate 
passage  of  the  National  Suffrage  Amendment. 

It  was  decided  to  present  these  resolutions  to  the  Presi- 
dent.   Shortly  after,  Dudley  Field  Malone,  Collector  of  the 


Port  of  New  York,  on  behalf  of  the  Woman's  Party,  in- 
formed the  President  that  a  deputation  would  visit  him  for 
that  purpose. 

This  demonstration  was  not  so  much  a  protest  at  the 
failure  of  the  first  administration  to  pass  the  Anthony 
Amendment,  or  at  the  adjournment  of  Congress  without  pass- 
ing it,  as  a  presentation  of  the  demands  of  the  National 
Woman's  Party  immediately  upon  the  opening  of  President 
Wilson's  second  term. 

During  the  first  three  days  in  March,  Washington  filled 
steadily  with  inauguration  crowds.  When  they  got  off  the 
train,  the  Great  Demand  banner  of  the  National  Woman's 
Party  confronted  them,  and  girls  handed  them  slips  inviting 
them  to  the  demonstration  of  the  National  Woman's  Party 
at  the  White  House  on  Inauguration  Day  and  to  the  mass- 
meeting  of  the  National  Woman's  Party  to  be  held  that 
night.  Girls  als.o  stood  in  theatre  lobbies,  handing  out  mor« 
of  these  slips.  Girls  made  the  rounds  of  the  government  de- 
partments, handing  out  still  more.  Everywhere  great 
posters  said: 


Inauguration  Day  dawned  a  day  of  biting  wind  and  slash- 
ing rain. 

Outside  Headquarters  was  turmoil;  inside  a  boiling  ac- 
tivity. Hundreds  of  women  were  preparing  to  picket  the 
White  House.  To  accommodate  them,  a  rubber  company, 
hastily  summoned,  had  commandeered  one  room  and  was 
selling  rain-coats;  tarpaulin  hats;  rubbers. 

An  extraordinary,  a  magnificent  demonstration  followed. 
To  the  music  of  several  bands,  nearly  a  thousand  pickets 
circled  the  White  House  four  times — a  distance  of  four 
miles.  Vida  Milholland,  the  younger  sister  of  Inez  Milhol- 
land,  marched  at  the  head,  carrying  on  a  golden  banner  her 
sister's  last  words  for  Suffrage. 



The  Great  Demand  banner  followed,  carried  by  Mrs. 
Benton  Mackaye: 


Beulah  Amidon  carried  the  Suffrage  banner  which  Inez 
Milholland  bore  in  the  first  Suffrage  procession  in  New 

Forward,  Out  Of  Darkness, 
Leave  Behind  The  Night. 
Forward  Out  Of  Error, 
Forward  Into  Light. 

Behind  there  came  hundreds  of  women  bearing  the  purple, 
white,  and  gold.  They  were  divided  according  to  States ; 
and  before  each  division  marched  the  State  flag  of  the  divi- 
sion. The  drenching  rain  fell  steadily.  The  pavements 
turned  to  shallow  lakes,  and  the  banners — ^their  brilliancy 
accentuated  by  the  wet — ^threw  long,  wavy  reflections  on  the 
glassy,  gray  streets.  They  were  of  course  expecting  this 
demonstration  at  the  White  House,  and,  as  though  it  were 
dangerous,  unusual  precautions  had  been  taken  against  it. 
Every  gate  was  locked.  The  Washington  force  of  police 
officers,  augmented  by  police  from  Baltimore  and  by  .squads 
of  plain-clothes  men,  guarded  the  grounds  without  and 
within.  Gilson  Gardner  said  the  President  seemed  to  think 
the  women  were  going  to  steal  his  grass  roots. 

There  was  no  one  at  the  locked  gates  to  receive  the  women 
or  the  resolutions  except  the  guards ;  these  guards  protested 
that  they  had  not  been  ordered  to  receive  either.  The  women 
visited  every  gate,  but  received  the  same  answer.  The  cards 
of  the  leaders  were  finally  handed  over  to  a  guard  to  present 
at  the  White  House.  He  tried  to  deliver  them,  but  was 
reprimanded  for  leaving  his  post,  and  sent  back.    Learning 


that  the  cards  would  be  delivered  at  the  end  of  the  day,  as 
is  the  custom  with  visiting-cards  of  casual  visitors  at  the 
White  House,  the  thousand  pickets  took  up  their  march 

Gilson  Gardner  wrote  of  this  demonstration : 

The  weather  gave  this  affair  its  character.  Had  there  been 
fifteen  hundred  women  carrying  banners  on  a  fair  day,  the  sight 
would  have  been  a  pretty  one.  But  to  see  a  thousand  women — 
young  women,  middle-aged  and  old  women — and  there  were 
women  in  the  line  who  had  passed  their  three  score  and  ten — 
marching  in  a  rain  that  almost  froze  as  it  fell ;  to  see  them 
standing  and  marching  and  holding  their  heavy  banners,  mo- 
mentarily growing  heavier — holding  them  against  a  wind  that 
was  half  gale — hour  after  hour,  until  their  gloves  were  wet,  their 
clothes  soaked  through;  to  see  them  later  with  hands  sticky 
from  the  varnish  from  the  banner  poles — bare  hands,  for  the 
gloves  had  by  this  time  been  pulled  off,  and  the  hands  were  blue 
with  cold — ^to  see  these  women  keep  their  lines  and  go  through 
their  program  fully,  losing  only  those  who  fainted  or  fell  from 
exhaustion,  was  a  sight  to  impress  even  the  dulled  and  jaded 
senses  of  one  who  has  seen  much. 

One  young  woman  from  North  Dakota  I  saw  clinging  to  the 
iron  pickets  around  the  White  House,  her  banner  temporarily 
abandoned,  fighting  against  what  was  to  her  a  new  feeling, 
faintness  resulting  from  the  pain  in  her  hands.  She  was 
brought  to  the  automobile  in  which  I  was  riding  before  she 
actually  fell  to  the  ground;  but  after  a  short  rest  she  was  back 
in  the  line,  and  finished  with  the  others. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  what  Gilson  Gardner  said  was 
true — the  weather  gave  this  affair  its  character. 

People  passing  by,  thrilled  by  the  gallantry  of  the 
marchers,  joined  the  procession.  And  as  Gilson  Gardner 
says,  it  was  not  because  it  was  a  pretty  sight,  or  because 
these  women  were  all  young.  Anna  Norris  Kendall  of  Wis- 
consin, seventy-two  years  old,  and  the  Rev.  Olympia  Brown, 
eighty-two  years  old,  one  of  the  pioneer  Suffragists  of  the 
country,  both  took  part. 

That  day,  a  newly  elected  Congressman  drove  about 
Washington,  showing  the  city  to  his  wife.     He  had  always 

The  Thousand  Pickets  Try  Vainly  to  Deliver  Their  Reso- 
lutions TO  THE  President,  March  4,  1917. 

A   Thousand   Pickets   Marching   Around   the   White   House, 
March  4,  1917. 


been  a  Suffragist.  She  had  always  been  an  anti-Suffragist. 
The  sudden  sight  of  the  thousand  women  marching  in  the 
rain  not  only  converted  her,  but  it  produced  such  an  effect 
on  her  she  burst  into  tears. 

Later,  President  Wilson  sent  a  letter  to  the  National 
Woman's  Party,  acknowledging  the  resolutions  presented 
to  him  by  the  deputations  of  March  4,  and  concluded :  "  May 
I  not  once  more  express  my  sincere  interest  in  the  cause  of 
Woman  Suffrage?" 

Congress  adjourned  on  March  3,  1917.  The  pickets  ad- 
journed with  it.  On  April  2,  a  Special  War  Session  of  Con- 
gress convened.  The  Suffragist  gives  an  interesting  descrip- 
tion of  that  interesting  day. 

Just  half  an  hour  before  Congress  formally  opened,  the 
Suffrage  sentinels  at  the  Capitol  took  their  places!  .  .  .  There 
was  tensity  in  the  atmosphere.  The  Capitol  grounds  were  over- 
run with  pacifists  from  many  cities  wearing  white-lettered 
badges.;  and  with  war  advocates,  as  plainly  labeled,  with 
partisan  demands.  They  swarmed  over  the  Capitol  grounds 
unmolested,  though  extra  precautions  were  taken  throughout  the 
day  and  in  the  evening  when  troops  of  cavalry  were  called  out. 
The  silent  sentinels  stood  unmoved  the  while  for  democracy 
while  peace  and  war  agitation  eddied  around  them. 

The  pickets  convened  with  Congress.  They  continued  to 
stand  at  the  gates  of  the  White  House,  but  they  extended 
their  line  to  the  Capitol.  Three  pickets,  led  by  Elsie  Hill, 
took  up  their  station  by  the  House  entrance  and  three  by 
the  Senate  entrance.  At  night — this  evoked  from  the  news- 
papers sly  allusions  to  the  Trojan  horse — ^they  used  to  store 
their  banners  in  the  House  Office  Building. 

On  April  7,  the  United  States  declared  itself  to  be  at  war 
with  Germany. 

After  war  was  declared,  the  Woman's  Party  continued — 
and  continued  with  an  increasing  force  and  eloquence — to 


demand  the  enfranchisement  of  the  women  of  the  United 
States  by  Constitutional  Amendment.  This  brought  down 
upon  their  heads  a  storm  of  criticism ;  antagonism ;  hostility. 
But  Alice  Paul  was  not  deflected  by  it  from  her  purpose. 
She  recalled  that,  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War,  Suffra- 
gists of  that  day,  were  entreated  to  relinquish  their  Suffrage 
work  in  favor  of  war  work.  They  were  promised  that,  at 
the  end  of  the  war,  they  would  be  enfranchised.  Susan  B. 
Anthony  complied  with  great  reluctance,  carried  on,  against 
her  will,  by  the  majority  of  those  who  surrounded  her. 

At  the  end  of  the  war,  the  black  man  was  enfranchised. 
The  white  women  had  been  asking  for  the  vote  ever  since. 

Every  effort  was  made  to  shake  this  young  leader  in  her 
fearless  stand.  All  kinds  of  people  came  to  her  and  begged 
her  to  give  up  the  picketing.  One  strong  friend,  a  news- 
paper man,  said,  "  It's  as  though  you  opened  the  windows 
and  said,  '  There's  a  nice  big  cyclone  coming.  Come  out  of 
your  cyclone-cellars,  girls,  and  let's  go  in  it ! '  "  Denuncia- 
tions, violence,  mobs,  murders  were  predicted. 

There  was  no  officer  of  the  National  Woman's  Party  who 
did  not  realize  what  it  meant  to  go  on  with  such  a  fight  at 
such  a  time. 

They  determined,  whatever  befell,  not  to  lower  their  ban- 
ners ;  to  hold  them  high. 

Alice  Paul  announced  in  the  editorial  columns  of  the  Suf- 
fragist, that  members  of  the  Woman's  Party  would,  if  they 
so  desired,  work  for  war  through  various  organizations,  espe- 
cially organized  for  war  work,  but  that  the  Woman's  Party 
itself  would  continue  to  work  only  for  the  enfranchisement 
of  women. 

The  eyes  of  the  world  were  now  turned  on  the  White 
House.  Distinguished  men  from  all  over  the  country  visited 
the  President,    Foreign  missions  came  one  after  another. 


Picturesque  events  continued  to  happen  on  the  picket  line. 
Arthur  Balfour,  the  leader  of  the  British  Mission,  called  at 
the  White  House  to  pay  his  respects.  He  was  confronted 
with  forty  pickets.  TJ"heir  banners  were  inscribed  with  the 
President's  own  words: 




IN  THEiE  OWN  GOVERNMENTS. — President  Wilson's  War  Mes- 
sage, April  2,  191T. 

This  quotation  from  the  President's  worids  became  a 
slogan  among  the  Suffragists. 

The  pickets  recalled  that  when  Arthur  Balfour  used  to 
emerge  into  Downing  Street,  where  the  English  militants 
were  producing  a  demonstration,  he  always  wore  a  bunch  of 
violets  in  his  buttonhole,  to  show  his  sympathy  with  them. 

The  spring  brought  its  usual  beautiful  metamorphosis  to 
Washington.  If  the  pickets  had  seemed  bejautiful  in  the 
winter,  they  were  quadruply  so  when  the  fresh  green  came. 
Everywhere  that  luxuriance  of  foliage,  exquisitely  tender  and 
soft,  which  marks  Washington,  made  an  intensive  background 
for  their  great  golden  banners  and  their  tri-color.  The 
pickets  found  it  a  delightfully  humorous  coincidence  that, 
when  they  came  to  take  up  their  station  at  the  White  House, 
the  White  House  lawns  were  ablaze  with  their  tri-color — the 
white  of  hyacinths,  the  purple  of  azalea,  and  the  gold  of 
fprsythea.  The  Little  White  House  itself  was  not  exempt 
from  this  burst  of  bloom.  The  huge  wistaria  vine  on  its  turned  to  a  purple  cascade;  and  out  of  it  spirted 
the  purple,  white,  and  gold  of  their  tri-color  and  the  red, 
white,  and  blue  of  the  national  banner.  When  the  French 
Commission,  including  Joffre  and  Viviani,  passed  all  this 
massed  color,  they  leaped  to  their  feet,  waving  their  hats 
and  shouting  their  approval. 


On  June  20,  the  Mission  headed  by  Bakmetief,  sent  by 
the  new  Russian  Republic  which  had  just  enfranchised  its 
women,  was  officially  received  by  President  Wilson.  When 
they  reached  the  White  House  gates,  they  were  confronted 
by  a  big  banner — since  known  as  the  "  Russian  "  banner — 
borne  by  Lucy  Burns  and  Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis. 




The  appearance  of  this  banner  produced  strange  results. 
A  man  standing  at  the  White  House  gates  leaped  at  it — ^the 
instant  the  Russian  Mission  had  vanished — and  tore  the  sign 
from  its  supports. 

The  crowd  closed  in  around  them.  The  two  women  con- 
tinued to  stand  facing  them.  Nina  Allender,  who  saw  this 
from  across  the  street,  said  that  the  surging  back  and  forth 
of  straw  hats  as  the  crowd  closed  in  upon  the  women  gave 
her  a  sense  of  faintness.  "  One  instant  the  banners  were 
there,  the  next  there  were  only  bare  sticks." 

Later,  a  prominent  member  of  the  Mission  said  to  a  no  less 
prominent  American,  "  You  know,  it  was  very  embarrassing 
for  us,  because  we  were  in  sympathy  with  those  women  at 
the  gates." 

The  next  day,  June  21,  Lucy  Bums  and  Katherine  Morey 
carried  a  banner  which  was  the  duplicate  of  the  one  borne 
the  day  before  to  the  lower  White  House  gate.  Before 
they  could  set  it  up  some  boys  destroyed  it.    The  police  did 


not  interfere;  they  looked  placidly  on.  Immediately  other 
banners  were  sent  off  from  Headquarters.  Hazel  Hunkins 
carried  one  which  said  harmlessly : 


The  crowds  gathered  and  surged  up  and  down  the  street 
but  the  two  pickets  stood  motionless.  Nothing  happened  for 
a  while.  Then  a  man,  who  stopped  to  congratulate  Miss 
Hunkins,  was  applauded  by  the  crowd.  It  is  an  interesting 
example  of  mob  psychology  that  after  this  applause  such 
an  incident  as  happened  five  minutes  later  could  happen.  A 
woman  of  the  War  Department,  who  had  been  boasting  that 
morning  in  her  office  that  she  was  going  to  do  this,  attacked 
Hazel  Hunkins.  She  tore  the  banners  and  spat  on  them. 
The  avenue  was  crowded  with  government  clerks  and  they 
immediately  fell  on  the  banners  and  destroyed  them  after 
a  struggle.  Katherine  Morey,  who  was  lunching  at  Head- 
quarters, says  in  almost  Bunyanesque  language :  "  And  I 
heard  a  great  roar."  She  ran  towards  the  White  House 
gates  and  saw  that  the  mobs  had  charged  the  pickets,  had 
torn  the  banners  into  shreds.  The  mob  then  rushed  to  the 
other  gate,  picketed  by  Catherine  Lowry  and  Lillian  Crans. 
After  a  struggle,  their  banners  also  were  destroyed.  Lillian 
Crans  ran  to  Headquarters  for  another  banner,  carrying 
the  news  of  what  had  happened.      , 

Immediately,  there  emerged  from  the  Little  White  House 
four  women  led  by  Mabel  Vernon,  carrying  purple,  white, 
and  gold  banners.  It  was  a  moment  of  tension,  and  the 
pickets  were  white-faced  with  that  tension.  This  silent,  per- 
sistent courage  had,  however,  its  inevitable  effect  on  the 
crowd.  It  fell  back.  Before  it  could  recover  from  its  in- 
terval of  indecision,  the  police  met  the  groups  of  girls,  and 
conducted  them  to  their  places.  Police  reserves  ultimately 
appeared,  and  cleared  the  crowd  from  Pennsylvania  Avenue. 
The  pickets  kept  guard  the  rest  of  the  day  in  peace.  One 
of  them  even  did  her  war-time  knitting. 

About  this  time  a  prominent  newspaper  man  was  sent  to 


Alice  Paul  by  the  powers  that  be,  on  a  mission  of  interven- 
tion. He  told  her  it  was  feared  the  President  might  be 
assassinated  by  some  one  in  the  crowds  that  the  pickets 

"  Is  the  Administration  willing  to  have  us  make  this  pub- 
lic.'"' Alice  Paul  asked. 

"  Oh,  no !  "  was  the  answer. 

Alice  Paul  replied,  "  The  picketing  will  go  on  as  usual." 

So  now  Major  Pullman,  Chief  of  Police  for  the  District 
of  Columbia,  called  at  Headquarters.  He  told  Alice  Paul 
that  if  the  pickets  went  out  again  they  would  be  arrested. 
Alice  Paul  answered  in  effect: 

"  Why  has  picketing  suddenly  become  illegal?  Our 
lawyers  have  assured  us  all  along  that  picketing  was  legal. 
Certainly  it  is  as  legal  in  June  as  in  January."  She  con- 
cluded, "  The  picketing  will  go  on  as  usual." 

Major  Pullman  then  tpld  her  again  that  the  pickets  would 
be  arrested  if  they  went  out. 

Alice  Paul  replied,  "  The  picketing  will  go  on  as  usual." 

The  next  morning,  June  22,  Mis^  Paul  telephoned  Major 
Pullman  that  the  pickets  were  goipg  out  with  the  banners. 
Rows  of  policemen  stood  outside ,. Headquarters.  However, 
that  did  not  daunt  the  pickets.  '  Suffragists  began  to  come 
out;  return;  emerge  again.  AU  this  made  so  much  coming 
and  going  that,  when  Mabel  Vernon  appeared,  carrying  a 
box  under  her  arm,  nobody  paid  any  attention.  That  box, 
however,  contained  a  banner.  Miss  Vernon  crossed  to  the 
park  and  sat  down.  Presently  Lucy  Burns  came  out  of 
Headquarters  and  walked  leisurely  in  one  direction;  a  little 
later  Katherine  Morey  came  out,  and  strolled  in  another 
direction.  At  a  given  moment  these  two  women  met  at  the 
East  gate  of  the  White  House.  Mabel  Vernon  joined  them 
with  the  banner.  They  set  it  up  and  stood  undisturbed  in 
front  of  the  White  House  for  several  minutes.  Suddenly  one 
of  the  policemen  caught  sight  of  them :  "  The  little  devils ! " 
he  exclaimed:  "Can  you  beat  that!" 


The  banner  carried  the  President's  own  words :  "  We  shall 
fight  for  the  things,  etc." 

The  day  before  the  police  had  been  in  a  bad  quandary. 
Now  they  were  in  a  worse  one:  it  did  not  seem  reasonable 
to  arrest  suqh  a  banner.  One  policeman  did,  however,  start 
to  do  so.  "  My  God,  man,  you  can't  arrest  that,"  another 
policeman  remonstrated.  "  Them's  the  President's  own 
words."  They  did  make  the  arrest,  though — after  seven 
minutes  of  indecision.  When  the  prisoners  arrived  at  the 
police  station  Lucy  Burns  asked  what  the  charge  was: 
"  Charge !  Charge ! "  the  policeman  said,  obviously  much 
puzzled :  "  We  don't  know  what  the  charge  is  yet.  We'll 
telephone  you  that  later." 

These  two,  Lucy  Burns  and  Katherine  Morey,  were  the 
first  of  the  long  list  of  women  to  be  arrested  for  picketing 
the  White  House.  They  were,  however,  never  brought  to 

2.    The  Peaceful  Reception 


If  any  one  says  to  me:  "Why  the  picketing  for  Suffrage?  "  I 
should  say  in  reply,  "Why  the  fearless  spirit  of  youth?  Why 
does  it  exist  and  make  itself  manifest?  " 

Is  it  not  really  that  our  whole  social  world  would  be  likely 
to  harden  and  toughen  into  a  dreary  mass  of  conventional  nega- 
tions and  forbiddances — into  hopeless  layers  of  conformity  and 
caste,  did  not  the  irrepressible  energy  and  animation  of  youth, 
when  joined  to  the  clear-eyed  sham-hating  intelligence  of  the 
young,  break  up  the  dull  masses  and  set  a  new  pace  for  laggards 
to  follow? 

What  is  the  potent  spirit  of  youth?  Is  it  not  the  spirit  of 
revolt,  of  rebellion  against  senseless  and  useless  and  deadening 
things?  Most  of  all,  against  injustice,  which  is  of  all  stupid 
things  the  stupidest? 

Such  thoughts  come  to  one  in  looking  over  the  field  of  the 
Suffrage  campaign  and  watching  the  pickets  at  the  White  House 
and  at  the  Capitol,  where  sit  the  men  who  complacently  enjoy  the 
rights  they  deny  to  the  women  at  their  gates.  Surely,  nothing 
but  the  creeping  paralysis  of  mental  old  age  can  account  for  the 
phenomenon  of  American  men,  law-makers,  officials,  adminis- 
trators, and  guardians  of  the  peace,  who  can  see  nothing  in  the 
intrepid  young  pickets  with  their  banners,  asking  for  bare  jus- 
tice but  common  obstructors  of  traffic,  naggers — nuisances  that 
are  to  be  abolished  by  passing  stupid  laws  forbidding  and 
repressing  to  add  to  the  old  junk-heap  of  laws  which  forbid  and 
repress?  Can  it  be  possible  that  any  brain  cells  not  totally 
crystallized  could  imagine  that  giving  a  stone  instead  of  bread 
would  answer  conclusively  the  demand  of  the  women  who,  be- 
cause they  are  young,  fearless,  eager,  and  rebellious,  are  fighting 
and  winning  a  cause  for  all  women — even  for  those  who  are  timid, 
conventional,  and  inert? 

A  fatal  error — a  losing  fight.  The  old  stiff  minds  must  give 
way.  The  old  selfish  minds  must  go.  Obstructive  reactionaries 
must  move  on.    The  young  are  at  the  gates ! 

Lavinia  Dock. 
The  Suffragist,  June  80,  1917. 


This  hostility  in  June  had  worked  up  suddenly  after  the 
five  quiet  months,  during  which  the  Woman's  Party  had  been 
peacefully  picketing  the  White  House.  Perhaps  their  im- 
munity was  at  first  due  to  the  fact  that  when  the  picketing 
in  January  began,  the  people  in  Washington  did  not  expect 
it  to  last.  "  When  the  rain  comes,  they  will  go,"  Washing- 
tonians  said,  and  then,  as  the  line  still  continued  to  appear, 
"  When  the  snow  comes,  they  will  go."  But,  instead  of 
going  with  the  rain,  the  pickets  waited  for  Smith,  the 
janitor,  to  bring  them  slickers  and  sou'westers.  And  instead 
of  leaving  with  the  snow,  they  only  put  on  heavier  coats. 
The  pickets  became  an  institution. 

It  is  true,  too,  that,  though  that  picket  line  was  a  surprise 
to  every  one  (and  to  many  a  shock)  to  some  it  was  a  joke. 

There  was  one  Congressman,  for  instance,  who  took  it 
humorously.  He  said  to  Nina  AUender,  when  the  Suffragists 
began  to  picket  the  Special  War  Session  of  Congress : 

"  The  other  day,  a  man  covered  the  gravestones  in  a  cemetery 
with  posters  which  read :  '  Rise  up !  Your  country  needs  you ! ' 
Now  that  was  poor  publicity.    I  consider  yours  equally  poor." 

"  But,"  replied  Mrs.  AUender,  "  we  are  not  picketing  a  grave- 
yard. We  are  picketing  Congress.  We  believe  there  are  a  few 
live  ones  left  there." 

The  Congressman  admitted  that  he  had  laid  himself  wide 
open  to  this. 

But,  from  the  very  beginning,  there  were  those  who  did 
not  consider  it  a  joke.  The  first  day  the  pickets  appeared, 
a  gentleman — old  and  white-haired — stopped  to  stare  at  the 
band  of  floating  color.     He  read  the  words : 


Then  he  took  off  his  hat,  and  held  it  off,  bowing  his  white 
head  to  each  of  the  six  silent  sentinels.  Having  passed  them, 
he  covered  his  head  again.  But  he  repeated  this  reverential 
formality  as  he  passed  the  six  women  at  the  other  gate. 

One  Washingtonian  took  his  children  out  to  see  the  picket 


line.  He  told  them  he  wanted  them  to  witness  history  in  the 

That  first  day  when  the  President  came  out  for  his  daily 
afternoon  drive,  he  seemed  utterly  unaware  of  the  pickets; 
but  the  next  day  he  laughed  with  frank  good  nature  as  he 
passed,  and  thereafter  he  too  bared  his  head  as  he  drove 
between  them. 

It  was  the  intention  at  first  for  these  sentinels  to  keep 
complete  silence.  But,  as  the  throngs  hurrying  past  began 
to  question  them,  continued  to  question  them,  conversation 
became  inevitable. 

The  commonest  question,  of  course,  was,  "  Why  are  you 
doing  this  ?  " 

The  pickets  always  answered,  "  The  President  asked  us  to 
concert  public  opinion  before  we  could  expect  anything  of 
him.  We  are  concerting  it  upon  him."  The  second  most 
popular  question  was,  "  Why  don't  you  go  to  Congress  ?  " 
The  answer,  "  We  have — again  and  again  and  again ;  and 
they  tell  us  if  the  President  wants  it,  it  will  go  through." 

That  hurrying  crowd  was  made  up  of  many  types.  In  the 
early  morning  and  the  late  afternoon,  government  clerks 
predominated.  Almost  as  many  were  the  sight-seers  from 
every  part  of  the  country.  Then  there  were  diplomats, 
newspaper-men,  schoolboys,  and  schoolgirls,  and  the  matinee 
crowds.  In  the  streets  came  the  endless  file  of  motor-cars, 
filled  mainly  with  women  going  ^o  teas.  Many  people  pre- 
tended not  to  see  the  sentinels.  They  would  walk  straight 
ahead  with  an  impassive  expression,  casting  furtive,  side- 
long glances  at  the  banners.  Again  and  again,  the  pickets 
enjoyed  the  wicked  satisfaction  of  seeing  them  walk  straight 
into  the  wire  wickets  which  enclosed  the  Pennsylvania  Avenue 
trees.  At  first,  Congressmen  tried  not  to  see  what  was  going 
on.  After  a  while,  however,  they  too  stopped  to  chat  with 
the  pickets.  One  Congressman  told  Mrs.  Gilson  Gardner 
that  he  felt  there  was  "  something  religious  about  that  ban- 
nered picket  line ;  that  it  had  already  become  to  him  a  part 
of  the  modem  religion  of  this  country." 


Another  Congressman,  who  had  been  opposed  at  first  to 
the  picketing,  called  out  one  day,  "  That's  right.  Keep  it 
up !    Don't  let  us  forget  you  for  a  moment !  " 

All  kinds  of  pretty  incidents  occurred.  Once,  Ex-Senator 
Henry  W.  Blair  visited  the  picket  line.  He  had  been  a  friend 
of  Susan  B.  Anthony,  and  he  made  the  first  speech  ever  de- 
livered in  the  Senate  in  favor  of  Suffrage.  White-haired, 
keen-eyed,  walking  with  a  crutch  and  a  stick,  he  came  along 
the  line  of  pickets,  greeting  each  one  of  them  in  turn- 
ninety  years  old. 

"  And  I,  too,  have  been  a  picket,"  said  Greneral  Sherwood 
to  them. 

"  I  salute  you  as  soldiers  in  a  great  revolution,"  said  one 
chance  passer-by  to  the  Women  Workers'  Delegation  on 
Labor  Day.  And — struck  apparently  by  the  high  spiritual 
quality  in  the  beautiful  procession — a  woman,  a  stranger  to 
them,  remarked  to  the  pickets :  "  I  wonder  if  you  realize  what 
a  mediaeval  spectacle  you  young  women  present.  You  have 
made  us  realize  that  this  cause  is  a  crusade." 

Workmen  digging  trenches  in  the  streets  discussed  the 
matter  among  themselves.  Picketing  is  an  institution  very 
dear  to  the  heart  of  Labor.  These  men  showed  their  sym- 
pathy by  devising  and  making  supports  for  the  banners. 
They  offered  to  make  benches  for  the  pickets,  but  agreed 
with  the  women  when  they  said  that  sentinels  must  stand, 
not  sit,  at  their  posts. 

When  the  Confederate  Reunion  occurred  in  Washington, 
many  of  the  feeble,  white-haired  men  in  their  worn  Confed- 
erate grey  and  their  faded  Confederate  badges,  stopped  to 
talk  with  the  pickets.    I  quote  the  Suffragist: 

"We-all  came  out  early  to  see  the  sights,"  said  one.  "We 
went  three  times  around  this  place,  and  I  thought  the  big  house 
in  the  center  was  the  White  House.  But  we  weren't  sure — ^not 
until  you  girls  came  out  with  your  flags  and  stood  here.  '  This 
is  sure  enough  where  the  President  lives,'  I  said,  '  here  are  the 
Suffrage  pickets  and  there  are  the  purple  and  gold  flags  we 
read  about  down  home.'    You  are  brave  girls." 


One  old  soldier,  hat  off,  said,  "  I  have  picketed  in  my  time. 
And  now  it  is  your  turn,  you  young  folks.  You  have  the  courage. 
You  are  going  to  put  it  through." 

That  was  the  note  many  of  them  sounded.  "Girls,  you  are 
right,"  a  third  encouraged  them.  "  I  have  been  through  wars, 
and  I  know.    You-all  got  to  have  some  rights." 

Even  the  anti-Suffragists  were  moved  sometimes.  One  of  them 
said:  "  I  have  never  been  impressed  by  Suffragists  before,  but 
the  sincerity  you  express  in  being  willing  to  stand  here  in  all 
weathers  for  the  thing  you  believe  in  makes  me  think  that  there  is 
something  in  the  Suffrage  fight  after  all." 

And  yet,  Suffragists  themselves  were  occasionallj  antag- 
onistic. "  You  have  put  the  Suffrage  cause  back  fifty 
years ! "  said  one.  She  little  suspected  that,  within  a  year, 
the  House  of  Representatives  would  have  passed  the  Amend- 
ment; within  less  than  two  years  thereafter  the  Senate. 

People  went  further  than  words.  Many  paused  to  shake 
hands.  Many  asked  to  be  allowed  to  hold  the  banners  for 
a  moment. 

Once  a  bride  and  groom — very  young — stopped.  The 
groom  talked  to  one  picket,  the  bride  to  another.  The  man 
said :  "  I  think  this  is  outrageous.    I  have  no  sympathy  with 

you  whatever.     I  wouldn't  any  more  let  my  wife "    At 

that  moment  the  little  bride  came  rushing  up,  radiant.  "  Oh, 
do  you  mind,"  she  said  to  her  husband,  "  if  I  hold  one  of 
those  banners  for  a  while.-"' 

"  No,  if  you  want  to,"  the  bridegroom  answered. 

And  she  took  her  stand  on  the  picket  line. 

Children  stopped  to  spell  out  the  inscriptions,  and  some- 
times asked  what  they  meant. 

Once,  a  group  '^f  boys  from  a  Massachusetts  school  in- 
quired what  the  colors  stood  for,  and  asked  to  have  the 
slogan  translated.  As  by  one  impulse,  they  lifted  their  hats 
and  said,  "  You  ought  to  have  it  now."  ' 

Occasionally,  distinguished  visitors  leaving  the  White 
House  would  smile  their  appreciation  and  approvaL  On 
one   occasion  Theodore  Roosevelt  beamed  vividly   on   the 


pickets,  waving  his  hat  as  he  passed.  As  the  weather  changed 
and  the  winter  storms  began,  the  gaiety  in  the  attitude  of 
their  audience  deepened  to  a  real  admiration.  With  the 
rains,  the  pickets  appeared  in  slickers  and  rubber  hats. 
This  was  not,  of  course,  unendurable.  But,  when  the  freez- 
ing cold  came,  often  with  snow  and  swirling  winds,  picketing 
became  a  real  hardship.  There  were  days  when  it  was  almost 
impossible  to  stand  on  the  picket  line  for  more  than  half 
an  hour  at  a  time.  At  regular  intervals,  Smith,  the  janitor, 
assisted  at  times  by  a  little  colored  boy,  used  to  appear  from 
Headquarters,  trundling  a  wheelbarrow.  That  wheelbdrrow 
was  piled  high  with  hot  bricks  covered  with  gunny-sacking. 
He  would  distribute  the  bricks  among  the  pickets  and  they 
would  stand  on  them.  An  observer  said  that,  when  the  relay 
of  pickets,  leaving  at  the  end  of  the  day,  stepped  down  from 
the  bricks  at  the  word  of  command,  it  was  like  a  line  of 
statues  stepping  from  their  pedestals. 

But  others — ^and  sometimes  strangers — sought  to  mitigate 
for  the  pickets  the  rigors  of  the  freezing  weather.  One 
woman,  coming  regularly  every  day  in  her  car,  brought 
thermos  bottles  filled  with  hot  coffee.  On  one  occasion,  a 
young  girl — a  passing  volunteer — came  on  picket  duty  in  a 
coat  too  light  and  shoes  too  low.  While  she  stood  there, 
a  closed  limousine  drew  up  to  the  curb.  A  woman  alighted 
and  forced  the  girl  to  retire  to  her  car  and  put  on  her  fur 
coat  and  her  geiiters.  The  stranger  held  the  banner  while 
the  warming-up  process  was  going  on.  She  offered  to  or- 
ganize a  committee,  made  up  of  older  women,  who  would  col- 
lect warm  clothing  for  the  pickets.  In  point  of  fact,  the 
Virginia  and  Philadelphia  branches  of  the  Congressional 
Union  presented  the  pickets  with  thick  gloves,  spats,  and 
slickers  for  rainy  days.  Thousands  of  men  and  women 
from  all  over  the  country  sent  suggestions  for  their 

Official  kindness,  even,  was  not  lacking.  One  superlatively 
cold  day,  an  attache  of  the  President  invited  the  whole 
company  of  pickets  into  the  East  Room  of  the  White  House. 


The  superintendents  of  the  Treasury  Building  and  the 
War  Department  Annex  extended  to  them  similar  invita- 

The  police  were,  at  the  beginning,  friendly,  not  only  in 
words  but  in  acts.  An  officer  stopped  one  day,  after  tele- 
phoning at  the  near  police  box,  to  say :  "  You  are  making 
friends  every  minute.  Stick  to  it!  Do  not  give  up.  We 
are  with  you  and  admire  your  pluck."  The  majority  of 
them  did  not  like  to  do  what  afterwards  they  had  to  do. 

As  for  the  White  House  guards — they  were  the  cham- 
pions of  the  pickets.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  the  White 
House  gates  were  closed  for  the  first  time  in  its  history. 
The  pickets  without  often  informed  the  guards  within  as 
to  the  kind  of  vehicle  that  demanded  entrance  of  them. 
The  guards  came  to  treat  them  as  comrades  patrolling  the- 
same  beat.  Once,  when  the  pickets  were  five  minutes  late, 
one  of  these  guards  said :  "  We  thought  you  weren't  coming, 
and  we'd  have  to  hold  down  this  place  alone." 

When  the  pickets  re-convened  with  the  Special  War  Ses- 
sion of  the  Sixty-fifth  Congress  on  April  2,  the  White  House  ' 
police  were  most  demonstrative  in  their  welcome.  They  were 
glad  to  see  them  back :  they  said  they  had  missed  them.  And 
indeed  they  had  come  to  look  on  the  women  as  a  kind  of 
auxiliary  police  force.  Once,  when  somebody  asked  a  police- 
man, "  When  is  the  President  coming  out.!"  "  Mary  Gertrude 
Fendall  said,  "  I  guess  you'd  like  a  dollar  for  every  time 
people  ask  you  that."  The  policeman  answered,  "  I'd  rather 
have  a  dollar  for  every  time  they  ask  when  are  the  Suf- 
fragists coming  out?"  The  country  at  large  had  accepted 
the  pickets.  The  directors  of  the  sight-seeing  busses  pointed 
them  out  as  one  of  the  city's  sights.  Tourists  said,  oftener 
and  oftener,  "  Well,  we  weren't  quite  sure  where  the  White 
House  was  until  we  saw  you  pickets."  And  when  these 
tourists  used  to  crowd  about  the  gates,  waiting  for  the 
President's  limousine  to  come  out,  and  the  signal  was  flashed 
that  the  Presidential  motor  had  started,  the  guards  pressed 
the  crowds  away.     "  Back !  "  they  would  order.     "  Back ! 


Back !  All  back  but  the  pickets !  No  one  allowed  inside  the 
line  but  the  pickets ! " 

As  can  be  imagined.  Headquarters  was  a  busy  place  dur- 
ing the  picketing;  and  sometimes  a  hectic  one.  Later,  of 
course,  when  the  arrests  began,  and  mobs  besieged  it,  it 
seethed  with  excitement.  It  was  not  easy  always  to  find 
women  with  the  leisure  and  the  inclination  to  serve  on  the 
picket  line  before  the  arrests.  But,  when  arrests  began  and 
imprisonments  followed,  naturally  it  became  increasingly 

Many  members  of  the  Woman's  Party  in  Wa'shington 
looked  on  their  picketing  as  a  part  of  the  day's  work.  Mrs. 
William  Kent,  who  said  that  no  public  service  she  had  ever 
done  gave  her  such  an  exalted  feeling,  always  excused  her- 
self early  from  teas  on  Monday.  "  I  picket  Mondays  from 
two  to  six,"  she  explained  simply. 

Watchers  said  that  those  high  groups  of  purple,  white,  and 
gold  banners  coming  down  the  streets  of  Washington  were 
like  the  sails,  magically  vivid  and  luminous,  of  some  strange 
ship.  They  were  indeed  the  sails  of  a  ship — the  mightiest 
that  women  ever  launched — but  only  the  women  who  manned 
those  sails  saw  that  ship. 

3.    The  War  on  the  Pickets 

"  I  have  no  son  to  give  my  country  to  fight  for  democracy 
abroad  and  so  I  send  my  daughter  to  Washington  to  fight  for 
democracy  at  home." 

Mrs.  S.  H.  B.  Gray  of  Colorado. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  arrest  of  Lucy  Burns  and 
Katherine  Morey — the  first  of  a  series  extending  over  more 
than  a  year — occurred  on  June  22. 

On  June  23,  Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis  and  Gladys  Greiner 
were  arrested  in  front  of  the  White  House.  On  the  same  day, 
Mabel  Vernon  and  Virginia  Arnold  were  arrested  at  the 

On  June  25,  twenty  women  bore  Suffrage  banners  to  their 
stations.    The  slogans  on  these  banners  were : 



Twelve  women  were  arrested.  They  were :  Mabel  Vernon, 
Lucy  Burns,  Gladys  Greiner,  Katherine  Morey,  Elizabeth 
Stuyvesant,  Lavinia  Dock,  Berta  Crone,  Pauline  Clarke,  Vir- 
ginia Arnold,  Maude  Jamison,  Annie  Arniel,  and  Mrs.  Town- 
send  Scott. 

On  Tuesday,  June  26,  nine  women  were  arrested  for 
carrying  the  same  banners.  They  included  some  of  the 
women  from  the  day  before,  and,  in  addition,  Vivian  Pierce 
and  Hazel  Hunkins. 



A  high-handed  detail  of  this  arrest  was  that  the  women 
were  overpowered  by  the  police  before  they  had  proceeded 
half  a  block. 

Most  of  these  women  were  released  after  each  arrest.  The 
last  six  to  be  arrested  were  asked  to  return  to  court  for 

On  June  27,  six  American  women  were  tried  in  the  police 
court  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 

These  women  were:  Virginia  Arnold,  Lavinia  Dock, 
Maud  Jamison,  Katherine  Morey,  Annie  Amiel,  Mabel 

The  women  defended  themselves.  Mabel  Vernon,  who 
conducted  the  case,  demanded  that  the  banners  they  had  car- 
ried be  exhibited  in  court.  It  made  a  comic  episode  in  the 
midst  of  the  court  proceedings  when  the  policeman,  who 
had  been  sent  for  them,  returned,  bristling  all  over  his  per- 
son with  banner  sticks,  and  trailing  in  every  direction  the 
purple,  white,  and  gold.  The  courtroom  crowd  burst  out 
laughing  when  they  read  the  legend: 


There  was  a  technical  discussion  as  to  how  much  side- 
walk space  the  young  women  occupied,  and  how  near  the 
White  House  palings  they  stood.  The  Suffrage  group  had 
photographs  which  showed  the  deserted  pavements  at  the 
time  of  the  arrests. 

The  women  cross-examined  the  police  who  testified  that 
there  was  no  crowd  at  that  time  of  the  morning  and  that  the 
women  stood  with  their  backs  to  the  White  House  fence. 

The  Judge  said :  "  If  you  had  kept  on  moving,  you  would 
be  all  right." 

"  I  find  these  defendants  guilty  as  charged,"  was  his  ver- 
dict, "  of  obstructing  the  highway  in  violation  of  the  police 
regulations  and  the  Act  of  Congress,  and  impose  a  fine  of 
twenty-five  dollars  in  each  case,  or  in  default  of  that,  three 
days'  imprisonment." 


The  six  young  women  refused  to  pay  the  fine.  They  were 
each  sentenced  to  three  days  in  the  District  jail. 

When  the  first  pickets  came  out  of  jail,  a  hundred  women^ 
representing  many  States,  gave  them  a  reception  breakfast 
in  the  garden  of  Cameron  House. 

A  subsequent  chapter  will  relate  the  prison  experiences 
of  these  women  and  of  the  long  line  of  their  successors. 

The  next  picket  line  went  out  on  Independence  Day,  July 
4.,  1917.  Five  women  marched  from  Headquarters  bearing 
purple,  white,  and  gold  banners.  They  were:  Helena  Hill 
Weed,  Vida  MilhoUand,  Gladys  Greiner,  Margaret  Whitte- 
more.  Iris  Calderhead.    Helena  Hill  Weed  carried  a  banner : 


Following  the  advice  of  the  Judge,  they  kept  moving. 
Across  the  street,  a  crowd  had  gathered  in  expectation  of 
arrests.  Standing  about  were  policemen — a  newspaper  man 
said  twenty-nine.  The  police  walked  along  parallel  with  the 
women,  and  the  crowd  followed  them.  As  the  banner- 
bearers  crossed  the  street  to  the  White  House,  the  police 
seized  them  before  they  could  get  onto  the  sidewalks.  An' 
augmenting  crowd  surged  about  them.  Some  of  the  on- 
lookers protested,  but  most  of  them  took  their  cue  from  the 
police,  and  tore  the  flags  away  from  the  women.  Apart 
from  the  pickets,  Kitty  Marion,  who  for  some  weeks  had 
been  selling  the  Suffragist  on  the  streets,  was  attacked  by  a 
by-stander  who  snatched  her  papers  away  from  her,  tearing 
one  of  them  up.  Miss  Marion  was  arrested.  She  protested 
at  the  behavior  of  her  assailant  and  he  was  arrested  too. 
Hazel  Hunkins,  who  was  not  a  part  of  the  procession,  came 
upon  a  man  who  had  seized  one  of  the  banners  carried  by 
the  pickets  and  was  bearing  it  away.  Miss  Hunkins  at- 
tempted to  get  it  from  him,  and  she  also  was  arrested. 

The  police  commandeered  automobiles,  and  commenced 
bundling  the  women  into  them. 


Immediately  another  group  of  women  came  marching  up 
Pennsylvania  Avenue  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  street. 
This  second  group  contained  Mrs.  Frances  Green,  Mrs. 
Lawrence  Lewis,  Lucile  Shields,  Joy  Young,  Elizabeth 
Stuyvesant,  Lucy  Bums.  Joy  Young,  who  is  a  little  crea- 
ture, led  this  group.  They  reached  the  West  gate  of  the 
White  House,  and  there  the  police  arrested  them.  A  Wash- 
ington paper  described  with  great  glee  how,  like  a  tigress, 
little  Joy  Young  fought  to  retain  her  banner,  and  how 
finally  three  policemen  managed  to  overpower  her.  The 
women  were  booked  for  "  unlawful  assembly "  all  except 
Kitty  Marion,  who  was  charged  with  "  disorderly  conduct." 

Helena  Hill  Weed  and  Lucy  Burns  cross-examined  the 
witnesses  on  behalf  of  the  women.  Mrs.  Weed  insisted  that 
the  torn,  yellow  banner  should  be  brought,  into  court. 
Throughout  the  trial,  it  hung  suspended  from  the  Judge's 
bench — governments  dekive  their  jttst  powers  from  the 
CONSENT  OP  THE  GOVERNED.  Lucy  Bums,  examining  the 
police  officers,  asked  why  citizens  carrying  banners  on  June 
21  were  protected  by  the  police,  and  on  July  4  arrested  for 
doing  the  same  thing.  The  officer  replied  that  they  wer6 
protected  on  June  21  because  he  had  no  orders  for  that  day. 
The  orders  which  came  later  were,  he  said,  not  to  allow 
picketing,  though  he  admitted  there  were  no  directions  about 
seizing  banners.  The  women  brought  out  by  skillful  cross- 
questioning  that  it  was  the  action  of  the  police  which  had 
collected  a  disorderly  crowd,  and  not  the  marching  of  the 
two  groups  of  women ;  that  at  the  former  trial  of  a  group 
of  Suffrage  pickets,  the  Judge  himself  had  declared  that 
marching  pickets  did  not  violate  the  law. 

Lucy  Burns  summed  up  the  case  for  the  Suffragists  as 
follows : 

I  wish  to  state  first — she  said — as  the  others  have  stated,  that 
we  proceeded  quietly  down  the  street  opposite  the  White  House 
with  our  banners;  that  we  intended  to  keep  marching;  that  our 
progress  was  halted  by  the  police,  not  the  crowd.  There  was  no 
interference  on  the  part  of  the  crowd  until  after  the  police  had 


arrested  us  and  turned  their  backs  on  the  crowd.  Our  contention 
is  as  others  have  stated  that  the  presence  of  the  crowd  there  was 
caused  by  the  action  of  the  police  and  the  previous  announcement 
of  the  police  that  they  would  arrest  the  pickets,  and  not  by  our 
action  which  was  entirely  legal. 

In  the  second  place  I  wish  to  call  your  attention  to  the  fact 
that  there  is  no  law  whatever  against  our  carrying  banners 
through  the  streets  of  Washington,  or  in  front  of  the  White 
House.  It  has  been  stated  that  we  were  directed  by  the  police 
not  to  carry  banners  before  the  White  House,  not  to  picket  at 
the  White  House.  That  is  absolutely  untrue.  We  have  received 
only  one  instruction  from  the  chief  of  police  and  that  was  de- 
livered by  Major  Pullman  in  person.  He  said  that  we  must  not 
carry  banners  outside  of  Headquarters.  We  have  had  no  other 
communication  on  this  subject  since  that  time. 

We,  of  course,  realized  that  that  was  an  extraordinary  direc- 
tion, because  I  don't  think  it  was  ever  told  an  organization  that 
it  could  not  propagate  its  views,  and  we  proceeded  naturally  to 
assume  that  Major  Pullman  would  not  carry  out  that  order  in 
action  because  he  would  not  be  able  to  sustain  it  in  any  just 

We-  have  only  been  able  since  to  judge  instructions  by  the 
action  of  the  police,  and  the  actions  of  the  police  have  varied 
from  day  to  day,  so  that  as  a  point  of  fact,  we  don't  know  what 
the  police  have  been  ordered  to  do — what  is  going  to  be  done. 
On  one  occasion  we  stepped  out  of  Headquarters  with  a  banner — 
the  so-called  Bussian  banner — and  it  was  torn  to  fragments  before 
we  had  reached  the  gate  of  our  premises,  although  Major  Pull- 
man had  given  no  notice  to  us  at  that  time.  Another  time  we 
proceeded  down  Madison  Place  with  banners,  walking  in  front  of 
the  Belasco  Theatre,  and  were  arrested.  Another  time  we  were 
allowed  to  proceed  down  Madison  Place  and  the  north  side  of 
the  Avenue  and  were  not  molested. 

Now  the  district  attorney  has  stated  that  on  account  of  the 
action  of  this  court  a  few  days  ago,  we  knew  and  deliberately 
did  wrong.  But  we  were  advised  then  by  the  Judge — and  he 
was  familiar  with  the  first  offense — that  we  would  have  been 
all  right  if  we  had  kept  on  walking.  On  July  4  we  kept  on 
walking  and  this  is  the  result  of  that  action. 

I  myself  was  informed  on  June  22  by  various  police,  that  if  I 
would  keep  on  walking,  my  action  would  be  entirely  legal.  We 
were  innocent  of  any  desire  to  do  anything  wrong  when  we  left 
our  premises. 

It  is  evident  that  the  proceedings  in  this  court  are  had  for  the 


purpose  of  suppressing  our  appeal  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  not  for  the  purpose  of  accusing  us  of  violating  the 
police  regulations  regarding  traflBc  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

The  eleven  women  were  found  "  Guilty,"  and  sentenced  to 
pay  a  fine  of  twenty-five  dollars  or  to  serve  three  days  in 
the  District  jail.  They  refused  to  pay  the  fine,  and  were 
sent  to  jail.  The  case  against  Hazel  Hunkins  was  dismissed. 
Kitty  Marion  was  found  "  Not  Guilty,"  of  disorderly  con- 

In  the  meantime,  Alice  Paul  had  been  seized  with  what 
looked  like  a  severe  illness.  A  physician  finally  warned  her 
that  she  might  not  live  two  weeks.  It  was  decided,  on  July 
14,  to  send  her  to  a  hospital  in  Philadelphia  for  treatment. 
The  day  before  she  left,  a  meeting  of  the  Executive  Board 
was  held  at  her  bedside  in  the  Washington  hospital.  Al- 
though later  diagnosis  proved  more  favorable,  and  Miss  Paul 
was  to  be  away  from  Washington  only  a  month,  many  of  the 
women  present  at  that  meeting  believed  that  they  woul4 
never  see  her  again.  That  was  a  poignant  moment,  for  the 
devotion  of  her  adherents  to  their  leader  can  neither  be 
described  nor  measured.  But  they  felt  that  there  was  only 
one  way  to  serve  her  if  she  left  them  forever  and  that  was 
to  carry  out  her  plans.  .  .  .  The  next  day  they  went  out 
on  the  picket  line. 

That  next  day  was  the  French  national  holiday — July  14. 
The  Woman's  Party  had,  as  was  usual  with  them  when  they 
planned  a  demonstration,  announced  this  through  the  press. 

On  the  anniversary  of  the  fall  of  the  Bastille,  therefore, 
three  groups  of  women  carrying  banners,  one  inscribed  with 
the  French  national  motto:  Libekty,  EauALixY,  Fkatee- 
NiTY,  and  the  Woman's  Party  colors,  marched  one  after 
another  from  Headquarters. 

In  the  first  group  were  Mrs.  J.  A.  H.  Hopkins,  Mrs.  Paul 
Reyneau,  Mrs.  B.  R.  Kincaid,  Julia  Hurburt,  Minnie  D. 
Abbot,  Anne  Martin. 

In  the  second  group  were,  Amelia  Himes  Walker,  Florence 
Bayard  Hilies,  Mrs.  Gilson  Gardner,  Janet  Fotheringham. 


In  the  third  group  were,  Mrs.  John  Winters  Brannan, 
Mrs.  John  Rogers,  Jr.,  Louise  P.  Mayo  Doris  Stevens, 
Mary  H.  Ingham,  Eleanor  Calnan. 

A  big  crowd,  attracted  by  the  expectation  of  excitement, 
had  collected  outside  Headquarters.  The  police  made  no 
effort  to  disperse  them.  When  the  first  group  appeared, 
there  was  some  applause  and  cheering.  They  crossed  the 
street,  and  took  up  their  station  at  the  upper  gate  of  the 
White  House.  As  nothing  happened  to  the  first  group,  the 
second  group,  led  by  Amelia  Himes  Walker,  emerged  from 
Headquarters  and  took  up  a  position  at  the  lower  gate  of 
the  White  House.  However,  the  instant  the  two  groups  had 
established  themselves,  the  policemen,  who  had  been  making 
a  pretense  of  'clearing  the  sidewalks,  immediately  arrested 

The  third  group  of  pickets,  however,  came  forward  undis- 
mayed, their  fiags  high.  The  crowd  applauded  them;  then 
fell  back  and  permitted  the  pickets  to  take  their  places.  The 
police  in  this  third  case  waited  for  four  minutes,  watches  in 
hand.  Then  they  arrested  the  women  on  the  charge  of 
"  violating  an  ordinance." 

At  the  station  the  sixteen  women  were  booked  for  "  un- 
lawful assembly."  On  July  17,  Judge  MuUowney,  sentenced 
the  sixteen  women  to  sixty  days  in  Occoquan  Workhouse  on 
the  charge  of  "obstructing  traffic." 

A  detailed  consideration  of  the  treatment  of  the  pickets 
in  Occoquan  and  the  Jail  is  reserved  for  a  later  chapter.  It 
will,  therefore,  be  stated  briefly  here  that  these  sixteen  women 
were  pardoned  by  the  President  after  three  days  in  Occoquan. 
However,  they  were  submitted  to  indignities  there  such  as 
white  prisoners  were  nowhere  else  compelled  to  endure. 
When  J.  A.  H.  Hopkins  and  Gilson  Gardner  were  per- 
mitted to  visit  their  wives,  they  did  not  at  first  recognize 
them  in  the  haggard,  exhausted-looking  group  of  creatures 
in  prison  garb,  sitting  in  the  reception  room.  One  of  the 
women,  however,  seeing  her  husband,  half  rose  from  her 


"You  sit  down!"  Superintendent  Whittaker  yelled, 
pointing  his  finger  at  her. 

J.  A.  H.  Hopkins,  who  had  been  a  member  of  the 
Democratic  National  Campaign  Committee  of  1916,  went 
immediately  to  the  President  and  told  him  the  conditions 
under  which  these  women  were  being  held.  Gilson  Gardner, 
a  well-known  newspaper  man  who  had  supported  Wilson 
throughout  the  previous  election  campaign,  wrote  a  long 
communication  to  the  President  on  the  same  subject. 
Dudley  Field  Malone,  Collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York 
and  one  of  the  President's  closest  friends  and  warmest  ad- 
visors, who  was  later  in  so  gallant  a  way  to  show  his  dis- 
approval of  the  Suffrage  situation,  saw  the  President  also. 
President  Wilson  professed  himself  as  beinjg  "  shocked  "  at 
his  revelations.  He  said  he  did  not  know  what  was  going  on 
at  OccoquaQ. 

"After  this,  Mr.  President,"  Mr.  Malone  replied,  "you 
do  know." 

After  her  release,  Mrs.  J.  A.  H.  Hopkins  wanted  to  find 
out  whether  this  pardon  also  meant  that  the  President  sup- 
ported their  Amendment.  She  therefore  wrote  him  the  fol- 
lowing letter: 

Mr  DKAR  Mb.  President: 

The  pardon  issued  to  me  by  you  is  accompanied  by  no  ex- 
planation. It  can  have  but  one  of  two  meanings — either  you 
have  satisfied  yourself,  as  you  personally  stated  to  Mr.  Hopkini^, 
that  I  violated  no  law  of  the  country,  and  no  ordinance  of  this 
city,  in  exercising  my  right  of  peaceful  petition,  and  therefore 
you,  as  an  act  of  justice,  extended  to  me  your  pardon,  or  you 
pardoned  me  to  save  yourself  the  embarrassment  of  an  acute  and 
distressing  political  situation. 

In  this  case,  in  thus  saving  yourself,  you  have  deprived  me 
of  the  right  through  appeal  to  prove  by  legal  processes  that  the 
police  powers  of  Washington  despotically  and  falsely  convicted 
me  on  a  false  charge,  in  order  to  save  you  personal  or  political 


As  you  have  not  seen  fit  to  tell  the  public  the  true  reason,  I 
am  compelled  to  resume  my  peaceful  petition  for  political  liberty. 
If  the  police  arrest  me,  I  shall  carry  the  case  to  the  Supreme 
Court  if  necessary.  If  the  police  do  not  arrest  me,  I  shall  believe 
that  you  do  not  believe  me  guilty.  This  is  the  only  method  by 
which  I  can  release  myself  from  the  intolerable  and  false  posi- 
tion in  which  your  unexplained  pardon  has  placed  me. 

Mr.  Hopkins  and  I  repudiate  absolutely  the  current  report 
that  I  would  accept  a  pardon  which  was  the  act  of  your  good 

In  this  case,  which  involves  my  fundamental  constitutional 
rights,  Mr.  Hopkins  and  myself  do  not  desire  your  Presidential 
benevolence,  but  American  justice. 

Furthermore,  we  do  not  believe  that  you  would  insult  us  by 
extending  to  us  your  good-nature  under  these  circumstances. 

This  pardon  without  any  explanation  of  your  reasons  for  its 
issuance,  in  no  way  mitigates  the  injustice  inflicted  upon  me  by 
the  violation  of  my  constitutional  civil  right. 
Respectfully  yours, 

Alison  Tchnbuli.  Hopkins. 

After  having  written  this  letter,  quite  alone  and  at  the 
crowded  hour  of  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  Mrs.  Hopkins 
carried  a  banner  to  the  White  House  gates,  and  stood  there 
for  ten  minutes.    The  banner  said :  we  ask  not  pardon  foe 


and  curious  crowd  gathered,  but  nobody  bothered  her. 
While  she  stood  there,  the  President  passed  through  the 
gates  and  saluted. 

On  Monday,  July  23,  exactly  a  month  from  the  time  that 
the  police  had  first  interfered  with  the  picketing  and  the 
Suffragists,  the  daily  Suffrage  picket  was  resumed.  The 
crowds  streaming  home  in  the  afternoon  from  the  offices, 
laughed  when  they  saw  the  banners  at  the  White  House 
gates  again.     Some  stopped  to  congratulate  the  women. 

Time  went  on  and  still  the  President  did  nothing  about 
putting  the  Amendment  through.  As  always  when  it  was 
not  strikingly  brought  to  his  attention,  Suffrage  seemed  to 
pass  from  his  mind.    It  became  again  necessary  to  call  his 


attention  to  the  Amendment.  Often  it  seemed  as  though  the 
President's  attention  could  be  gained  only  by  calling  the 
country's  attention  to  his  inaction. 

Within  a  week  appeared  a  new  banner.  Elihu  Root,  the 
Special  Envoy  of  the  United  States  to  Russia,  had  just  come 
home  from  a  country  which  had  enfranchised  its  women. 
With  the  other  members  of  the  American  Mission  to  Russia, 
he  called  at  the  White  House,  and  at  the  gates  he  was  con- 
fronted by  these  words: 

TO  ENVOY  root: 







For  two  hours,  Lucy  Ewing  and  Mary  Winsor  stood  hold- 
ing this  banner.  It  attracted  the  largest  crowd  that  the 
pickets  had  as  yet  experienced.  But  the  police  managed 
them  perfectly — although  in  the  courts  there  had  been  plenty 
of  testimony  that  they  could  not  manage  similar  crowds — 
and  without  a  word  of  protest — although  half  a  block  was 
completely  obstructed  for  two  hours. 


The  following  day  saw  scenes  the  most  violent  in  tht  his- 
tory of  the  pickets.  This  was  August  14.  Catherine 
Flanagan's  story  of  this  period  of  terror  is  one  of  the  most 
thrilling  in  the  annals  of  the  Party: 

That  day  a  new  banner  was  carried  for  the  first  time  by  Eliza- 
beth Stuyvesant — the  "  Kaiser  "  banner.    The  banner  read: 



I  do  not  remember  when  Elizabeth  took  this  banner  out,  but 
I  think  she  was  on  the  four  o'clock  shift.  For  a  half  an  hour 
people  gathered  about  the  banner.  The  crowd  grew  and  grew. 
You  felt  there  was  something  brewing  in  them,  but  what,  you 
could  not  guess.  Suddenly  it  came — a  man  dashed  from  the 
crowd  and  tore  the  banner  down.  Immediately,  one  after 
another,  the  other  banners  were  torn  down.  As  fast  as  this 
happened,  the  banner  bearers  went  back  to  Headquarters; 
returned  with  tri-colors  and  reinforcements;  took  up  their  sta- 
tions again.  Finally  the  whole  line  of  pickets,  bannerless  by  this 
time,  marched  back  to  Headquarters.  The  crowd,  which  was 
fast  changing  into  a  mob,  followed  us  into  Madison  Place.  As 
the  pickets  emerged  again,  the  mob  jumped  them  at  the  very 
doors  of  Cameron  House,  tore  their  banners  away  from  them 
and  destroyed  them.  By  this  time  the  mob,  which  had  become  a 
solid  mass  of  people,  choking  the  street  and  filling  the  park,  had 
evolved  a  leader,  a  yeoman  in  uniform,  who  incited  everybody 
about  him  to  further  work  of  destruction.  Suddenly,  as  if  by 
magic,  a  laddet  appeared  in  their  midst.  A  yeoman  placed  it 
against  Cameron  House,  and  accompanied  by  a  little  boy,  he 
started  up.  He  pulled  down  the  tri-color  of  the  Woman's  Party 
which  hung  over  the  door.  In  the  meantime,  it  was  impossible  for 
us  to  take  any  banners  out.  We  locked  the  door,  but  two  strange 
women,  unknown  to  the  Woman's  Party,  came  in.  They  opened 
a  window  on  the  second  floor  and  were  about  to  push  the  ladder, 
on  which  the  sailor  and  the  little  boy  still  stoodj  back  into  the 
street  when  Ella  Morton  Dean  drew  them  away. 

At  the  other  side  of  the  house  and  at  the  same  moment,  another 
member  of  the  crowd  climbed  up  the  balcony  and  pulled  down 
the  American  flag  which  hung  beside  the  tri-color.  Immediately 
Virginia  Arnold  and  Lucy  Burns  appeared  on  the  balcony  carry- 


ing,  the  one  the  Kaiser  banner  and  the  other  the  tri-color.  The 
crowd  began  to  throw  eggs,  tomatoes,  and  apples  at  them,  but  the 
two  girls  stood,  Virginia  Arnold  white,  Lucy  Burns  flushed,  but — 
everybody  who  saw  them  comments  on  this — with  a  look  of  steady 
consecration,  absolutely  moveless,  holding  the  tri-color  which  had 
never  before  been  taken  from  its  place  over  the  door  at  Head- 

Suddenly  a  shot  rang  out  from  the  crowd.  A  bullet  went 
through  a  window  of  the  second  story,  directly  over  the  heads  of 
two  women  who  stood  there — Ella  Morton  Dean  and  Georgiana 
Sturgess — and  imbedded  itself  in  the  ceiling  of  the  hall.  The 
only  man  seen  to  have  a  revolver  was  a  yeoman  in  uniform,  who 
immediately  ran  up  the  street.  By  this  time  Elizabeth  Stuy- 
vesant  had  joined  Lucy  Burns  and  Virginia  Arnold  on  the  bal- 
cony; others  also  came.  Three  yeomen  climbed  up  onto  the  bal- 
cony and  wrested  the  tri-color  banners  from  the  girls.  As  one  of 
these  men  climbed  over  the  railing,  he  struck  Georgiana  Sturgess. 
"  Why  did  you  do  that  ?  "  she  demanded,  dumbfounded.  The 
man  paused  a  moment,  apparently  as  amazed  as  she.  "  I  don't 
know,"  he  answered;  then  he  tore  the  banner  out  of  her  hands 
and  descended  the  ladder.  Lucy  Bums,  whose  courage  is 
physical  as  well  as  spiritual,  held  her  banner  until  the  last 
moment.  It  seemed  as  though  she  were  going  to  be  dragged  over 
the  railing  of  the  balcony,  but  two  of  the  yeomen  managed  to 
tear  it  from  her  hands  before  this  occurred.  New  banners  were 
brought  to  replace  those  that  had  disappeared. 

While  this  was  going  on,  Katherine  Morey  and  I  went  out  the 
back  way  of  Headquarters,  made  our  way  to  the  White  House 
gates,  unfurled  a  Kaiser  banner,  and  stood  there  for  seventeen 
minutes  unnoticed.  There  was  a  policeman  standing  beside  each 
of  us,  but  when  the  yeoman  who  had  led  the  mob  and  who  was 
apparently  about  to  report  for  duty,  tore  at  the  banner,  they  did 
not  interfere.  We  were  dragged  along  the  pavements,  but  the 
banner  was  finally  destroyed. 

By  this  time  the  crowd  had  thinned  a  little  in  front  of  Head- 
quarters. The  front  door  had  been  unlocked  when  we  went  back. 
Five  different  times,  however,  we  and  others,  led  always  by  Lucy 
Burns,  made  an  effort  to  bear  our  banners  to  the  White  House 
gates  again.  Always,  a  little  distance  from  Headquarters,  we 
were  beset  by  the  mob  and  our  banners  destroyed. 

About  five  o'clock,  the  police  reserves  appeared  and  cleared  the 
street.  Thereupon,  every  woman  who  had  been  on  picket  duty 
that  day,  bearing  aloft  the  beautiful  tri-color,  went  over  to  the 
White  House  gates,  marched  up  and  down  the  pavements  three 


times.  The  police  protected  us  until  we  started  home.  When, 
however,  our  little  procession  crossed  the  street  to  the  park,  the 
crowd  leaped  upon  us  again,  and  again  destroyed  our  banners. 
Madeline  Watson  was  knocked  down  and  kicked.  Two  men  car- 
ried her  into  Headquarters. 

While  the  crowd  was  milling  its  thickest  before  Headquarters, 
somebody  said  to  a  policeman  standing  there,  "  Why  don't  you 
arrest  those  men  ?  "  "  Those  are  not  our  orders,"  the  policeman 

Twenty-two  lettered  banners  and  fourteen  tri-color  flags  were 
destroyed  that  day. 

During  all  the  early  evening,  men  were  trying  to  climb  over 
the  back  fence  of  the  garden  to  get  into  Cameron  House.  None 
of  us  went  to  bed  that  night.  We  were  afraid  that  something — 
we  knew  not  what — might  happen. 

The  next  3ay,  August  15,  was  only  a  degree  less  violent. 
The  Suffrage  pickets  went  on  duty  as  usual  at  twelve  o'clock, 
and  picketed  all  that  afternoon. 

All  the  afternoon  yeomen,  small  boys,  and  hoodliuns  at- 
tacked the  women  without  hindrance.  Elizabeth  Stuyvesant 
was  struck  by  a  soldier  who  destroyed  her  flag.  Beulah 
Amidon  was  thrown  down  by  a  sailor,  who  stole  her  flag. 
Alice  Paul  was  knocked  down  three  times.  One  sailor 
dragged  her  thirty  feet  along  the  White  House;  sidewalk  in 
his  attempts  to  tear  off  her  Suffrage  sash,  gashing  her  neck 
brutally.    They  were  without  protection  until  five  o'clock. 

During  this  time  they  lost  fifty  tri-color  banners  and  one 
Kaiser  banner. 

The  pickets  were,  of  course,  constantly  going  back  to 
Headquarters  for  new  banners,  and  constantly  returning 
with  them. 

At  five  o'clock,  in  anticipation  of  the  President's  appear- 
ance, and  while  still  the  turmoil  was  going  on,  five  police 
oflicers  quickly  and  efficiently  cleared  a  wide  aisle  in  front 
of  each  gate,  and  as  quickly  and  as  efficiently  drove  the  mob 
across  the  street.  The  President,  however,  left  by  a  rear 

On  the  next  day,  August  16,  the  policy  toward  the  pickets 
changed  again.    Fifty  policemen  appeared  on  the  scene,  and 


instead  of  permitting  Suffragists  to  be  attacked  by  others, 
they  attacked  them  themselves.  Virginia  Arnold  was  set 
upon  by  three  police  officers.  Before  she  could  relinquish 
her  banner  to  them,  her  arms  were  twisted  and  her  hands 
bruised.  Elizabeth  Stuyvesant,  Natalie  Gray,  and  Lucy 
Burns  were  all  severely  handled  by  the  police,  Elizabeth 
Smith  and  Ruth  Crocker,  who  were  carrying  furled  flags, 
were  knocked  down.  When  men,  more  chivalrous-minded 
than  the  crowd,  came  to  their  rescue,  they  were  arrested. 

In  the  late  afternoon,  the  crowd  grew  denser.  The  police, 
therefore,  ceased  their  efforts,  and  waited  while  the  crowd 
attacked  the  women  and  destroyed  their  banners  An  officer 
threatened  to  arrest  one  young  woman  who  defended  her 
banner  against  an  assailant. 

"  Here,  give  that  up ! "  called  the  second  officer  to  a  girl 
who  was  struggling  with  a  man  for  the  possession  of  her  flag. 

During  these  days  of  mob  attacks,  the  pickets  had  been 
put  to  it  to  get  outside  Headquarters  to  some  coign  of  van- 
tage where  they  could  stand  for  a  few  seconds  before  the  in- 
evitable rush.  For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  their 
picketing  the  girls  could  not  carry  their  banners  on  poles. 
Either  the  mobs  seized  them  or  the  policemen  who  lined  the 
sidewalks  outside  Headquarters.  The  pickets  carried  them 
inside  their  sweaters  and  hats,  in  sewing  bags,  or  pinned 
them,  folded  in  newspapers  or  magazines,  under  their  skirts. 
One  picket  was  followed-  by  crowds  who  caught  a  gleam  of 
yellow  at  the  hem  of  her  gown.  When  they  got  to  the  White 
House,  the  pickets  held  the  banners  in  their  hands.  Lucy 
Burns  kept  sending  out  relays  with  new  banners  to  take  the 
place  of  those  which  were  torn. 

Catherine  Flanagan  says  that  on  August  16  when  the  four 
o'clock  shift  of  the  picket  line  started  out,  Lucy  Burns 
pointed  to  rolls  of  banners  done  up  in  various  receptacles  and 
said,  "  Take  out  as  many  of  these  as  you  can  carry  and 
keep  them  concealed  until  it  is  necessary  to  use  them."  The 
eight  pickets  distributed  the  banners  in  different  parts  of 
their  clothes,  and  approaching  the  White  House  by  various 


routes,  suddenly  lined  themselves  against  the  White  House 
fence,  each  unfurling  a  Kaiser  banner  at  the  word  of  com- 
mand. They  were  faced  by  forty  policemen,  policewomen, 
and  secret  service  men.  Instantly  the  police  were  on  them. 
The  pickets  held  the  banners  as  long  as  it  was  physically 
possible — it  took  three  policemen  to  remove  each  banner. 
The  policemen  heaved  sighs  of  relief,  as  though  their  work 
for  the  day  was  done,  turned,  and  moved  to  the  edge  of  the 
pavement.  Instantly,  eight  more  banners  appeared  and  as 
instantly  they  fell  on  the  pickets  again.  This  happened 
seven  times.  As  often  as  the  police  turned  with  captured 
banners  in  their  hands,  reinforcing  pickets  in  the  crowd 
handed  fresh  banners  to  the  pickets  at  the  gates.  Fifty-six 
Kaiser  banners  were  captured  this  day.  When  the  Kaiser 
banners  were  exhausted,  the  eight  pickets  returned  to  Head- 
quarters and  soon  emerged  bearing  the  tri-color.  The  tac- 
tics of  the  police  changed  then.  They  did  not,  themselves, 
attack  the  pickets,  but  they  permitted  the  crowds  to  do  so. 
In  all,  one  hundred  and  forty-eight  flags  were  destroyed. 

On  August  17,  Major  Pullman,  police  head  of  Washing- 
ton, called  upon  Alice  Paul,  and  warned  her  that  young 
women  carrying  banners  would  be  arrested. 

Alice  Paul  replied,  "  The  picketing  will  go  on  as  usual." 
In  a  letter  to  his  friend,  Major  Pullman,  quoted  in  the 
Suffragist  of  August  25,  Gilson  Gardner  put  the  case  con- 
cisely and  decisively.   ,    .    . 

You  must  see,  Pullman,  that  you  cannot  be  right  in  what  you 
have  done  in  this  matter.  You  have  given  the  pickets  adequate 
protection;  you  have  arrested  them  and  had  them  sent  to  jail 
and  the  workhouse,  you  have  permitted  the  crowds  to  mob  them, 
and  then  you  have  had  your  officers  do  much  the  same  thing  by 
forcibly  taking  their  banners  from  them.  In  some  of  these  ac- 
tions, you  must  have  been  wrong.  If  it  was  right  to  give  them 
protection  and  let  them  stand  at  the  White  House  for  five  months, 
both  before  and  after  the  war,  it  was  not  right  to  do  what  you 
did  later. 

You  say  it  was  not  right  and  that  you  were  "  lenient,"  when 


you  gave  them  protection.  You  cannot  mean  that.  The  Tightness 
or  wrongness  must  be  a  matter  of  law,  not  of  personal  discretion, 
and  for  you  to  attempt  to  substitute  your  discretion  is  to  set  up 
a  little  autocracy  in  place  of  the  settled  laws  of  the  land.  That 
would  justify  a  charge  of  "  Kaiserism "  right  here  in  our 
Capitol  city. 

The  truth  is,  Pullman,  you  were  right  when  you  gave  these 
women  protection.  That  is  what  the  police  are  for.  When  there 
are  riots  they  are  supposed  to  quell  them,  not  by  quelling  the 
"  proximate  cause,"  but  by  quelling  the  rioters. 

I  know  your  police  ofiBcers  now  quite  well  and  I  find  that  they 
are  most  happy  when  they  are  permitted  to  do  their  duty.  They 
did  not  like  that  dirty  business  of  permitting  a  lot  of  sailors  and 
street  riffraff  to  rough  the  girls.   .    .    . 

It  is  not  my  opinion  alone  when  I  say  that  the  women  were 
entitled  to  police  protection,  not  arrest.  President  Wilson  has 
stated  repeatedly  that  these  women  were  entirely  withini^their 
legal  and  constitutional  rights,  and  that  they  should  not  have 
been  molested.  Three  reputable  men,  two  of  them  holding  office 
in  this  Administration,  have  told  me  what  the  President  said, 
and  I  have  no  reason  to  doubt  their  word.  ^  If  the  President  has 
changed  his  mind  he  has  not  changed  the  law  or  the  Constitution, 
and  what  he  said  three  weeks  ago  is  just  as  true  today. 

In  excusing  what  you  have  done,  you  say  that  the  women  have 
carried  banners  with  "  offensive "  inscriptions  on  them.  You 
refer  to  the  fact  that  they  have  addressed  the  President  as 
"  £aiser  Wilson."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  not  an  arrest  you  have 
made — and  the  arrests  now  number  more  than  sixty — has  been 
for  carrying  one  of  those  "  offensive  "  banners.  The  women  were 
carrying  merely  the  Suffrage  colors  or  quotations  from  President 
Wilson's  writings. 

But  suppose  the  banners  were  offensive?  Who  made  you 
censor  of  banners.^  The  law  gives  you  no  such  power.  Even 
when  you  go  through  the  farce  of  a  police  court  trial,  the  charge 
is  "  obstructing  traffic,"  which  shows  conclusively  that  you  are 
not  willing  to  go  into  court  on  the  real  issue. 

No.  As  chief  of  police  you  have  no  more  right  to  complain  of 
the  sentiments  on  a  banner  than,  you  have  of  the  sentiments  in 
an  editorial  in  the  Washington  Post,  and  you  have  no  more  right 
to  arrest  the  banner-bearers  than  you  have  to  arrest  the  owner  of 
the  Washington  Post.  So  long  as  the  law  against  obscenity  and 
profanity  is  observed,  you  have  no  business  with  the  words  on 
the  banners.  Congress  refused  to  pass  a  press  censorship  law. 
There  are  certain  lingering  traditions  to  the  effect  that  a  people's 


liberties  are  closely  bound  up  with  the  right  to  talk  things  out 
and  those  who  are  enlightened  know  that  the  only  proper  answer 
to  words  is  words. 

During  the  entire  afternoon  of  that  day — ^August  17 — 
the  day  that  Major  Pullman  called  on  Alice  Paul — the  sen- 
tinels stood  at  their  posts.    One  of  the  banners  read : 


IN  WAE  time; 
Another : 


At  intervals  of  fifteen  minutes — for  two  hours — ^the 
pickets  were  told  by  a  captain  of  police  that  they  would  be 
arrested  if  they  did  not  move.  But  they  held  their  station. 
At  half-past  four,  the  hour  at  which  the  thousand  of  gov- 
ernment clerks  invade  the  streets^  there  was  enough  of  a 
crowd  to  give  the  appearance  that  the  pickets  were  "  block- 
ing traffic."  Lavinia  Dock;  Edna  Dixon;  Natalie  Gray; 
Madeline  Watson;  Catherine  Flanagan;  Lucy  Ewing,  were 
arrested  soon  after  four  o'clock.  Their  trial  lasted  just 
forty  minutes.  One  police  officer  testified  that  they  were 
obstructing  traffic.  They  all  refused  to  pay  the  ten  dollar 
fine,  which,  though  it  would  have  released  them,  would  also 
have  been  an  admission  of  guilt,  and  Police  Magistrate 
Pugh  sentenced  them  to  serve  thirty  days  in  the  Government 

On  August  23,  six  women  appeared  at  the  White  House, 
bearing  banners.  They  were,  Pauline  Adams;  Gertrude 
Hunter;  Clara  Fuller;  Kate  Boeckh;  Margaret  Fothering- 
ham ;  Mrs.  Henry  L.  Lockwood.  All  of  their  banners  quoted 
words  from  the  President's  works: 




In  ten  minutes  they  were  all  arrested.  When  they  ap- 
peared before  Police  Magistrate  Pugh,  Clara  Kinsley  Fuller 
said  in  part: 

I  am  the  editor,  owner,  and  publisher  of  a  daily  and  weekly 
newspaper  in  Minnesota.  I  pay  taxes  to  this  government,  yet 
I  have  nothing  to  say  in  the  making  of  those  laws  which  contrdl 
me,  either  as  an  individual  or  as  a  business  woman.  Taxation 
without  representation  is  undemocratic.  For  that  reason,  I  came 
to  Washington  to  help  the  Federal  Amendment  fight.  When  I 
learned  that  President  Wilson  said  that  picketing  was  perfectly 
legal,  I  went  on  the-  picket  line  and  did  my  bit  towards  making 
democracy  safe  at  home,  while  our  men  are  abroad  making 
democracy  safe  for  the  world. 

Margaret  Potheringham,  a  school-teacher,  said: 

I  have  fifteen  British  cousins  who  are  in  the  fighting  line 
abroad.  Some  are  back  very  badly  wounded,  and  others  are  still 
in  France.  I  have  two  brothers  who  are  to  be  in  our  fighting  line. 
They  were  not  drafted;  they  enlisted.  I  am  made  of  the  same 
stuff  that  those  boys  are  made  of ;  and,  whether  it  is  abroad  or  at 
home,  we  are  fighting  for  the  same  thing.  We  are  fighting  for 
the  thing  we  hold  nearest  our  hearts — for  democracy. 

To  these  pleas,  Judge  Pugh  answered  that  the  President 
was  "not  the  one  to  petition  for  justice";  that  the  people 
of  the  District  virtuously  refrained  from  picketing  the 
White  House  for  the  vote  for  themselves  "  for-  fear  the  mili- 
tary would  take  possession  of  the  streets." 

I  quote  the  Suffragist  of  September  2; 

Here  is  a  sample  of  Judge  Pugh's  logic: 

"  These  ladies  have  been  told  repeatedly  that  this  law  was  ample 
to  prevent  picketing  in  front  of  the  White  House,  or  anywhere 
-else  on  the  sidewafis  of  the  District  of  Columbia;  that  it  was 
not  the  fashion  to  petition  Congress  in  that  way,  to  stand  in  front 


of  the  White  House,  the  President's  mansion,  to  petition  some- 
body else,  a  mile  and  a  half  away.  The  President  does  not  have 
to  be  petitioned.  .  .  .  You  ladies  observe  all  the  laws  that  give 
you  benefits,  property  rights  that  legislatures  composed  of  men 
have  passed  .  .  .  and  those  that  are  aimed  at  preserving  the 
peace  and  good  order  of  the  community  you  do  not  propose  to 

And  much  more  to  the  same  effect,  which  proved  that  Judge 
Pugh  knew  nothing  of  the  long  vigil  of  the  pickets  at  the  doors 
of  Congress,  and  apparently  nothing  of  the  President's  actual 

Finally  he  admitted  that  he  did  not  care  to  send  "  ladies  of 
standing "  to  jail,  and  would  refrain  if  they  promised  to  stop 
picketing,  although  they  were  not  charged  with  picketing.  In 
the  face  of  the  dead  silence  that  followed,  he  pronounced  sen- 
tence: A  fine  of  twenty-five  dollars  or  thirty  days  at  Occoquan 
Workhouse.    Every  woman  refused  to  pay  the  fine. 

Attorney  Matthew  O'Brien  represented  the  women  in  the  Dis- 
trict Court,  appealing  finally  from  the  judgment  of  the  court. 

On  August  28,  the  same  women,  with  Cornelia  Beach, 
Vivian  Fierce,  Maud  Jamison,  and  Lucy  Burns,  were  again 
arrested,  and  given  the  same  sentence.  An  appeal  was 
granted  them  again,  the  Judge  announcing  that  this  was  the 
last  appeal  he  would  give  in  the  picketing  cases  until  a  deci- 
sion had  been  given  by  the  Court  of  Appeals. 

On  September  4,  the  day  of  the  parade  of  the  drafted  men, 
thirteen  women  were  arrested.  They  were:  Abby  Scott 
Baker,  Dorothy  Bartlett,  Annie  Arniel,  Pauline  Adams, 
Mrs.  W.  W.  Chisholm,  Lucy  Bums,  Margaret  Fothering- 
ham,  Lucy  Branham,  Julia  Emory,  Eleanor  Calnan,  Edith 
Ainge,  Maude  Malone,  Mary  Winsor. 

The  banner  these  women  bore  was  inscribed: 


They  were  sent  to  Occoquan  for  sixty  days. 
At  this  vivid  interval  in  the  history  of  the  Woman's  Party 
occurred  a  notable  incident. 


Dudley  Field  Malone,  who  had  long  been  a  staunch  friend 
of  the  Woman's  Party — and  one  of  the  few  men  who  had 
been  willing  to  make  a  sacrifice  for  Suffrage — resigned  his 
position  as  Collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York  as  a  protest 
against  the  intolerable  Suffrage  situation.  This  was  a  beau 
geste  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Malone.  There  are  those  who  be- 
lieve that  that  gallant  deed  will  go  rolling  down  the  centuries 
gathering  luster  as  it  rolls.  It  had  an  inevitable  effect,  not 
only  on  the  members  of  the  Woman's  Party,  but  on  the 
members  of  other  Suffrage  organizations  as  well,  and  it  pro- 
duced a  profound  impression  on  the  country  at  large. 

His  letter  of  resignation  reads  as  follows : 

The  White  House, 

Washington,  D.  C. 
Dear  Mr.  President: 

Last  autumn,  as  the  representative  of  your  Administration,  I 
went  into  the  Woman  Suffrage  States  to  urge  your  re-election. 
The  most  difficult  argument  to  meet  among  the  seven  million 
voters  was  the  failure  of  the  Democratic  Party,  throughout  four 
years  of  power,  to  pass  the  Federal  Suffrage  Amendment,  look- 
ing towards  the  enfranchisement  of  all  the  women  in  the  country. 
Throughout  those  States,  and  particularly  in  California,  which 
ultimately  decided  the  election  by  the  votes  of  women,  the  women 
voters  were  urged  to  support  you,  even  though  Judge  Hughes 
had  already  declared  for  the  Federal  Suffrage  Amendment,  be- 
cause you  and  your  Party,  through  liberal  leadership,  were  more 
likely  nationally  to  enfranchise  the  rest  of  the  women  of  the 
country  than  were  your  opponents. 

And  if  the  women  of  the  West  voted  to  re-elect  you,  I  promised 
them  I  would  spend  all  my  energy,  at  any  sacrifice  to  myself,  to 
get  the  present  Democratic  Administration  to  pass  the  Federal 
Suffrage  Amendment. 

But  the  present  policy  of  the  Administration,  in  permitting 
splendid  American  women  to  be  sent  to  jail  in  Washington,  not 
for  carrying  offensive  banners,  nor  for  picketing,  but  on  the 
technical  charge  of  obstructing  traffic,  is  a  denial  even  of  their 
constitutional  right  to  petition  for,  and  demand  the  passage  of, 
the  Federal  Suffrage  Amendment.  It,  therefore,  now  becomes 
my  profound  obligation  actively  to  keep  my  promise  to  the 
women  of  the  West. 


In  more  than  twenty  States  it  is  a  practical  impossibility  to 
amend  the  State  constitutions;  so  the  women  of  those  States  can 
only  be  enfranchised  by  the  passage  of  the  Federal  Suffrage 
Amendment.  Since  England  and  Bussia,  in  the  midst  of  the 
great  war,  have  assured  the  national  enfranchisement  of  their 
women,  should  we  not  be  jealous  to  maintain  our  democratic 
leadership  in  the  world  by  the  speedy  national  enfranchisement 
of  American  women  ? 

To  me,  Mr.  President,  as  I  urged  upon  you  in  Washington  two 
months  ago,  this  is  not  only  a  measure  of  justice  and  democracy, 
it  is  also  an  urgent  war  measure.  The  women  of  the  nation  are, 
and  always  will  be,  loyal  to  the  country,  and  the  passage  of  the 
Suffrage  Amendment  is  only  the  first  step  toward  their  national 
emancipation.  But  unless  the  government  takes  at  least  this  first 
step  toward  their  enfranchisement,  how  can  the  government  ask 
millions  of  American  women,  educated  in  our  schools  and  col- 
leges, and  millions  of  American  women  in  our  homes,  or  toiling 
for  economic  independence  in  every  line  of  industry,  to  give  up 
by  conscription  their  men  and  happiness  to  a  war  for  democracy 
in  Europe  while  these  women  citizens  are  denied  the  right  to 
vote  on  the  policies  of  the  government  which  demands  of  them 
such  sacrifice? 

For  this  reason  many  of  your  most  ardent  friends  and  sup- 
porters feel  that  the  passage  of  the  Federal  Suffrage  Amendment 
is  a  war  measure  which  could  appropriately  be  urged  by  you  at 
this  session  of  Congress.  It  is  true  that  this  Amendment  would 
have  to  come  from  Congress,  but  the  present  Congress  shows  no 
earnest  desire  to  enact  this  legislation  for  the  simple  reason  that 
you,  as  the  leader  of  the  Party  in  power,  have  not  yet  sug- 
gested it. 

For  the  whole  country  gladly  acknowledges,  Mr.  President,  that 
no  vital  piece  of  legislation  has  come  through  Congress  these  five 
years  except  by  your  extraordinary  and  brilliant  leadership. 
And  millions  of  men  and  women  today  hope  that  you  will  give 
the  Federal  Suffrage  Amendment  to  the  women  of  the  country 
by  the  valor  of  your  leadership  now.  It  will  hearten  the  mothers 
of  the  nation,  eliminate  a  just  grievance,  and  turn  the  devoted 
energies  of  brilliant  women  to  a  more  hearty  support  of  the  gov- 
ernment in  this  crisis. 

As  you  well  know,  in  dozens  of  speeches  in  many  States  I  have 
advocated  your  policies  and  the  war.  I  was  the  first  man  of  your 
Administration,  nearly  five  years  ago,  publicly  to  advocate  pre- 
paredness, and  helped  to  found  the  first  Plattsburg  training 
camp.     And  if,  with  our  troops  mobilizing  in  France,  you  will 


give  American  women  this  measure  for  their  political  freedom, 
they  will  support  with  greater  enthusiasm  your  hope  and  the  hope 
of  America  for  world  freedom. 

I  have  not  approved  all  the  methods  recently  adopted  by 
women  in  the  pursuit  of  their  political  liberty ;  yet,  Mr.  President, 
the  Committee  on  Suffrage  of  the  United  States  Senate  was 
formed  in  1883,  when  I  was  one  year  old;  this  same  Federal 
Suffrage  Amendment  was  first  intiroduced  i^  Congress  in  1878; 
brave  women  like  Susan  B.  Anthony  were  'petitioning  Congress 
for  the  Suffrage  before  the  Civil  War,  and  at  the  time  of  the 
Civil  War  men  like  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  Horace  Greeley,  and 
Wendell  Phillips  assured  the  Suffrage  leaders  that  if  they  aban- 
doned their  fight  for  Suffrage,  when  the  war  was  ended  the  men 
of  the  nation,  "  out  of  gratitude,"  would  enfranchise  the  women 
of  the  country ! 

And  if  the  men  of  this  country  had  been  peacefully  demanding 
for  over  half  a  century  the  political  right  or  privilege  to  vote, 
and  had  been  continuously  ignored  or  met  with  evasion  by  suc- 
cessive Congresses,  as  have  the  women,  you,  Mr.  President,  as  a 
lover  of  liberty,  would  be  the  first  to  comprehend  and  forgive 
their  inevitable  impatience  and  righteous  indignation.  Will  not 
this  Administration,  re-elected  to  powfip  by  the  hope  and  faith 
of  the  women  of  the  West,  handsomely  reward  that  faith  by 
taking  action  now  for  the  passage  of  the  Federal  Suffrage  Amend- 

In  the  port  of  New  York,  during  the  last  four  years,  billions 
of  dollars  in  the  export  and  import  trade  of  the  country  have 
been  handled  by  the  men  of  the  customs  service;  their  treatment 
of  the  traveling  public  has  radically  changed,  their  vigilance 
supplied  the  evidence  for  the  Lusitania  note;  the  neutrality  was 
rigidly  maintained;  the  great  German  fleet  guarded,  captured, 
and  repaired;  substantial  economies  and  reforms  have  been  con- 
cluded, and  my  ardent  industry  has  been  given  to  this  great 
office  of  your  appointment.  But  now  I  wish  to  leave  these 
finished  tasks,  to  return  to  my  profession  of  the  law,  and  to  give 
all  my  leisure  time  to  fight  as  hard  for  the  political  freedom  of 
women  as  I  have  always  fought  for  your  liberal  leadership. 

It  seems  a  long  seven  years,  Mr.  President,  since  I  first  cam- 
paigned with  you  when  you  were  running  for  Governor  of  New 
Jersey.  In  every  circumstance  throughout  those  years,  I  have 
served  you  with  the  most  respectful  affection  and  unshadowed 
devotion.  It  is  no  small  sacrifice  now  for  me,  as  a  member  of 
your  Administration,  to  sever  our  political  relationship.  But  I 
think  it  is  high  time  that  men  in  this  generation,  at  some  cost  to 


themselves,  stood  up  to  battle  for  the  national  enfranchisement 
of  American  women.  So  in  order  effectively  to  keep  my  promise 
made  in  the  West,  and  more  freely  to  go  into  this  larger  field  of 
democratic  effort,  I  hereby  resign  my  o£Sce  as  Collector  of  the 
Port  of  New  York,  to  take  effect  at  once,  or  at  your  earliest 

Yours  respectfully, 

Dudley  Field  Malone. 

On  September  13,  six  pickets  left  Headquarters  at  half- 
past  four  in  the  afternoon.  They  were:  Katherine  Fisher, 
Mrs.  Frederick  Willard  Kendall,  Mrs.  Mark  Jackson,  Ruth 
Crocker,  Nina  Samardin,  Eleanor  Gwinter.  The  two  lettered 
banners  were  borne  by  Miss  Fisher  and  Mrs.  Kendall: 


They  marched  straight  to  the  lower  gate.  A  crowd  had 
already  collected  there.  Another  crowd  lined  the  edge  of  the 
sidewalk  across  the  street  on  Lafayette  Square.  There  were 
two  police  officers  on  the  White  House  sidewalk,  and  several 
across  the  way. 

The  crowd  made  way  for  the  group  of  pickets,  and  they 
took  their  accustomed  places  at  the  gate.  For  a  few  min- 
utes nothing  happened.  During  all  these  days  of  roughness 
and  riot,  it  had  been  very  difficult  to  take  pictures.  It 
seemed  as  though  the  thing  the  police  most  feared  was  the 
truth.  They  would  not  permit  the  moving-picture  men  to 
record  these  vivid  events.  They  even  confiscated  cameras. 
Photographers  ran  the  risk  always  of  having  their  cameras 
destroyed.  On  this  day,  Gladys  Greiner,  a  Suffragist,  was 
taking  pictures  of  the  crowd.  As  she  leveled  her  kodak  at 
a  police  captain,  he  kicked  her.  She  continued  to  take  her 
pictures  nevertheless.  A  sailor  and  a  marine,  both  in  uni- 
form, instead  of  moving  as  the  police  had  ordered,  came 
closer  and  closer  to  the  pickets.  Suddenly,  the  sailor 
snatched  the  banner  from  the  pole.     The  two  men  tore  the 


banner  into  pieces ;  passed  the  scraps  to  their  friends.  The 
police  looked  on  without  interference.  Then  they  arrested 
the  women.     They  were  taken  to  Judge  Mullowny. 

Judge  Mullowny  had  been  away  for  two  months  from  the 
bench.  In  the  meantime,  his  ideas  on  the  offense  of  picket- 
ing had  undergone  another  change.  His  first  decision  in  re- 
gard to  the  Suffragists  was  that  they  obstructed  traffic,  and, 
in  regard  to  the  banners,  that  they  "  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  case."  Later,  he  decided  that  the  banners  were 
"  treasonable."  Now,  in  regard  to  their  banner,  How  Long 
Must  Women  Wait  for  Liberty,  he  decided :  "  Since  this 
banner  is  unlikely  to  give  offense,  I  will  give  you  women  a 
light  sentence  this  time." 

All  evidence  except  that  of  the  two  policemen  was  ruled 
out.  In  regard  to  the  conduct  of  the  police  captain  in  kick- 
ing Miss  Greiner,  the  Judge  said :  "  I  have  nothing  to  do 
with  those  things ;  they  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  case." 

He  asked,  "  Would  you  pay  a  fine  instead  of  going  to 
prison,  if  I  made  the  fine  fifty  cents  ?  " 

"  Not  if  you  made  it  five  cents,"  replied  Mrs.  Kendall,  who 
spoke  for  the  six  prisoners. 

He  therefore  sentenced  them  to  thirty  days  in  the  gov- 
ernment workhouse. 

On  September  22,  four  more  Suffragists  were  arrested. 
They  were  Peggy  Baird  Johns,  Margaret  Wood  Kessler, 
Ernestine  Hara,  Hilda  Blumberg.  They  carried  a  new  ban- 
ner this  time,  quoting  words  from  an  early  work  of  the 
President.    It  said: 

PUBLIC    POLICY.       WE    ORIGINATED,    TO    PUT    IT    IN    THE    VER- 



The  Suffragist  of  September  29  describes  this  event: 

When  the  pickets  this  week  took  up  their  stations  at  the  East 
gate  of  the  White  House,  and  unfurled  the  "  seditious  "  utter- 
ance of  the  President  himself,  the  banner  was  almost  immediately 
iconfiscated  by  the  two  police  officers  who  had  hurried  to  the  spot. 
They  seemed  anxious  to  keep  from  the  little  pressing  crowd  the 
fact  that  the  President  had  once  been  not  only  a  Democrat,  but 
a  democrat. 

The  two  officers  then  stood  directly  in  front  of  the  little  group 
of  women  carrying  tri-colored  flags,  with  their  backs  to  what 
crowd  there  was.  More  than  half  of  the  wide  White  House 
sidewalks  were  vacant  of  pedestrians.  The  officers  had  evidently 
been  ordered  to  let  the  crowd  collect  for  a  certain  number  of 
minutes  before  they  arrested  the  women.  They  betrayed  not 
the  slightest  interest  in  the  spectators,  but  watched  their  victims 
with  bored  attention  as  they  waited  for  the  patrol.   .    .    . 

The  four  young  women  were,  on  the  following  day,  after  the 
usual  court  proceeding,  sentenced  to  thirty  days  in  the  govern- 
ment workhouse  for  "  obstructing  traffic." 

A  brief  statement  was  made  by  each  of  the  little  group.  "  We 
are  not  citizens,"  said  these  young  women.  "  We  are  not  repre- 
sented. We  were  silently,  peacefully  attempting  to  gain  the 
freedom  of  twenty  million  women  in  the  United  States  of 
America.  We  have  broken  no  law.  We  are  guilty  of  no  crime. 
We  have  been  illegally  arrested.  We  demand  our  freedom,  and 
we  shall  continue  to  ask  for  it  until  the  government  acts." 

They  were  given  thirty  days  in  the  workhouse. 

The  last  picketing  of  the  Emergency  War  Session  of  the 
Sixty-fifth  Congress  took  place  on  October  6,  the  day  Con- 
gress adjourned.  There  were  eleven  women  in  this  picket 
line:  Dr.   Caroline   Spencer,   Vivian  Pierce,   Louise  Lewis 


Kahle,  Rose  Winslow,  Joy  Young,  Matilda  Young,  Minnie 
Henesy,  Kate  Heffelfinger,  Maud  Jamison,  Lou  C.  Daniels. 

Alice  Paul  led  them.  Congress  was  adjourning.  The 
work  of  the  Woman's  Party  was  going  on  smoothly.  For 
the  first  time,  Alice  Paul  felt  that  she  had  the  leisure  to  go 
to  jail. 

In  the  Suffragist  of  October  13,  Pauline  Jacobson  of  the 
Scm  Francisco  Bulletm  thus  describes  their  arrest : 

I  had  had  much  of  the  Western  prejudice  against  the  "  militant 
movement "  that  the  live  Sa£frage  battle  had  become  in  this 
country.  I  had  thought  from  the  newspaper  reports  that  have 
gone  forth  concerning  the  action  of  these  "  militant  Suffragists," 
that  "  picketing  "  was  rowdy  and  unlovely.  I  found  it  a  silent, 
a  still  thing — a  thing  sublime.   ... 

The  sun,  which  never  seems  bright  to  me  under  these  paler 
Eastern  skies,  slanted  chill  and  thin  through  the  falling  golden 
foliage  of  autumn  trees  lining  the  broad  avenue  on  which  the 
White  House  stands.  Diagonally  across,  flying  the  Suffrage 
colors,  stands  the  handsome  old  Cameron  House,  the  Head- 
quarters of  the  Woman's  Party. 

Suddenly  that  chill  avenue  vista  became  vibrant  with  color, 
with  fluttering  banners,  wide-striped  of  purple,  white,  and  gold, 
borne  aloft  on  tall,  imposing,  war-like  spears.  Down  the 
Avenue  they  fluttered  slowly,  as  if  moved  by  some  mysterious 
force.  Then  I  saw  the  force  that  was  sending  those  banners 
forward  through  the  careless  crowds. 

There  were  eleven  women,  each  bearing  high  her  colored 
banner.  The  leader,  a  woman  frail,  and  slight,  and  very  paley 
her  eyes  and  face  really  lit  with  exaltation  of  purpose,  carried 
a  white  flag  on  which  was  printed :  "  Mr.  President,  what  will 
you  do  for  Woman  Suffrage  ?  "  Then  behind  them  followed  the 
others  with  the  vivid  purple  and  gold  flags  on  the  spear-headed 
staffs.  They  looked  neither  to  the  right  nor  to  the  left.  They 
seemed  to  me  to  walk  so  lightly  that  the  great  banners  carried 
them;  and  there  was  the  glow  in  all  of  their  eyes  though  their 
faces  were  quite  unsmiling. 

The  street  in  an  instant  had  become  alive  with  people  who 
gathered  about,  followed,  or  lined  the  curbs,  men  and  women — 
the  women  for  the  most  part  curious,  the  men  for  the  most  part 
disdainful,  insolent,  or  leering.  It  was  not  a  Western  crowd; 
there  was  no  generosity  in  it. 

But  silently,  perceived  by  all  but  perceiving  none,  the  women 


marched  straight  ahead.  As  they  neared  the  White  House  a 
sailor  sprang  forward  and  tore  the  banner  from  one  picket, 
threw  it  on  the  ground,  and  trampled  on  it.  The  young  girl 
who  had  carried  it  stooped  down  and  silently  rescued  her  banner. 
I  thought  there  was  tenderness  in  the  way  she  smoothed  it  out 
and  tried  to  fasten  it  again  to  her  tall  staff.  Four  banners  were 
torn  and  mutilated  like  that.  Each  girl,  without  a  word,  like  the 
first,  tried  to  protect  her  flag. 

And  then,  like  a  flash,  those  eleven  women,  a  few  feet  apart, 
were  flanking  either  side  of  the  wide  White  House  gates  like 
living  statues,  only  their  colored  banners  fluttering  upward. 
They  stood  facing  the  coming  and  going  crowd  silently.  There 
was  the  pale  little  leader  with  her  staff  bare ;  the  crowd  had  torn 
away  that  simple  question  on  the  white  flag.   ... 

Then  came  shouted  orders,  the  sudden  waving  of  blue-coated 
arms,  and  the  elbowing  to  the  front  of  blue  coats  with  much  gold 
braid.  The  police  were  scattering  the  curious  crowd.  Above 
their  orders  came  the  clang  of  the  patrol.  Next  the  eleven 
statues  had  disappeared  from  the  White  House  gates.  They  were 
being  crowded  to  the  front  by  the  fat  officer  in  the  uniform. 
They  were  still  silent  and  still  proud.  There  was  something 
majestic  even  in  the  way  each  stooped  her  head  to  eiiter  the 
small  door  of  the  patrol  wagon.  And  the  last  uniformed  officer 
who  had  gathered  together  the  brilliant  flags  sat  in  front,  where 
they  still  fluttered  triumphant  in  the  wind  as  the  patrol  clanged 
off  and  the  crowd  shouted. 

I  followed  them  to  the  police  station.  It  seemed  to  me  there 
was  strange  delay  in  the  procedure  of  accepting  bail  for  people 
charged  with  so  simple  an  offense — for  they  were  charged  with 
"  obstructing  traffic."  That  same  day,  I  had  seen  dense  crowds 
watching  the  World  Series  returns,  with  mounted  police  to  clear 
a  space  for  the  cars.  There  were  no  arrests  for  blocking  traffic. 
They  were  finally  released  on  bail  for  trial  the  following  Monday. 

The  eleven  women  were  tried  on  October  8.  They  refused 
to  recognize  the  Court.  They  would  not  be  sworn.  They 
would  not  question  witnesses.  They  would  not  speak  in  their 
own  behalf. 

Alice  Paul  said — I  quote  the  Suffragist: 

We  do  not  wish  to  make  any  plea  before  this  Court.  We  do 
not  consider  ourselves  subject  to  this  Court  since,  as  an  unen- 
franchised class,  we  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  making  of  the 
laws  which  have  put  us  in  this  position. 


The  Judge  did  not  sentence  the  eleven  women.  He  sus- 
pended sentence  and  restored  the  bail  furnished  by  the  Suf- 
fragists for  their  appearance.  For  this  surprising  change 
of  front,  no  reason  was  given.  Though  apparently  incon- 
sistent, it  was  perfectly  consistent  with  the  policy  of  an 
Administration  quite  dazed  and  uncertain  in  regard  to  its 
treatment  of  the  picketing  women. 

In  point  of  fact,  the  Court  did  not  sentence  the  women 
because  Congress  was  adjourning.  They  did  not  dismiss  the 
charge,  however. 

Regarding  the  freeing  of  the  pickets  Miss  Paul  said: 

We  are  glad  that  the  authorities  have  retreated  at  last  from 
their  untenable  position,  and  grown  wary  of  prosecuting  women 
for  peacefully  petitioning  for  political  liberty. 

The  action  of  the  Court  this  morning  makes  more  glaring  than 
ever  the  injustice  of  holding  nineteen  women  on  sixty  and  thirty 
day  sentences  in  Occoquan  Workhouse  for  the  same  offense  of 
petitioning  for  liberty  which  we  committed.  We  will  use  our 
unexpected  freedom  to  press  our  campaign  with  ever-increasing 

On  October  15,  four  pickets,  under  suspended  sentence 
from  their  picketing  of  October  6,  went  out  again.  They 
were  Rose  Winslow,  Kate  Heffelfinger,  Minnie  Henesy,  Maud 
Jamison.  The  police  were  taken  absolutely  by  surprise.  It 
was  ten  minutes  before  the  patrol  wagons  appeared.  In  the 
meantime,  of  course,  a  crowd  gathered  to  see  what  was  going 
to  happen.  When  the  patrol  stopped  at  the  curb,  an  officer 
approached  the  pickets.  "  Move  on ! "  he  ordered,  and,  be- 
fore the  pickets  could  move  on,  or  even  make  a  reply — "  I 
will  put  you  under  arrest,"  and  immediately,  "  You  are  under 
arrest."  Rose  Winslow,  one  of  the  pickets,  lifted  her  ban- 
ner high,  and  marched  with  the  air  of  a  conqueror  to  the 
waiting  patrol.    The  crowd  burst  into  spontaneous  applause. 

In  court  Rose  Winslow  said: 

We  have  seen  officers  of  the  law  permit  men  to  assault  women, 
to  destroy  their  banners,  to  enter  their  residences.  How,  then, 
can  you  ask  us  to  have  respect  for  the  law?    We  thought  that 


by  dismissing  ihe  Su£Eragists  without  sentence  this  Court  bad 
finally  decided  to  recognize  our  legal  right  to  petition  the  govern- 
ment. We  shall  continue  to  picket  because  it-  is  our  right.  On 
the  tenth  of  November  there  will  be  a  long  line  of  Suffragists 
who  will  march  to  the  White  House  gates  to  ask  for  political 
liberty.  You  can  send  us  to  jail,  but  you  know  that  we  have 
broken  no  law.  You  know  that  we  have  not  even  committed  the 
technical  offense  on  which  we  were  arrested.  You  know  that  we 
are  guiltless. 

Judge  Mullowny  gave  them  the  choice  between  a  twenty- 
five  dollar  fine  and  six  months  in  the  district  workhouse. 
They,  of  course,  refused  to  pay  the  fine. 

At  half-past  four  on  October  20,  Alice  Paul  led  a  depu- 
tation of  three  pickets  to  the  West  gate  of  the  White  House. 
The  others  were  Dr.  Caroline  Spencer,  Gladys  Greiner,  Grer- 
trude  Crocker.  Alice  Paul  carried  a  banner  with  the  words 
of  President  Wilson  which  had  appeared  recently  on  the 
posters  for  the  Second  Liberty  Bond  Loan  of  1917 : 


Dr.  Caroline  Spencer's  banner  bote  the  watchword  of  '76: 


They  were  arrested  as  soon  as  the  police  had  permitted 
what  seemed  a  sufficient  crowd  to  gather,  placed  in  the  patrol 
wagon,  and  taken  to  the  district  jail. 

The  officer  testified  as  follows — ^the  italics  are  my  own: 

I  made  my  way  through  the  crowd  that  was  surrounding  them, 
and  told  the  ladies  they  were  violating  the  law  by  Handing  at 
the  gates,  and  would  not  they  please  move  on. 

Assistant  District  Attorney  Hart  asked:  Did  they  move  on? 

Lee  answered:  They  did  not,  and  they  did  not  answer  either. 

Hart:  What  did  you  do  then? 

Lee:  Placed  them  under  arrest. 


The  two  women  who  carried  the  banners — ^Alice  Paul  and 
Caroline  Spencer — were  sentenced  to  seven  months  in  jail; 
the  other  two  pickets  were  offered  the  choice  of  a  five  dollar 
fine  or  thirty  days,  and,  of  course,  took  the  thirty  days. 

On  the  same  occasion,  Rose  Winslow  and  those  who  were 
arrested  with  her,  Maud  Jamison,  Kate  Heffelfinger, 
Minnie  Henesy — both  on  October  4  and  October  15 — came 
up  for  further  sentence.  Rose  Winslow  described  very 
vigorously  the  confusion  of  the  Suffragists  who,  she  ad- 
mitted, were  not  more  nonplussed  than  Judge  MuUoWny 
admitted  the  Court  was.    She  said: 

You  sentence  us  to  jail  for  a  few  days,  then  you  sentence  us 
to  the  workhouse  for  thirty  days,  then  sixty,  and  then  you  sus- 
pend sentence.  Sometimes  we  are  accused  of  carrying  seditious 
banners,  then  of  obstructing  traffic.  How  do  you  expect  us  to 
see  any  consistency  in  the  law,  or  in  your  sentences? 

The  Court  smiled,  and  pronounced  an  additional  thirty 
days,  saying :  "  First,  you  will  serve  six  months,  and  then 
you  will  serve  one  month  more." 

Alice  Paul  had  been  in  jail  ever  since  October  20.  When 
the  news  first  got  out,  women  came  from  all  over  the  country 
to  join  the  picket  forces.  It  was  decided  that  on  November 
10,  forty-one  women  should  go  out^on  the  picket  line  as  a 
protest  against  her  imprisonment.  But  on  the  night  of  No- 
vember 9,  these  forty-one  women — accompanied  by  sympa- 
thizers and  friends — went  down  to  the  jail  where  their  leader 
was  confined.  Headquarters  had  heard  from  Alice  Paul  from 
time  to  time,  and  Alice  Paul  had  heard  from  Headquarters — 
by  means  of  a  cleaning-woman  in  the  jail.  In  her  Jailed  for 
Freedom^  Doris  Stevens  tells  how  she  went  down  to  the  jail 
and  talked  to  Alice  Paul  from  the  yard.  Catherine  Flanagan 
and  Mrs.  Sophie  Meredith  had  communicated  with  her  in 
this  same  manner.  And  once  Vida  MilhoUand  came  and  sang 
under  her  window.  But  this  was  the  first  time  that  a  depu- 
tation visited  their  imprisoned  leader. 


The  house  in  which  Warden  Zinkham  lived  was  close  to 
the  wing  in  which  Alice  Paul  was  imprisoned.  The  leader  of 
the  delegation,  Katherjne  Morey,  accompanied  by  Catherine 
Flanagan,  went  to  Zinkham's  door  and  rang  the  bell;  asked 
to  see  him.  They  were  told  that  he  was  ill  and  could  not 
be  seen.  Immediately,  the  two  girls  gave  a  prearranged 
signal  to  the  silent  crowd  of  pickets  back  of  them.  With 
one  accord,  they  ran  and  grouped  themselves  under  Alice 
Paul's  window.  Before  the  guards  could  rush  upon  them 
and  push  them  out  of  the  yard,  they  had  managed  to  call  up 
to  her  their  names ;  the  large  sum  of  money  which  that  day 
had  come  into  the  Treasury ;  that  forty-one  of  them  would 
protest  against  her  imprisonment  on  the  picket  line  the  next 

The  next  morning,  the  picket  line  of  forty-one  women 
marched  from  Headquarters  in  five  groups.  The  first  was 
led  by  Mrs.  John  Winters  Brannan. 

As  usual,  the  pickets  bore  golden-lettered  banners.  As 
usual,  they  bore  purple,  white,  and  gold  flags.  As  usual, 
they  walked  slowly — always  a  banner's  length  apart.  They 
moved  over  to  Pennsylvania  Avenue;  took  up  their  silent 
statuesque  position  at  the  East  and  West  gates  of  the  White 

The  thick  stream  of  government  clerks,  hastening  with 
home-going  swiftness,  paused  to  look  at  them.  Involun- 
tarily they  applauded  the  women  when  they  were  arrested. 
This  happened  almost  immediately,  the  police  hurrying  the 
pickets  into  the  line  of  waiting  patrols.  Suddenly  the  crowd 
raised  a  shout: 

"  There  come  some  more ! " 

The  second  picket  line  numbered  ten  women. 

They  also  bore  golden  lettered  banners.  They  also  bore 
flags  of  purple,  white,  and  gold.  They  were  arrested  im- 

The  applause  continued  to  grow  and  grow  in  volume. 


Immediately  a  third  group  appeared,  and  after  they  had 
been  arrested,  a  fourth;  and,  on  their  arrest,  a  fifth.  For 
half  an  hour  a  continuous  line  of  purple,  white,  and  gold 
blazed  its  revolutionary  path  through  the  grayness  of  the 
November  afternoon. 

Mary  A.  Nolan  of  Florida  headed  the  fifth  group  of 
pickets.  Little,  frail,  lame,  seventy  years  old,  her  gallantry 
elicited  from  the  two  lines  of  onlookers  applause,  cheers,  calls 
of  encouragement. 

"  K)eep  right  on ! "  one  voice  emerged  from  the  noise. 
"  You'll  make  them  give  it  to  you !  " 

The  women  of  the  first  group  were:  Mrs.  John  Winters 
Brannan,  Belle  Sheinberg,  L.  H.  Hornesby,  Paula  Jakobi, 
Cynthia  Cohen,  M.  Tilden  Burritt,  Dorothy  Day,  Mrs. 
Henry  Butterworth,  Cora  Weeks,  Peggy  Baird  Johns,  Eliza- 
beth Hamilton,  Ella  Guilford,  Amy  Juengling,  Hattie 

The  women  of  the  second  group  were:  Agnes  H.  Morey, 
Mrs.  William  Bergen,  Camilla  Whitcomb,  Ella  Findeisen, 
Lou  Daniels,  Mrs.  George  Scott,  Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis, 
Elizabeth  McShane,  Kathryn  Lincoln. 

The  women  of  the  third  group  were :  Mrs.  William  Kent, 
Alice  Gram,  Betty  Gram,  Mrs.  R.  B.  Quay,  Mrs.  C.  T. 
Robertson,  Eva  Decker,  Genevieve  Williams. 

The  women  of  the  fourth  group  were:  Mrs.  Charles  W. 
Barnes,  Kate  Stafford,  Mrs.  J.  H.  Short,  Mrs.  A.  N.  Beim, 
Catherine  Martinette. 

The  women  of  the  fifth  group  were:  Mrs.  Harvey  Wiley, 
Alice  Cosu,  Mary  Bartlett  Dixon,  Julia  Emory,  Mary  A. 
Nolan,  Lucy  Burns. 

The  forty-one  women  were  tried  on  November  12.  They 
were  charged  with  "  obstructing  traffic,"  and  pleaded  "  Not 
Guilty."  The  police  sergeants  and  plain-clothes  men  gave 
their  testimony  which  was  refuted  absolutely  by  witnesses 
for  the  defendants — Helena  Hill  Weed,  Olivia  Dunbar  Tor- 
rence,  Marie  Manning  Gasch,  Mary  Ingham. 

Mrs.  John  Winters  Brannan  said: 


The  responsibility  for  an  agitation  like  ours  against  injus- 
tice rests  with  those  who  deny  justice,  not  those  who  demand  it. 
Whatever  may  be  the  verdict  of  this  Court,  we  shall  continue  our 
agitation  until  the  grievance  of  American  women  is  redressed. 

Mrs.  Harvey  Wiley  said: 

I  want  to  state  that  we  took  this  action  with  great  consecra- 
tion of  spirit.  We  took  this  action  with  willingness  to  sacrifice 
our  personal  liberty  in  order  to  focus  the  attention  of  the  nation 
on  the  injustice  of  our  disfranchisement,  that  we  might  thereby 
win  political  liberty  for  all  the  women  of  the  country.  The 
Constitution  says  that  Congress  shall  not  in  any  way  abridge  the 
right  of  citizens  peacefully  to  assembly  and  petition.  That  is 
exactly  what  we  did.  We  peacefully  assembled  and  then  pro- 
ceeded with  our  petition  to  the  President  for  the  redress  of  our 
grievance  of  disfranchisement.  The  Constitution  does  not  specify 
the  form  of  petition.  Ours  was  in  the  form  of  a  banner.  To 
say  that  we  "  broke  tra£Bc  regulations  "  when  we  exercised  our 
constitutional  right  of  petition  is  therefore  unconstitutional. 

Judge  MuUowny  admitted  the  embarrassment  of  the  Ad- 

"  The  trouble  of  the  situation  is  that  the  Court  has  not 
been  given  power  to  meet  it,"  he  complained.  "  It  is  very, 
very  puzzling." 

A  little  after  three  o'clock,  he  dismissed  the  pickets  with- 
out imposing  sentence.  He  said  he  would  take  the  case  under 

An  hour  later,  twenty-seven  of  the  women  who  had  just 
been  tried — Vith,  in  addition,  Mrs.  William  L.  Colt,  Eliza- 
beth Smith,  Matilda  Young,  Hilda  Blumberg — emerged  from 
Headquarters.  They  walked  twice  up  and  down  in  front  of 
the  White  House  before  they  took  their  places  at  the 

The  police  were  dumbfounded  by  their  unexpected  on- 
slaught. There  were  no  patrols  waiting.  But  they  pulled 
themselves  together,  arrested  the  pickets,  and  commandeered 
cars  in  which  to  take  them  to  the  police  headquarters. 

The  thirty-one  women  were  ordered  to  appear  in  court 
on   November   14.      There,    after   waiting   all    the   mom- 


ing,   Judge   MuUowny    told   them    to   come   back    Friday. 

At  Headquarters,  it  was  believed  that  this  was  not  only  a 
challenge  to  the  quality  of  their  spirit,  but  to  the  degree 
of  their  patience. 

Many  women  had  come  from  a  long  distance  to  make  this 
protest.  Not  all  could  spare  the  time,  money,  and  vitality. 
Their  answer  to  that  challenge  was  instant  and  convincing. 
On  the  afternoon  of  November  13,  the  picket  line  went  out 
again — ^thirty-one  of  them. 

The  pickets  blazed  their  way  through  dense,  black  throngs. 
The  crowd  was  distinctly  friendly. 

Suddenly  one  of  the  banners  disappeared;  another  and 
another  until  six  of  them  were  destroyed;  the  bare  poles 
proceeded  on  their  way  however.  The  same  person  accom- 
plished all  this — the  uniformed  yeoman  who  dragged  Alice 
Paul  across  thirty  feet  of  pavement  on  August  15.  But 
this  time,  the  crowd — friendly — ^manifested  its  disapproval, 
and  the  police  arrested  him.  The  pickets  stood  for  a  long 
time,  their  line  stretching  from  gate  to  gate,  until  they  began 
to  think  that  the  Administration  had  changed  its  tactics. 
Then  suddenly  the  patrol  wagon  gong  sounded  in  the  dis- 
tance.    Presently  they  were  all  arrested. 

Many  of  the  pickets  had  been  tried  the  day  before.  As 
their  bail  had  not  been  refunded,  they  refused  to  give  more. 
They  were  kept  that  night  in  the  house  of  detention.  As 
this  institution  had  but  two  rooms  with  eight  beds  each,  some 
of  the  women  slept  on  the  floor.  They  were  tried  and  sen- 
tenced the  next  day.  One  of  them — ^the  aged  Mrs  Nolan — 
got  six  days,  three  fifteen  days,  twenty-four  thirty  days, 
two — ^Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis  and  Mrs.  John  Winters  Brannan 
— sixty  days,  and  oiie — ^Lucy  Burns — six  months. 

It  was  this  group  of  women  who  went  through  the  Night 
of  Terror,  subsequently  to  be  described. 

On  November  17,  three  more  women — ^Mrs.  Harvey  Wiley, 
Mrs.  William  Kent,  and  Elizabeth  McShane — ^were  sentenced 
to  fifteen  days  on  the  November  10  charges. 


All  these  prisoners  except  four  were  sent  to  the  Occoquan 

Habeas  corpus  proceedings  became  necessary — owing  to 
conditions  which  will  presently  be  set  forth — and  a  writ  was 
procured;  but  only  after  numberless  obstacles  were  sur- 
mounted. The  case  came  up  in  the  United  States  District 
Court  at  Alexandria,  Virginia,  with  Judge  Edmund  Waddill 
sitting.  Judge  Waddill  ordered  the  prisoners  transferred 
to  the  jail  on  the  ground  that  they  should  have  been  con- 
fined there  instead  of  at  Occoquan  Workhouse.  Later  the 
Court  of  Appeals  reversed  this  decision.  In  the  meantime, 
brought  to  the  jail,  the  government  was  faced  with  the 
necessity  of  forcibly  feeding  the  majority  of  these  women, 
already  weakened  from  hunger-striking. 

Here,  perhaps,  is  the  place  to  tell  of  a  curious  incident 
that  happened  during  Alice  Paul's  jail  term.  For  this  to 
strike  the  reader  with  the  force  it  deserves,  he  must  remem- 
ber that  Alice  Paul  was  held  almost  incommunicado,  that 
she  saw  but  two  friends  from  the  outside,  and  then  only  for 
a  few  minutes,  that  she  could  not  confer  with  her  counsel, 
Dudley  Field  Malone,  who  had  to  overcome  extraordinary 
obstacles — ^had  finally  to  threaten  habeas  corpus  proceedings 
and  to  see  high  officials  who  were  his  personal  friends — to 
get  to  her.  Two  newspaper  men  were  admitted,  but  they 
were  friendly  to  the  Administration. 

One  evening,  at  nine  o'clock — an  hour  when  all  the  pris- 
oners were  supposed  to  be  in  bed — ^the  door  opened  and  a 
stranger  entered  her  room.  He  proved  to  be  David 
Lawrence,  a  newspaper  man,  very  well  known  as  one  who 
was  closely  associated  with  the  Administration.  He  did  not 
say  that  he  had  come  from  the  Administration,  but,  of 
course.  It  is  obvious  that  if  he  had  not  been  in  favor  with 
the  Administration,  he  would  not  have  been  admitted.  He 
stayed  two  hours,  and  Miss  Paul  talked  over  the  situation 
with  him. 

I  now  quote  Miss  Younger,  who  has  told  this  episode  on 
many  platforms : 


He  asked  Miss  Paul  how  long  she  and  the  other  pickets  would 
give  the  Administration  before  they  began  picketing  again.  She 
said  it  would  depend  upon  the  attitude  the  Administration  and 
Congress  seemed  to  be  taking  toward  the  Federal  Amendment. 
He  said  he  believed  the  prohibition  bill  would  be  brought  up 
and  passed,  and  after  that  was  out  of  the  way  the  Suffrage  bill 
would  be  taken  up. 

He  asked  if  we  would  be  content  to  have  it  go  through  one 
House  this  session  and  wait  till  the  next  session  for  it  to  pass 
the  other  House.  Miss  Paul  said  that  if  the  bill  did  not  go 
through  both  Houses  this  session,  the  Woman's  Party  would  not 
be  satisfied. 

Then  the  man  said  he  believed  that  the  President  would  not 
mention  Suffrage  in  his  message  at  the  opening  of  Congress,  but 
would  make  it  known  to  the  leaders  of  Congress  that  he  wanted 
it  passed  and  would  see  that  it  passed. 

He  said  in  effect:  Now  the  great  difficulty  is  for  these  hunger- 
strikers  to  be  recognized  as  political  prisoners.  Every  day  you 
hunger-strike,  you  advertise  the  idea  of  political  prisoners 
throughout  the  country.  It  would  be  the  easiest  thing  in  the  world 
for  the  Administration  to  treat  you  as  political  prisoners ;  to  put 
you  in  a  fine  house  in  Washington;  give  you  the  best  of  food; 
take  the  best  of  care  of  you;  but  if  we  treat  you  as  political 
prisoners,  we  would  have  to  treat  other  groups  which  might  arise 
in  opposition  to  the  war  program  as  political  prisoners  too,  and 
that  would  throw  a  bomb  in  our  war  program.  It  would  never 
do.  It  would  be  easier  to  give  you  the  Suffrage  Amendment  than 
to  treat  you  as  political  prisoners. 

On  November  27  and  28,  a  few  days  after  Miss  Paul's 
strange  experience — suddenly,  quite  arbitrarily,  and  with  no 
reason  assigned — the  government  released  all  the  Suffrage 

The  speakers  of  the  Woman's  Party  began  telling  this 
story  of  the  visit  to  Alice  Paul's  cell,  everywhere.  It  finally 
appeared  in  the  Milwaukee  Leader  and  in  the  San  Francisco 
Bulletin  in  an  article  written  by  John  D.  Barry.  The  Na- 
tional Association  Opposed  to  Woman  Suffrage  immedi- 
ately questioned  the  truth  of  this  episode. 

Congress  reconvened  on  December  3.  The  President,  true 
to  David  Lawrence's  prophecy,  did  not  mention  Suffrage  in 
his  message  to  Congress.    However,  on  January  9,  1918,  on 


the  evening  of,  the  victorious  vote  in  the  House — as  will 
subsequently  and  in  more  detail  again  be  told — the  President 
declared  for  the  Federal  Amendment. 

Minnie  Bronson,  the  General  Secretary  of  the  National 
Association  Opposed  to  Woman  Suifrage,  immediately  sent 
Alice  Paul  a  letter  of  apology  for  questioning  the  truth  of 
her  statement.  In  that  letter,  she  repeats  Maud  Younger's 
statement  in  regard  to  this  visit  to  Alice  Paul  in  prison, 
and  says: 

The  inference  contained  in  this  article  that  the  President  of 
the  United  States  would  under  cover  assist  a  proposition  which 
he  had  publicly  and  unqualifiedly  repudiated,  seemed  to  us  un- 
worthy of  his  high  office,  and  we  felt  justified  in  defending  him 
from  what  seemed  an  unwarranted  and  unbelievable  accusation. 

However,  the  President's  subsequent  public  suppy>rt  of  the  Fed- 
eral Suffrage  Amendment,  his  announcement  coming  on  the  eve  of 
the  vote  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  indicates  the  truth  of 
your  original  assertion,  and  we  therefore  deem  it  incumbent 
upon  ourselves  to  apologize  for  having  questionofl  Miss  Younger's 
statement.  [ 

We  are  sending  a  copy  of  this  letter  to  tjje  President  and 
members  of  Congress.  "" 

Very  truly  yours, 

Minnie  Bronson. 

Perha,ps  a  word  should  be  said  of  description — and  even 
of  explanation — in  regard  to  the  crowds  who  harried  the 
Suffragists.  Of  course,  in  all  crowds  there  is  a  hoodlum 
element,  and  if  that  element  is  not  held  down  by  the  police, 
it  rapidly  becomes  the  controlling  power;  tends  to  become 
more  and  more  destructive.  The  police,  as  has  been  indi- 
cated from  time  to  time,  adopted  various  policies.  At  first, 
they  maintained  order.  Then  they  began  to  permit  the 
rowdy  element  in  the  crowds  to  do  as  it  pleased.  Later,  they 
even  worked  with  these  destructive  forces. 

Men  were  heard  to  say,  one  to  another,  "  Stick  around 
here.  Something's  going  to  happen  this  afternoon.  I  saw 
it  this  morning."  To  them,  of  course,  it  was  merely  an 
entertaining  exhibition. 

Photo  Copr.  Harris  and  Ewing,  Washington,   D    C 

Obeying  Okders. 

Washington  Police  Aheesting  White  House  Pickets  Bepoke 

THE  Treasury  Building. 

1 ■.-  •■  \ui^^^  . —. — - — ■:-T::?w!7m9m- 

^—             ,       s- 

*     ""jW    ~" 

Pnoto  Copr.  Harris  and  Ewing,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  Patrol  Wagon  Waiting  the  Arrival  of  the 
Suffrage  Pickets. 


An  enlisting  sergeant  used  often  to  make  his  way  through 
the  crowds  saying,  "  Now  you  have  shown  your  spirit,  boys, 
come  and  enlist !  " 

At  all  times,  however,  the  people  who  annoyed,  and  later 
ill-treated  the  girls,  were  very  young  men — often  in  uniform. 
After  a  while  there  appeared  men  in ,  plain  clothes  with 
groups  of  men  in  khaki,  or  yeomen,  who  were  obviously  in 
the  crowd  for  the  purpose  of  making  trouble  for  the  Suf- 
fragists. These  people  did  not  like  cameras,  and  the 
moving  picture  people  who,  appreciating  the  news  value  of 
the  situation,  tried  to  get  views  of  the  crowd,  did  so  at  the 
risk  of  having  their  cameras  smashed.  Indeed,  Helena  HiU 
Weed  once  dispersed  a  crowd  by  pointing  a  camera  at  them. 
This  was  the  worst  element  the  pickets  had  to  deal  with — 
unthinking  young  men  of  a  semi-brutalized  type.  Of  course, 
boys  took  their  cue  from  their  elders,  and  snatched  or 
destroyed  banners  where  they  could.  After  a  demonstration, 
you  would  come  across  groups  of  them,  marching  with  the 
tattered  banners  that  they  had  managed  to  steal. 

"  When  is  the  shooting  going  to  begin?  "  one  little  boy 
was  heard  to  ask  once. 

In  the  very  midst  of  the  riots,  one  would  come  across  older 
men  cutting  up  banners  into  small  pieces  which  they  gave 
away  as  souvenirs. 

Of  course,  there  were  chivalrous  spirits  who  protested 
against  the  treatment  of  the  pickets  by  the  police — ^protested 
even  after  they  wer^  threatened  with  arrest.  Some  of  them 
were  actually  arrested,  and  one  of  them  fined. 

Often — ^very  often  indeed — the  waiting  crowds  broke  into 
spontaneous  applause  when  group  after  group  marched 
from  Headquarters  into  the  certainty  of  arrest.  Those  who 
were  Anglo-Saxons  inevitably  admired  the  sporting  quality 
of  these  women. 

Perhaps  a  negro  street  sweeper  summed  it  up  better  than 
anybody  else. ,  He  said :  "  I  doan  know  what  them  women 
want,  but  I  know  they  ain't  skeered!  " 

The  reader  is  probably  asking  by  this  time  what  was  the 


effect  of  the  picketing  on  the  Woman's  Party  itself.  The 
first  reaction  was  exactly  what  he  would  guess — that  mem- 
bers resigned  in  large  numbers.  The  second,  however,  was 
one  which  he  might  not  expect — that  new  members  joined  in 
large  numbers.  In  other  words,  the  militant  action  which 
alienated  some  women  brought  others  into  the  organization; 
women  who  were  aroused  by  the  simple  and  immediate  de- 
mands of  the  Woman's  Party  and  by  the  courage  and  the 
forthrightness  with  which  it  pushed  those  demands;  women 
who  had  become  impatient  at  the  impasse  to  which  the  older 
generation  of  Suffrage  workers  had  brought  the  Suffrage 
Amendment.  The  majority  of  the  people  who  deserted  came 
back  later. 

As  far  as  money  was  concerned,  the  effect  was  magical. 
In  some  months  during  the  picketing  the  receipts  were 
double  what  they  had  been  the  corresponding  months  of  the 
previous  year  when  there  had  been  no  picketing.  Once  those 
receipts  jumped  as  high  as  six  times  the  'normal  amount. 
This  was  what  happened  in  England  during  the  militant 

4.    The  Court  and  the  Pickets 

"  So  long  as  you  send  women  to /prison  for  asking  for  justice, 
so  long  will  women  be  ready  to  go  in  such  a  cause." 

Anne  Martin  to  the  judge  before  whom  she  was  tried. 

After  Judge  Waddill's  decision  that  the  commitment  of  the 
pickets  to  Occoquan  was  illegal,  the  pickets  filed  sixteen  suits . 
for  damage.  Eight  of  these  were  against  Whittaker,  Super- 
intendent of  the  Workhouse  at  Occoquan,  and  his  assistant, 
Captain  Reams,  on  account  of  their  brutal  treatment  of  the 
women  while  at  Occoquan  Workhouse.  They  were  filed  in 
the  United  States  Court  for  the  Western  District  of  Vir- 
ginia at  Richmond.  The  other  eight  were  against  the  Com- 
missioners of  the  District  of  Columbia  and  Superintendent 
Zinkham  of  the  District  Jail  for  the  unlawful  transfer  of  the 
pickets  to  the  institution  of  Whittaker  at  Occoquan.  These 
suits  were  filed  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  District  of 
Columbia  at  Washington. 

The  appeals  in  the  cases  of  two  groups  of  women  arrested 
August  23  and  28  came  up  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
Court  of  Appeals  on  January  8,  1918,  before  Chief  Justice 
Smyth,  and  Justices  Robb  and  Van  Orsdel.  Matthew 
O'Brien,  of  Washington,  and  Dudley  Field  Malone,  of  New 
York,  appeared  for  the  Suffragists.  Corporation  Counsel 
Stevens  conducted  the  case  for  the  government. 

"  Suppose,"  suggested  Justice  Robb,  "  some  upholders  of  Billy 
Sunday  should  go  out  on  the  streets  with  banners  on  which  were 
painted  some  of  Billy's  catch  phrases,  and  should  stand  with 
their  backs  to  the  fence,  and  a  curious  crowd  gathered,  some  of 
whom  created  disorder  and  threw  stones  at  the,  carriers  of  the 
banners.  Who  should  be  arrested,  those  who  created  the  dis- 
order, or  the  banner  carriers .''  " 

Mr.  Stevens  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  both  parties  should  be 



"  Did  I  makp  myself  clear  that  the  banner  carriers  were  per- 
fectly peaceful  ?  "  Justice  Bobb  asked. 

"  When  it  is  commonly  known  there  is  a  forty-foot  sidewalk 
there?  "  Justice  Van  Orsdel  reinforced  him. 

"  Well,  then,"  observed  Attorney  O'Brien,  when  he  answered 
Mr.  Stevens  in  his  argument,  "  the  honorable  Justices  obstruct 
traffic,  according  to  learned  counsel's  definition,  when  court  ad- 
journs, and  they  walk  down  the  street  together." 

On  March  4,  Judge  Van  Orsdel  handed  down  the  opinion, 
which  was  concurred  in  by  the  other  two  judges  of  the 
court,  that  in  the  case  of  those  pickets  who  appealed,  no 
information  had  been  filed  justifying  their  arrest  and  sen- 
tence. Since  the  offense  of  every  other  picket  who  was 
arrested  was  identical  with  that  of  these  twelve  who  appealed 
their  case,  they  were  all  illegally  arrested,  illegally  convicted 
and  illegally  imprisoned.  The  Appellate  Court  thus  reversed 
the  decision  of  the  District  Police  Court.  In  addition,  it 
ordered  the  cases  dismissed.  All  of  the  costs  involved  iii 
the  cases,  it  was  decided,  should  be  paid  by  the  Court  of 
the  District  of  Columbia,  for  which  an  appropriation  would 
have  to  be  made  by  Congressional  enactment. 

Later,  the  case  of  Mrs.  Harvey  Wiley  came  up.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  Mrs.  Wiley  was  one  of  the  forty-three 
women  who  picketed  the  President  on  November  in  the  last 
picket  line  demonstration.  She  was  sentenced  to  serve  fifteen 
days  in  the  District  Jail.  Dr.  Wiley,  her  husband,  appealed 
her  case.  Early  in  April  the  Court  decided  that  there  was 
no  information  filed  justifying  her  arrest.  So  that  she  also 
was  illegally  arrested,  illegally  convicted,  and  illegally  im- 

Yet  in  spite  of  the  brutalities  to  which  the  Courts  sen- 
tenced the  pickets,  unconsciously  they  furthered  the  Suf- 
frage cause.  The  women  turned  the  Court  sessions  into  Suf- 
frage meetings.  In  defending  their  case  at  one  of  the  early 
trials,  the  pickets,  each  taking  up  the  story  where  the  other 
left  it,  told  the  entire  history  of  the  Suffrage  movement. 
Crowds  thronged  the  Court.  People  attended  these  trials 
who  had  never  been  to  a  Suffrage  meeting  in  their  lives. 

5.    The  Strange  Ladies 


Evening  at  Occoquan.    Rain  pelts  the  workhouse  roof. 
The  prison  matrons  are  sewing  together  for  the  Red  Cross. 
The  women  prisoners  are  going  to  bed  in  two  long  rows. 
Some  of  the  Suffrage  pickets  lie  reading  in  the  dim  light. 
Through  the  dark,  above  the  rain,  rings  out  a  cry. 

We  listen  at  the  windows.     (Oh,  those  cries  from  punishment 

A  voice  calls  one  of  us  by  name. 
"  Miss  Burns !     Miss  Burns !    Will  you  see  that  I  have  a  drink 

of  water  ?  " 
Lucy  Burns  arises;  slips  on  the  coarse  blue  prison  gown. 
Over  it  her  swinging  hair,  red-gold,  throws  a  regal  mantle. 

She  begs  the  night-watch  to  give  the  girl  water. 

One  of  the  matrons  leaves  her  war-bandages;  we  see  her  hasten 

to  the  cell. 
The  light  in  it  goes  out. 
The  voice  despairing  cries: 

"  She  has  taken  away  the  cup  and  she  will  not  bring  me  water." 
Rain  pours  on  the  roof.    The  Suffragists  lie  awake. 
The  matrons  work  busily  for  the  Red  Cross. 

Xatherine  Rolstok  Fisheh, 

The  Suffragist,  October  17,  1917. 


Composed  in  Prison  by  the  Suffrage  Pickets 


Tune  (Scotch) : 
"  Charlie  Is  My  Darling." 

Shout  the  Revolution 

Of  Women,  of  Women, 
Shout  the  Revolution 

Of  Liberty. 


Rise,  glorious  women  of  the  earth, 

The  voiceless  and  the  free. 
United  strength  assures  the  birth 

Of  True  Democracy. 
Invincible  our  army. 

Forward,  forward. 
Strong  in  faith  we're  marching 

To  Victory. 

Shout  the  Revolution 

Of  Women,  of  Women, 
Shout  the  Revolution 

Of  Liberty. 
Men's  reyolutions  born  in  blood 

But  our's  conceived  in  peace 
We  hold  a  banner  for  a  sword, 

'Til  all  oppression  cease. 
Prison,  death  defying, 

Onward,  onward. 
Triumphant  daughters  marching 

To  Victory. 

The  preceding  two  chapters  have  been  concerned  mainly 
with  the  treatment  of  the  pickets  at  the  hands  of  the  law. 
We  now  approach  a  much  graver  matter — their  treatment 
at  the  hands  of  the  prison  authorities.  This  chapter  de- 
scribes what  is  one  of  the  most  disgraceful  episodes  in  the 
history  of  the  United  States.  It  is  futile  to  argue  that  what 
happened  in  the  District  Jail  and  at  Occoquan  Workhouse, 
and  later  at  the  abandoned  Workhouse,  was  unknown  to  the 
Administration.  The  Suffragists,  indeed,  published  it  to  the 
entire  country.  That  the  treatment  to  which  the  pickets 
were  subjected  was  the  result  of  orders  from  above  is  almost 
demonstrable.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  officials  who 
are  responsible  for  what  happened  to  the  pickets — the  three 
Commissioners  who  govern  the  District  of  Columbia,  the 
police  court  judges,  the  Chief  of  Police,  the  warden  of  the 
jail,  the  superintendent  of  Occoquan  Workhouse,  are  directly 
or  indirectly  answerable  to  the  President. 

When  the  first  pickets  came  out  of  prison  (arrested  on 
June  27,  1917),  their  spirit  was  that  of  women  who  have 


willingly  gone  to  jail  for  a  cause — and  was  in  consequence 
entirely  without  self-pity. 

In  a  speech  at  a  breakfast  tendered  them  in  the  garden  at 
Headquarters,  Mabel  Vernon  sounded  this  note : 

I  do  not  want  any  one  here  to  think  we  have  been  martyrs 
because  of  this  jail  experience  we  have  had.  There  was  no  great 
hardship  connected  with  it.  It  was  a  very  simple  thing  to  do — 
to  be  imprisoned  for  three  days,  really  two  nights  and  a  day. 
Do  not  think  we  have  gone  through  any  great  sacrifices. 

But  I  do  not  feel  patient  about  this  experience.  I  do  not  want 
to  go  back  to  jail,  and  I  do  not  want  others  to  go,  became  it 
should  not  he  necessary.  , 

The  jail  in  which  the  women  were  first  imprisoned  was  the 
conventional  big  white-washed  octagonal  building  with  wings 
at  both  sides.  This  was  as  filthy  then  as  any  place  could  be. 
The  bathroom,  with  its  shower  was  a  damp,  dank,  dark  place. 
The  jail  was  filled  with  vermin  and  rats.  Julia  Emory  said 
that,  in  the  night,  prisoners  could  actually  hear  the  light 
cell  chairs  being  moved,  so  big  and  strong  were  the  rats. 
The  prisoners  complained  so  constantly  that  finally  the 
prison  officials  put  poison  about;  but  this  did  not  decrease 
them.  Then  they  brought  a  dog,  but  the  dog  was  apparently 
afraid  of  the  rats.  The  girls  used  to  hear  the  matrons  telling 
visitors  that  they  had  got  rid  of  the  rats  by  means  of  this 
dog.  One  night,  Julia  Emory  beat  three  rats  in  succession 
off  her  bed.  Alice  Paul  says  that  among  her  group  of  jailed 
pickets  was  one  whose  shrieks  nightly  filled  the  jail  as  the 
rats  entered  her  cell. 

On  July  17,  however,  when  the  sixteen  women  charged  with 
obstructing  traffic  went  to  Occoquan  Workhouse,  things 
got  much  worse.  Occoquan  is  charmingly  situated,  and, 
judged  superficially,  seems  a  model  institution.  It  consists 
of  a  group  of  white  buildings  placed  in  a  picturesque  com- 
bination of  cultivated  fields  with  distant  hills.  All  about  lie 
the  pleasant  indications  of  rural  life — crops;  cows  grazing; 
agricultural  implements ;  even  flower  gardens.    The  District 


Jail  cannot  compare  with  it  for  charm  of  situation.  It  has 
not  even  a  pretense  of  the  meretricious  effect  of  cleanliness 
which  Occoquan  shows.  Nevertheless,  no  picket  who  went  to 
Occoquan  emerged  without  a  sinister  sense  of  the  horror  of 
the  place.  Lucy  Burns,  of  whom  it  may  almost  be  said  that 
she  knows  no  fear,  confesses  that  at  Occoquan  she  suffered 
with  nameless  and  inexplicable  terrors.  This  evidence  is  all 
the  more  strange  because,  I  reiterate,  Occoquan  has  an  effect 
of  cleanliness,  of  open  air,  of  comfort ;  almost  of  charm.  One 
reason  for  this  sinister  atmosphere  was  that  no  question  the 
pickets  put  was  ever  answered  directly.  If  they  asked  to  see 
Superintendent  Whittaker,  he  was  always  out — ^they  could 
see  him  tomorrow.  If  they  made  a  request,  it  would  be 
granted  to  them  in  two  days,  or  next  week.  The  women's 
ward  was  a  long,  clean,  sunny,  airy  room  with  two  rows  of 
beds — ^like  a  hospital  ward.  Here  they  put  colored  pris- 
oners to  sleep  in  the  same  room  with  the  Suffragists.  More- 
over, they  set  the  Suffragists  to  paint  the  lavatories  used  by 
the  colored  women.  The  matron  who  handled  the  bedclothes 
was  compelled  to  wear  rubber  gloves,  but  the  Suffragists 
were  permitted  no  such  luxury — even  in  painting  the  lava- 
tories. Indeed,  often  they  slept  in  beds  in  which  the  blankets 
had  not  been  changed  or  cleaned  since  the  last  occupant. 
It  seemed  a  part  of  their  premeditated  system  in  the  treat- 
ment of  the  Suffragists  that  they  made  them  all  undress 
in  the  same  bathroom,  and,  without  any  privacy,  take 
shower  baths  one  after  another. 

The  punishment  cells,  of  which  later  we  shall  hear  in  refer- 
ence to  the  Night  of  Terror,  were  in  another  building.  These 
were  tiny  brick  rooms  with  tiny  windows,  very  high  up. 

A  young  relative  of  one  of  the  jail  ofRcials,  in  the  uniform 
of  an  officer  of  the  United  States  Army,  used  to  come  into 
this  building  at  night,  and  look  in  through  the  undraped 
grating  of  these  cells.  Once  he  unlocked  the  door,  and  came 
into  a  room  where  two  young  pickets  were  sleeping.  "  Are 
you  a  physician?  "  one  of  them  had  the  presence  of  mind  to 


He  answered  that  he  was  not.  She  lay  down,  and  covered 
her  head  with  the  bedclothes.     Presently  he  left. 

There  were  open  toilets  in  all  these  cells,  and  they  could 
only  be  flushed  from  the  outside.  It  was  necessary  always 
to  call  a  man  guard  to  do  this.  They  came,  or  not,  as  they 

In  the  Suffragist  of  July  28,  1917,  occurs  the  first  ac- 
count of  Occoquan,  by  Mrs.  Gilson  Gardner.  Mrs.  Gardner, 
it  will  be  remembered,  was  one  of  that  early  group  of  sixteen 
pickets  whom  the  President  pardoned  after  three  days. 

She  says: 

The  short  journey  on  the  train  was  pleasant  and  uneventful. 
From  the  station  at  Occoquan  the  women  sent  to  the  Work- 
house were  put  into  three  conveyances;  two  were  filled  with 
white  women  and  the  third  with  colored  women.  In  the  office 
of  the  Workhouse  we  stood  in  a  line  and  one  at  a  time  were 
registered  and  given  a  number.'  The  matron  called  us  by  number 
and  first  name  to  the  desk.  Money  and  jewelry  were  accounted 
for  and  put  in  the  safe.  We  were  then  sent  to  the  dining-room. 
The  meal  of  soup,  rye  bread,  and  water  was  not  palatable.   .    .    . 

From  the  dining-room  we  were  taken  to  the  dormitory.  At 
one  end  of  the  long  room,  a  white  woman  and  two  colored  women 
were  waiting  for  us.  Before  these  women  we  were  obliged, 
one  by  one,  to  remove  all  our  clothing,  and  after  taking  a  shower 
bath,  put  on  the  Workhouse  clothes.  These  clothes  consisted  of 
heavy  unbleached  muslin  chemises  and  drawers,  a  petticoat  made 
of  ticking,  and  a  heavy  dark  gray  cotton  mother  hubbard  dress. 
The  last  touch  was  a  full,  heavy,  dark  blue  apron  which  tied 
around  the  waist.  The  stockings  were  thick  and  clumsy.  There 
were  not  enough  stockings,  and  those  of  us  who  did  not  have 
stockings  during  our  sojourning  there  were  probably  rather  for- 
tunate. We  were  told  to  wear  our  own  shoes  for  the  time  being, 
as  they  did  not  have  enough  in  stock.  The  one  small  rough  towel 
that  was  given  to  us  we  were  told  must  be  folded  and  tucked 
into  our  aprons.  The  prisoners  were  permitted  to  have  only 
what  they  could  carry. 

The  dormitory  was  clean  and  cool  and  we  longed  to  go  to  bed, 
but  we  were  told  we  must  dress  and  go  into  the  adjoining  room 
where  Superintendent  Whittaker  would  see  us.  Mr.  Whittaker 
brought  with  him  a  man  whom  we  afterward  learned  was  a  news- 
paper man.     The  superintendent  informed  us  that  for  about  an 


hour  we  could  do  as  we  chose,  and  pointing  to  the  piano  said 
that  we  might  play  and  sing.  The  piano  was  not  unlocked  while 
we  were  there,  but  that  night  no  one  had  a  desire  to  sing.  Al- 
though Mr.  WMttaker's  words  were  few  and  not  unpleasant,  we 
realized  that  our  presence  did  not  cause  him  either  embarrass- 
ment or  regret. 

We  were  told  that  one  dormitory  was  given  up  to  colored 
women;  in  the  other  one,  the  one  in  which  we  were  to  sleep, 
there  would  be  both  colored  and  white  women.  We  had  asked 
to  be  allowed  to  have  our  toilet  things  and  were  told  we  could 
not  have  them  until  the  next  morning,  that  is,  we  would  be  per- 
mitted to  have  our  combs  and  toothbrushes  then.  But  we  were 
not  permitted  to  have  these  until  Thursday.  One  woman  told 
us  we  must  not  lend  our  comb  to  other  prisoners  and  must  not 
mingle  with  the  colored  women.   .    .    . 

The  days  were  spent  in  the  sewing-room.  We  were  permitted 
to  talk  in  low  tones,  two  or  three  being  allowed  to  sit  together. 
While  we  were  there,  the  sewing  was  very  light.  We  turned  hems 
on  sheets  and  pillow  slips  and  sewed  on  the  machine.  There 
were  both  white  and  colored  women  working  in  the  sewing- 
room.  The  work  was  monotonous  and  our  clothing  extremely 

The  great  nervous  strain  came  at  meal  time.  All  the  women 
ate  in  one  big  room.  The  white  women  sat  at  one  side.  The 
meal  lasted  thirty  and  sometimes  forty  minutes.  The  food  to 
us  was  not  palatable,  but  we  all  tried  to  be  sensible  and  eat 
enough  to  keep  up  our  strength.  The  real  problein,  however,  was 
not  the  food;  it  was  the  enforced  silence.  We  were  not  allowed 
to  speak  in  the  dining-room,  and  after  a  conscientious  effort  to 
eat,  the  silent  waiting  was  curiously  unpleasant.   .    .    . 

The  use  of  the  pencil  is  forbidden  at  all  times.  Each  inmate 
is  permitted  to  write  but  two  letters  a  month,  one  to  her  family 
and  one  business  letter.  All  mail  received  and  sent  is  opened 
and  read  by  one  of  the  officials.  Next  to  our  longing  for  our 
own  toilet  articles  was  our  desire  for  a  pencil  and  a  scrap  of 
paper.  Another  rule  which  makes  life  in  the  Workhouse  more 
difficult  than  life  in  the  jail  is  that  the  Workhouse  prisoners  are 
not  permitted  to  receive  any  food  sent  in  from  outside. 

We  found  that  the  other  prisoners  were  all  amazed  at  the 
excessive  sentences  we  had  received.  Old  offenders,  they  told  us, 
received  only  thirty  days. 

In  the  Suffragist  of  August  11,  Doris  Stevens,  who  was  a 
member  of  the  same  group  says : 


No  woman  there  will  ever  forget  the  shock  and  the  hot  resent- 
ment that  rushed  over  her  when  she  was  told  to  undress  before 
the  entire  company,  including  two  negress  attendants  and  a 
harsh-voiced  wardress,  who  kept  telling  us  that  it  was  "  after 
hours,"  and  they  "  had  worked  too  long  already  today,"  as  if  it 
were  our  fault  that  we  were  there.  We  silenced  our  impulse  to 
resist  this  indignity,  which  grew  more  poignant  as  each  woman 
nakedly  walked  across  the  great  vacant  space  to  the  doorless 
shower.  .    .    . 

"  We  knew  something  was  goin'  to  happen/'  said  one  negro 
girl,  "  because  Monday,"  (we  were  not  sentenced  until  Tuesday) 
"  the  clo'es  we  had  on  were  took  off  us  and  we  were  given  these 
old  patched  ones.  We  was  told'  they  wanted  to  take  stock,  but 
we  heard  they  were  being  washed  for  you-all  Suffragists." 

It  will  be  remembered  that  this  was  that  early  group  of 
pickets  whom  the  President  pardoned  after  the  appeals  of 
J.  A.  H.  Hopkins,  Dudley  Field  Malone,  and  Gilson  Ga;*dner. 
Before  leaving  they  were  taken  to  Superintendent  Whittaker. 

Asking  for  the  attention  of  Miss  Burns  and  the  rest  of 
them,  he  said: 

"Now  that  you  are  going,  I  have  something  to  say  to  you." 
And  turning  to  Miss  Burns,  he  continued,  "  And  I  want  to  say  it 
to  you.  The  next  lot  of  women  who  come  here  won't  he  treated 
with  the  same  consideration  that  these  women  were," 

Mrs.  Virginia  Bovee,  an  officer  of  Occoquan  Workhouse, 
was  discharged  in  September.  At  that  time  Lucy  Bums 
filed  charges  with  Commissioner  Brownlow  of  the  District 
of  Columbia  concerning  conditions  in  the  Workhouse.  Evi- 
dence is  submitted  on  Whittaker's  brutal  treatment  of  other 
prisoners,  but  our  concern  must  be  with  his  treatment  of 
the  Suffragists. 

Lucy  Burns  says  in  that  complaint  : 

The  hygienic  conditions  have  been  improved  at  Occoquan  since 
a  group  of  Suffragists  were  imprisoned  there.  But  they  are  still 
bad.  The  water  they  drink  is  kept  in  an  open  pail,  from  which 
it  is  ladled  into  a  drinking  cup.  The  prisoners  frequently  dip 
the  drinking  cup  directly  into  the  pail. 

The  same  piece  of  soap  is  used  for  every  prisoner.    As  the 


prisoners  in  Occoquan  are  sometimes  afflicted  with  disease,  tkis 
practice  is  appallingly  negligent. 

Mrs.  Bovee's  affidavit  reads  in  part : 

The  blankets  now  being  used  in  the  prison  have  been  in  use 
since  December  without  being  washed  or  cleaned.  Blankets  are 
washed  once  a  year.  Officers  are  warned  not  to  touch  any  of  the 
bedding.  The  one  officer  who  has  to  handle  it  is  compelled  by 
the  regulations  to  wear  rubber  gloves  while  she  does  so.  The 
sheets  for  the  ordinary  prisoners  are  not  changed  completely, 
even  when  one  has  gone  and  another  takes  her  bed.  Instead, 
the  top  sheet  is  put  on  the  bottom,  and  one  fresh  sheet  given 
them.  I  was  not  there  when  these  Suffragists  arrived,  so  I  do 
not  know  how  their  bedding  was  arranged.  I  doubt  whether  the 
authorities  would  have  dared  to  give  them  one  soiled  sheet. 
^The  prisoners  with  diseases  are  not  always  isolated,  by  any 
means.  In  the  colored  dormitory  there  are  now  two  women  in 
advanced  stages  of  consumption.  Women  suffering  from  syphilis, 
who  have  open  sores,  are  put  in  the  hospital.  But  those  whose 
sores  are  temporarily  healed  are  put  inHihe  same  dormitory  with 
the  others.    There  have  been  several  such  in  my  dormitory. 

When  the  prisoners  come,  they  must  undress  and  take  a 
shower  bath.  Tor  this  they  take  a  piece  of  soap  from  a  bucket 
in  the  storeroom.  When  they  have  finished,  they  throw  the 
soap  back  in  the  bucket.  The  Suffragists  are  permitted  three 
showers  a  week,  and  have  only  these  pieces  of  soap  which  are 
common  to  all  inmates.    There  is  no  soap  at  all  in  the  washrooms. 

The  beans,  hominy,  rice,  corfa  meal  (which  is  exceedingly 
coarse,  like  chicken  feed),  and  cereal  have  all  had  worms  in  them. 
Sometimes  the  worms  float  on  top  of  the  soup.  Often  they  are 
found  in  the  corn  bread.  The  first  Suffragists  sent  the  worms  to 
Whittaker  on  a  spoon.  On  the  farm  is  a  fine  herd  of  Holsteins. 
The  cream  is  made  into  butter,  and  sold  to  the  tuberculosis 
hospital  in  Washington.  At  the  officers'  table,  we  have  very  good 
milk.  The  prisoners  do  not  have  any  butter,  or  sugar,  and  no 
milk  except  by  order  of  the  doctor. 

As  time  went  on  and  great  numbers  of  pickets  were  ar- 
rested, more  and  more  indignities  were  put  on  them.  They 
were,  in  every  sense,  political  prisoners,  and  were  entitled  to 
the  privileges  of  political  prisoners.  In  all'  countries  dis- 
tinction is  made  in  the  treatment  of  political  prisoners.    Of 


course,  the  hope  of  the  Administration  was  that  these  de- 
grading conditions  would  discourage  the  picketing,  and,  of 
course,  the  results  were^ — as  has  happened  in  the  fight  for 
liberty  during  the  whole  history  of  mankind — ^that  more  and 
more  women  came  forward  and  offered  themselves. 

In  the  Suffragist  for  October  13,  1917  ("From  the  Log 
of  a  Suffrage  Picket  "),  Katherine  Rolston  Fisher  writes  the 
following : 

Upon  entering  Occoquan  Workhouse,  we  were  separated  from 
the  preceding  group  of  Suffragists.  Efforts  were  made  by  the 
ofllcers  to  impress  us  by  their  good  will  towards  us.  Entirely 
new  clothing,  comfortable  rooms  in  the  hospital,  and  the  sub- 
stitution of  milk  and  buttered  toast  for  cold  bread,  cereal,  and 
soup,  ameliorated  the  trials  of  the  table.  The  head  matron  was 
chatty  and  confidential.  She  told  us  of  the  wonderful  work  of 
the  superintendent  in  creating  these  institutions  out  of  the  wilder- 
ness and  of  the  kindness  shown  by  the  officers  to  inmates.  She 
lamented  that  some  of  the  other  Suffragists  did  not  appreciate 
what  was  done  for  them.   .    .    . 

"  Wliy  are  we  segregated  from  all  the  white  prisoners  ?  "  I 
asked  the  superintendent  of  the  Workhouse.  Part  of  the  time 
We  were  not  segregated  frftm  the  colored  prisoners,  a  group  of 
whom  were  moved  into  the^hospital  and  shared  with  us  the  one 
bathroom  and  toilet.  "  That  is  for  your  good  and  for  ours,"  was 
the  bland  reply.   .    .    . 

That  was  quite  in  the  tone  of  his  answer  to  another  inquiry 
made  when  the  superintendent  told  me  that  no  prisoner  under 
punishment — that  is,  in  solitary  confinement — was  allowed  to  see 
counsel.  "Is  that  the  law  of  the  District  of  Columbia.^"  I 
inquired.  "  It  is  the  law  here  because  it  is  the  rule  I  make,"  he 

We  learned  what  it  is  to  live  under  a  one-man  law.  The 
doctor's  orders  for  our  milk  and  toast  and  even  our  medicine  were 
countermanded  by  the  superintendent,  so  we  were  told.  Our 
counsel  after  one  visit  was  forbidden,  upon  a  pretext,  to  come 

On  Tuesday,  September  18,  we  were  made  to  exchange  our 
new  gingham  uniforms  for  old  spotted  gray  gowns  covered  with 
patches  upon  patches ;  were  taken  to  a  shed  to  get  pails  of  paint 
and  brushes,  and  were  set  to  painting  the  dormitory  lavatories 
and  toilets.  By  this  time  we  were  all  hungry  and  more  or  less 
weak  from  lack  of  food.     A  large  brush  wet  with  white  paint 


weighs  at  least  tfro  pounds.  Much  of  the  work  required  our 
standing  on  a  table  or  stepladder  and  reaching  above  our  heads. 
I  think  the  wiser  of  us  rested  at  every  opportunity,  but  we  did 
not  refuse  to  work. 

All  this  time  we  had  been  without  counsel  for  eight  days.   .    .    . 

The  food,  which  had  been  a  little  better,  about  the  middle  of 
the  month  reached  its  zenith  of  rancidity  and  putridity.  We 
tried  to  make  a  sport  of  the  worm  hunt,  each  table  announcing 
its  score  of  weevils  and  worms.  When  one  prisoner  reached  the 
score  of  fifteen  worms  during  one  meal,  it  spoiled  our  zest  for 
the  game.   .    .    . 

We  had  protested  from  the  beginning  against  doing  any 
manual  labor  upon  such  bad  and  scanty  food  as  we  re- 
ceived.  .    .    . 

Mrs.  Kendall,  who  was  the  most  emphatic  in  her  refusal,  was 
promptly  locked  up  on  bread  and  water.  The  punishment  makes 
a  story  to  be  told  by  itself.  It  clouded  our  days  constantly  while 
it  lasted  and  while  we  knew  not  half  of  what  she  suffered.   .    .    . 

All  this  time — five  days — Mrs.  Kendall  was  locked  up,  her 
pallid  face  visible  through  the  windows  to  those  few  Suffragists 
who  had  opportunity  and  ventured  to  go  to  her  window  for  a 
moment  at  the  risk  of  sharing  her  fate. 

Ada  Davenport  Kendall's  story  runs  as  foUows: 

For  stating  that  she  was  too  weak  from  lack  of  food  to  scrub 
a  floor  and  that  the  matron's  reply  that  there  was  no  other  work 
was  "  hypocritical,"  Mrs.  Kendall  was  confined  in  a  separate 
room  for  four  days  for  profanity.  She  was  refused  the  clean 
clothing  she  should  have  on  the  day  of  her  confinement,  and  was 
therefore  forced  to  wear  the  same  clothing  for  eleven  days.  She 
was  refused  a  nightdress,  or  clean  linen  for  the  bed  in  the  room. 
The  linen  on  her  bed  was  soiled  from  the  last  occupant  and 
Mrs.  Kendall  lay  on  top  of  it  all.  The  only  toilet  accommodation 
consisted  of  an  open  pail.  Mrs.  Kendall  was  allowed  no  water 
for  toilet  purposes  during  the  four  days,  and  was  given  three 
thin  slices  of  bread  and  three  cups  of  water  a  day.  The  water 
was  contained  in  a  small  paper  cup,  and  on  several  occasions  it 
seeped  through. 

Friends  of  Mrs.  Kendall's  obtained  permission  to  see  her. 
She  was  then  given  clean  clothing,  and  taken  from  the  room 
in  which  she  was  in  solitary  confinement.  When  the  door 
opened  upon  her  visitors,  she  fainted. 


Aroused  by  an  inspection  of  samples  of  food  smuggled  out 
to  him  by  Suffrage  prisoners,  Dr,  Harvey  Wiley,  the  food 
expert,  requested  the  Board  of  Charities  to  permit  him  to 
make  an  investigation  of  the  food.  "  A  Diet  of  Worms  won 
one  revolution,  and  I  expect  it  will  win  another,"  promul- 
gated Dr.  Wiley. 

The  most  atrocious  experience  of  the  pickets  at  Occoquan 
was,  however,  on  the  night  known  to  them  generally  as  The 
Night  of  Terror.  This  happened  to  that  group  of  Suffra- 
gists who  were  arrested  on  November  14,  sentenced  to  Oc- 
coquan, and  who  immediately  went  on  hungeir-strike  as  a 
protest  against  not  being  treated  as  political  prisoners  and 
as  the  last  protest  they  could  make  against  their  imprison- 
ment. Whittaker  was  away  when  they  arrived,  and  they 
were  kept  in  the  ofSce  which  was  in  the  front  room  of  one 
of  the  small  cottages.  Out  of  these  groups  there  always 
evolved  a  leader.  If  the  group  included  the  suave  and  deter- 
mined Lucy  Burns,  she  inevitably  took  command.  If  it  in- 
cluded Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis,  equally  velvet-voiced  and  im- 
movable, she  inevitably  became  spokesman.  This  group 
included  both.  The  Suffragists  were  then  still  making  their 
demand  to  be  treated  as  political  prisoners,  and  so,  when  the 
woman  at  the  desk — a  Mrs.  Hemdon — attempted  to  ask  the 
usual  questions,  Mrs.  Lewis,  speaking  for  the  rest,  refused 
to  answer  them,  saying  that  she  would  wait  and  talk  to 
Mr.  Whittaker. 

"  You  will  sit  here  all  night  then,"  said  Mrs.  Hemdon. 

The  women  waited  for  hours. 

Mrs.  Lewis  always  describes  what  follows  as  a  sinister  re- 
versal of  a  French  tale  of  horror  she  read  in  her  girl- 
hood. In  that  story,  people  began  mysteriously  to  dis- 
appear from  a  group.  One  of  them  would  be  talking  orae 
instant — the  next  he  was  gone;  the  space  where  he  stood 
was  empty.  In  this  case,  slowly,  silently,  and  in  increasing 
numbers,  men  began  to  appear  from  outside,  three  and 
then  four. 


Mrs.  Herndon  again  tried  to  get  the  Suffragists  to 
register,  but  they  made  no  reply. 

"  You  had  better  answer  up,  or  it  will  be  the  worse  for 
you,"  said  one  man. 

"  I  will  handle  you  so  you'll  be  sorry  you  made  me,"  said 

The  Suffragists  did  not  reply.  Mrs.  Nolan  says  that  she 
could  see  that  Mrs.  Herndon  was  afraid  of  what  was  going  to 

Suddenly  the  door  burst  open,  and  Whittaker  came  rush- 
ing in  from  a  conference,  it  was  later  discovered,  of  the 
District  of  Columbia  Commissioners  at  the  White  House — 
followed  by  men — more  and  more  of  them.  The  Suffra^sts 
had  been  sitting  or  lying  on  the  floor.    Mrs.  Lewis  stood  up. 

"  We  demand  to  be  treated  as  political  pris "  she 

began.    But  that  was  as  far  as  she  got. 

"  You  shut  up !  I  have  men  here  glad  to  handle  you !  " 
Whittaker  said.     "  Seize  her ! " 

Two  men  seized  Mrs.  Lewis,  dragged  her  out  of  the  sight 
of  the  remaining  Suffragists. 

In  the  meantime,  another  man  sprang  at  Mrs.  Nolan,  who, 
it  will  be  remembered,  was  over  seventy  years  old,  very  frail 
and  lame.    She  says : 

I  am  used  to  being  careful  of  my  bad  fbot,  and  I  remember 
saying:  "  I  will  come  with  you;  do  not  drag  me.  I  have  a  lame 
foot."  But  I  was  dragged  down  the  steps  and  away  into  the 
dark.  I  did  not  have  my  feet  on  the  ground.  I  guess  that  saved 

It  was  black  outside,  and  all  Mrs.  Nolan  remembers  was 
the  approach  to  a  low,  dark  building  from  which,  made  bril- 
liantly luminous  by  a  window  light,  flew  the  American  flag. 

As  Mrs.  Nolan  entered  the  hall,  a  man  in  the  Occoquan 
uniform,  brandishing  a  stick,  called,  "  Damn  you !  Gret  in 
there ! "  Before  she  was  shot  through  this  hall,  two  men 
brought  in  Dorothy  Day, — a  very  slight,  delicate  girl;  her 
captors  were  twisting  her  arms  above  her  head.     Suddenly 

■'-M  --'! 


they  lifted  her,  brought  her  body  down  twice  over  the  back 
of  an  iron  bench.  One  of  the  men  called:  "The  damned 
Suffrager!  My  mother  ain't  no  Suffrager!  I  will  put  you 
through  hell !  "  Then  Mrs.  Nolan's  captors  pulled  her  down 
a  corridor  which  opened  out  of  this  room,  and  pushed  her 
through  the  door. 

Back  of  Mrs.  Nolan,  dragged  along  in  the  same  way,  came 
Mrs.  Cosu,  who,  with  that  extraordinary  thoughtfulness  and 
tenderness  which  the  pickets  all  developed  for  each  other, 
called  to  Mrs.  Nolan :  "  Be  careful  of  your  foot !  " 

The  bed  broke  Mrs.  Nolan's  fall,  but  Mrs.  Cosu  hit  the 
wall.  They  had  been  there  but  a  few  minutes  when  Mrs. 
Lewis,  all  doubled  over  like  a  sack  of  flour,  was  thrown  in. 
Her  head  struck  the  iron  bed,  and  she  fell  to  the  floor  sense- 

The  other  women  thought  she  was  dead.  They  wept 
over  her. 

Ultimately,  they  revived  Mrs.  Lewis,  but  Mrs.  Cosu  was 
desperately  ill  all  night,  with  a  heart  attack  and  vomiting. 
They  were  afraid  that  she  was  dying,  and  they  called  at 
intervals  for  a  doctor,  but  although  there  was  a  woman  and 
a  man  guard  in  the  corridor,  they  paid  no  attention.  There 
were  two  mattresses  and  two  blankets  for  the  three,  but  that 
was  not  enough,  and  they  shivered  all  night  long. 

In  the  meantime,  I  now  quote  from  Paula  Jakobi's  account. 
We  go  back  to  that  moment  in  the  detention  room  when  they 
seized  Mrs.  Lewis. 

"  And  seize  her !  "  rang  in  my  ears,  and  Whittaker  had  me  by 
the  arm.  "  And  her !  "  he  said,  indicating  Dorothy  Day.  Miss 
Day  resisted.  Her  arm  was  through  the  handle  of  my  bag. 
Two  men  pulled  her  in  one  direction,  while  two  men  pulled  me 
in  the  opposite  direction.  There  was  a  horrible  mix-up.  Finally, 
the  string  of  the  bag  broke.  Two  men  dragged  her  from  the 
room.  I  saw  it  was  useless  to  resist.  The  man  at  the  right  of 
me  left  me,  and  tightly  grasped  in  the  clutches  of  the  man  at  my 
left,  I  was  led  to  a  distant  building. 

When  Julia  Emory,  who  was  rushed  along  just  after  Mrs. 
Jakobi,  entered  the  building,  the  two  guards  were  smashing 


Dorothy  Day's  back  over  the  back  of  a  chair ;  she  was  crying 
to  Paula  Jakobi  for  help ;  and  Mrs.  Jakobi,  struggling  with 
the  other  two  guards,  was  trying  to  get  to  her.  They  placed 
Julia  Emory  in  a  cell  opposite  Lucy  Bums. 

Of  the  scene  in  the  reception  room  of  the  Workhouse, 
Mrs.  John  Winters  Brannan,  who  saw  all  this  from  a  coign 
of  vantage  which  apparently  surveyed  the  whole  I'oom,  says : 

I  firmly  believe  that,  no  matter  how  we  behaved,  Whittaker 
had  determined  to  attack  us  as  part  of  the  government  plan  to 
suppress  picketing.  ...  Its  (the  attack's)  perfectly  unex- 
pected ferocity  stunned  us.  I  saw  two  men  seize  Mrs.  Lewis, 
lift  her  from  her  feet,  and  catapult  her  through  the  doorway. 
I  saw  three  men  take  Miss  Burns,  twisting  her  arms  behind  her, 
and  then  two  other  men  grasp  her  shoulders.  There  were  six  to 
ten  guards  in  the  room,  and  many  others  collected  on  the  porch — 
forty  to  fifty  in  all.  These  all  rushed  in  with  Whittaker  when 
he  first  entered. 

Instantly  the  room  was  in  havoc.  The  guards  brought  from 
the  male  prison  fell  upon  us.  I  saw  Miss  Lincoln,  a  slight 
young  girl,  thrown  to  the  floor.  Mrs.  Nolan,  a  delicate  old  lady 
of  seventy-three,  was  mastered  by  two  men.  The  furniture  was 
overturned,  and  the  room  was  a  scene  of  havoc. 

Whittaker  in  the  center  of  the  yoom  directed  the  whole  attack, 
inciting  the  guards  to  every  brutality. 

The  whole  group  of  women  were  thrown,  dragged,  and  hurled 
out  of  the  office,  down  the  steps,  and  across  the  road  and  field 
to  the  Administration  Building,  where  another  group  of  bullies 
was  waiting  for  us.  The  assistant  superintendent.  Captain 
Reams,  was  one  of  these,  armed  with  a  stick  which  he  flourished 
at  us,  as  did  another  man.  The  women  were  thrown  roughly 
down  on  benches. 

In  the  meantime,  Lucy  Burns,  fighting  desperately  all  the 
way,  had  been  deposited  in  a  cell  opposite. 

As  always,  when  she  was  arrested,  she  took  charge  of  the 
situation.  In  her  clear,  beautiful  voice,  she  began  calling 
the  roll  one  name  after  another,  to  see  if  all  were  there  and 
alive.  The  guards  called,  "  Shut  up ! "  but  she  paid  no 
more  attention  to  them  than  if  they  had  not  spoken. 
"  Where  is  Mrs.  Lewis  ?  "  she  demanded.     Mrs.  Cosu  an- 


swered :  "  They  have  just  thrown  her  in  here."  The  guard 
yelled  to  them  that  if  they  spoke  again,  he  would  put  them 
in  strait-jackets.  Mrs,  Nolan  and  Mrs.  Cosu  were  so  ter- 
rified that  they  kept  still  for  a  while. 

But  Lucy  Burns  went  right  on  calling  the  roll.  When  she 
refused — at  the  guard's  orders — to  stop  this,  they  hand- 
cuffed her  wrists  and  fastened  the  handcuffs  above  her  head 
to  the  cell  door.  They  threatened  her  with  a  buckle  gag. 
Little  Julia  Emory  could  do  nothing  to  help,  of  course,  but 
she  put  her  hands  above  her  head  in  exactly  the  same  position 
and  stood  before  her  door  until  they  released  Lucy  Bums. 
Lucy  Burns  wore  her  handcuffs  all  night. 

Mrs.  Henry  Butterworth,  for  some  capricious  reason,  was 
taken  away  from  the  rest,  and  placed  in  a  part  of  the  jail 
where  there  were  only  men.  They  told  her  that  she  was 
alone  with  the  men,  and  that  they  could  do  what  they  pleased 
with  her.  Her  Night  of  Terror  was  doubly  terrifying — ^with 
this  menace  hanging  over  her. 

For  a  description  of  the  rest  of  that  night,  and  of  suc- 
ceeding days,  I  quote  the  account  of  Paula  Jakobi: 

I  didn't  know  at  the  time  what  happened  to  the  otSer  women. 
I  only  knew  that  it  was  hell  let  loose  with  Whittaker  as  the 
instigator  of  the  horror.  In  the  ante-chamber  to  the  cells,  some 
of  the  guards  were  standing,  swinging  night  sticks  in  a  menacing 
manner.  We  were  thrust  into  cells;  the  ventilators  were  closed. 
The  cells  were  bitter  cold.  There  was  an  open  toilet  in  the 
corner  of  the  cell,  which  was  flushed  from  the  outside.  We  had 
to  call  a  guard  who  had  previously  attacked  us  to  flush  them. 
The  doors  were  barred,  there  were  no  windows.  The  doors  were 
uncurtained,  so  that  through  the  night  the  guard  could  look  into 
the  cell.  There  was  no  light  in  the  room,  only  one  in  the  cor- 
ridor. Three  of  us  were  thrown  into  every  cell.  There  was  a 
single  bed  in  each  room  and  a  mattress  on  the  floor.  The  floors 
were  filthy  as  were  the  blankets. 

In  the  morning,  we  were  roughly  told  to  get  up.  No  facilities 
for  washing  were  given  us.  Faint,  ill,  exhausted,  we  were  ordered 
before  the  superintendent.  It  was  eight  o'clock  and  we  had  had 
no  food  since  the  preceding  day  at  twelve.  None  had  been 
offered  us,  nor  were  any  inquiries  made  about  our  physical  con- 


dition.  Whittaker  asked  my  name;  then  whether  I  would  go  to 
the  Workhouse  and  obey  prison  regulations  and  be  under  the  care 
of  the  ladies.  I  told  him  I  would  not.  I  would  not  wear  prison 
clothes,  and  I  demanded  the  rights  of  political  prisoners.  He 
interrupted  me  with,  "  Then  you'll  go  to  the  male  hospital " — he 
emphasized  the  "  male  " — "  and  be  in  solitary  confinement.  Do 
you  change  your  mind.^  "  I  said  "  No!  "  and  was  taken  to  the 
hospital  by  a  trusty. 

Then  followed  a  series  of  bullying,  of  privileges,  and  of  cur- 
tailing them.  The  first  day  at  three  o'clock  milk  and  bread  were 
brought  to  the  room.  After  I  refused  it,  it  was  taken  away. 
That  evening  some  more  milk  and  bread  were  brought.  These 
were  left  in  the  room  all  night.  The  second  day  toast  and  milk 
were  brought.  These  were  left  in  the  room  all  night.  The  third 
day  the  matron  suggested  an  egg  and  cofFee  for  breakfast.  I 
told  her  I  did  not  want  anything  to  eat.  This  day  at  lunch  time 
fried  chicken  and  salad  were  brought  in.  Later  Miss  Burns 
passed  a  note  which  read,  "  I  think  this  riotous  feast  which  has 
just  passed  our  doors  is  the  last  effort  of  the  institution  to  dis- 
lodge all  of  us  who  can  be  dislodged.  They  think  there  is 
nothing  in  our  souls  above  fried  chicken."  No  matter  what  was 
offered,  a  glass  of  milk  and  piece  of  bread  were  left  from  meal 
to  meal,  and  once  bouillon  and  bread  was  left. 

The  fast  did  not  make  me  ill  at  this  time,  only  weak.  The 
second  day  there  was  slight  nausea  and  headache;  the  third  day, 
fever  and  dizziness ;  the  fever  remained,  causing  very  dry,  peel- 
ing skin  and  swollen  lips.  By  the  third  day,  I  was  rather  nervous 
— there  were  no  other  manifestations  except  increasing  weakness 
and  aphasia.  I  could  remember  no  names,  and  it  was  quite  im- 
possible to  read. 

We  were  summoned  so  often  and  so  suddenly  from  our  jooms 
to  see  Whittaker,  or  to  have  the  rooms  changed — ^we  were  in  the 
same  room  scarcely  two  consecutive  nights — that  one  was  never 
sure  when  she  would  be  searched  and  when  the  few  remaining 
treasures  would  be  taken  from  us,  so  I  hid  stubbs  of  pencils  in 
my  pillow,  ripping  the  ticking  with  a  hairpin,  and  one  pencil  in 
the  hem  of  the  shade.  The  dimes  and  nickels  for  the  trusty  I 
placed  in  a  row  over  the  sill  of  the  door,  paper  behind  the  steam 
radiator  pipes.  It  was  difficult  to  find  places  to  secrete  anything, 
for  the  only  furniture  in  the  room  was  a  single  iron  bed  and  one 
chair.  Notes  to  one  another  are  passed  by  tapping  furtively  on 
the  steampipe  running  through  the  walls ;  then,  when  the  answer 
comes,  passing  the  note  along  the  pipe.  Everything  is  con- 
ducive to  concealment. 


The  second  day  our  writing  materials  were  asked  for  (I  did 
not  give  up  those  I  had  hidden).  Then  we  were  summoned  to 
Whittaker— each  of  the  hunger  strikers.  (There  were  now 
seventeen  of  us.)  E[e  had  a  stenographer  with  him.  He  asked 
my  name;  then,  "Are  you  comfortable?"  His  manner  was 
quite  changed;  he  was  as  civil  as  he  could  be.  I  answered 
him  with  the  little  formula,  "  I  demand  the  right  to  be 
treated  as  a  political  prisoner.  I  am  now  treated  as  a  common 

He:  If  you  have  steak  and  vegetables,  will  you  go  to  the  Work- 
house and  obey  rules  ? 

I :  I  will  not. 

He:  If  you  will  promise  not  to  picket  any  more  and  to  leave 
Washington  soon,  I  will  let  you  go  without  paying  any  fine  and 
I'll  take  you  to  Washington  in  my  own  autompbile. 

I:  I  will  not  promise  this. 

He:  What  is  it  you  want? 

I:  The  right  to  keep  my  own  clothes,  to  have  nourishing  food 
permanently,  which  will  not  be  taken  away  and  given  back  at 
your  wiU,  the  right  to  send  and  receive  mail,  and  above  all,  the 
right  to  see  counsel  and  have  fresh  air  exercise. 

He:  If  I  grant  you  all  these  things,  will  you  go  to  the  Work- 
house and  work? 

I :  I  will  not. 

He :  Are  the  matrons  and  internes  kind  to  you  ? 

I:  Yes. 

He :  What  food  is  left  in  your  room  ? 

I :  Chiefly  bread  and  milk,  once  bouillon  and  toast. 

He:  Anything  else? 

I:  No. 

He :  Have  you  any  request  ? 

I:  That  I  receive  the  rights  due  me — those  of  a  political 

Whittaker  will  use  these  interviews  in  expurgated  form,  I 
am  sure.  When  I  said  anything  which  did  not  please  him,  he 
said  to  the  stenographer,  "  You.  needn't  put  that  down." 

After  the  above  interviews,  he  absolutely  refused  to  let  our 
counsel  who  came  from  Washington  see  us. 

After  my  visit  to  Whittaker  this  day,  I  was  summoned  to  the 
Workhouse.  My  clothes  were  listed — ^those  I  wore — before  two 
matrons,  just  as  those  of  criminals  are  listed;  then  I  was  obliged 
to  undress  before  the  two  matrons  and  two  trusties,  walk  to  a 
shower,  take  a  bath,  and  dress  before  them  in  prison  clothes. 
The  clothes  were  clean,  but  so  coarse  that  they  rubbed  my  skin 


quite  raw.  They  have  two  sizes  of  shoes  for  the  prisoners — 
large  and  small. 

The  only  message  which  reached  me  from  "  outside "  was  a 
telegram  from  a  friend  asking  that  I  allow  my  bail  to  be  paid. 
I  answered  that  I  would  not.  This  day  six  girls  in  our  section 
were  taken  away  "  somewhere."  The  sense  of  some  unknown 
horror  suddenly  descending  is  the  worst  of  the  whole  situation. 
Whittaker's  suave  manner  was  interrupted  for  a  moment  this  day 
when  he  came  into  the  hospital  ward  and  saw  Julia  Emory  in 
the  corridor — she  was  returning  from  the  wash-room — and 
taking  Julia  by  the  neck  he  threw  her  into  her  cell.  "  Get  in 
there,"  he  snarled,  or  words  to  that  effect.  ...  I  was  coming 
out  of  an  adjoining  wash-room  at  the  moment,  and  saw  this. 

This  night  I  had  a  most  vivid  dream.  The  interne  brought  in 
a  rabbit.  He  held  it  up  and  told  us  he  would  cook  it  for  us. 
The  women — our  women — did  not  wait  for  him  to  cook  it,  but 
rushed  toward  him,  pulled  it  from  his  hands,  and  tore  the  living 
animal  into  pieces  and  ate  it.    I  awoke,  sobbing. 

Next  evening,  there  was  great  commotion  in  our  corridor. 
The  doors,  which  did  not  lock,  were  held;  there  were  rapid 
footsteps  to  and  fro.  Distressed  sounds  came  from  the  room 
adjoining  mine,  and  soon  it  was  evident  that  Miss  Burns  was 
being  forcibly  fed.  Half  an  hour  earlier,  her  condition  was  found 
normal  by  the  doctor,  who  strolled  casually  through  our  ward, 
looked  in  at  the  door,  nodded,  felt  her  pulse,  and  went  on. 
Now  Miss  Burns  was  being  forcibly  fed.  What  could  it  mean? 
Then  there  were  more  hurried  steps,  and  the  men  went  to  Mrs. 
Lewis's  room.  Fifteen  minutes  later,  they  were  both  hurried  into 
an  ambulance  and  taken  away — no  one  told  us  where.  We  had 
visions  accentuated  that  night,  of  being  separated,  hurried  out  of 
sight  to  oblivion,  somewhere  away  from  every  one  we  knew. 

A  detachment  of  the  United  States  Marines  guarded  the 
place.  The  prisoners  were  kept  incommunicado.  That 
meant,  not  only  were  they  not  allowed  visitors,  but  they  were 
not  allowed  counsel — and  counsel  is  one  of  the  inalienable 
rights  of  citizenship. 

In  the  meantime  at  Headquarters,  the  Suffragists,  under 
the  leadership  of  Doris  Stevens,  now  that  Alice  Paul  and 
Lucy  Burns  were  both  in  prison,  could  not  even  find  out 
where  the  prisoners  were.  They  had  received  a  jail  sentence 
but  were  not  in  the  District  Jail.    Eatherine  Morey,  in  great 


anxiety  in  regard  to  her  mother,  who  was  one  of  the  pris- 
oners, came  from  Boston  to  see  her.  She  could  not  even 
locate  her.  Finally,  she  hit  on  the  device  of  meeting  the 
morning  train,  on  which  released  prisoners  always  came  from 
Occoquan,  and  one  of  them  informed  her  that  her  mother 
was  at  the  Workhouse. 

In  the  meantime,  sixteen  of  the  women  had  gone  on  a 
hunger-strike.  They  were  committed  to  Occoquan  on  Wednes- 
day, November  14.  By  the  following  Sunday,  Superin- 
tendent Whittaker  became  alarmed.  He  declared  he  would 
not  forcibly  feed  any  of  them  unless  they  signed  a  paper 
saying  that  they  themselves  were  responsible  for  any  injury 
upon  their  health.  Of  course,  they  all  refused  to  do  this, 
ivhereupon  Superintendent  Whittaker  said :  "  All  right,  yoii 
can  starve."  However,  by  Sunday  night,  he  was  a  little 
shaken  in  this  noble  resolution.  He  went  to  Mrs.  Lewis,  and 
asked  her  what  could  be  done.  Mrs.  Lewis  answered  that 
all  they  asked  was  to  be  treated  as  political  offenders,  which 
provided  for  exercise,  receiying  of  njail  and  visitors,  buying 
food  and  reading  matter.  He  asked  her  to  write  this  state- 
ment out  in  his  name,  as  though  he  demanded  it.  On  Mond«y 
he  brought  the  statement  to  the  Commissioners  of  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia.  Commissioner  Gardner  gave  out  a  state- 
ment that  such  demands  would  never  be  granted. 

In  the  meantime  too,  Matthew  O'Brien,  the  counsel  for 
the  Woman's  Party,  succeeded  in  getting  an  order  from  the 
Court  which  admitted  him  to  Occoquan.  He  saw  Mrs.  Lewis, 
Mrs.  Brannan,  and  Miss  Bums  once ;  but  afterwards  in  spite 
of  his  Court  order,  they  refused  him  admission. 

It  had  been  part  of  the  system  in  attempting  to  lower 
Miss  Burns's  morale  to  take  her  clothes  away  from  her. 
When  Mr.  O'Brien  visited  Miss  Burns  she  was  lying  on  a 
cot  in  a  dark  cell,  wrapped  in  blankets.  He  came  back 
to  Headquarters  filled  with  admiration  for  her  extraordinai'y 
spirit.  He  said  that  she  was  as  much  herself  as  if  they  were 
talking  in  the  drawing-room  of  Cameron  House.  Mrs. 
Nolan,  released  at  the  end  of  her  six  day  sentence,  also 


brought  the  news  of  what  happened  back  to  Headquarters. 
These  were  the  things  that  made  the  Suffragists  determine 
on  habeas  corpus  proceedings.  Mr.  O'Brien  applied  to  the 
United  States  District  Court  at  Richmond  for  this  writ.  It 
was  granted  returnable  on  November  27.  Mr.  O'Brien,  how- 
ever, afraid  that,  in  combination  with  the  indignities  to  which 
they  were  being  submitted,  the  women  would  collapse  from 
starvation,  made  another  journey  to  Judge  Waddill,  who 
set  the  hearing  forward  to  the  23rd. 

The  next  step  was  serving  the  writ  on  Superintendent 
Whittaker.  This  was  done  by  a  ruse.  On  the  night  of  the 
21st,  Mr.  O'Brien  called  at  Superintendent  Whittaker's 
home.  He  was  told  that  the  Superintendent  was  not  there. 
Mr.  O'Brien  went  not  far  away,  and  telephoned  that  he 
would  not  return  until  the  morning.  Then  he  returned  im- 
mediately to  Superintendent  Whittaker's  home,  found  him 
there,  of  course,  and  served  the  papers. 

In  the  meantime.  Superintendent  Whittaker  began  to  fear 
that  Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis  and  Lucy  Burns  would  die.  Un- 
known to  the  other  prisoners — and  thereby  causing  them  the 
most  intense  anguish — ^he  had  them  taken  to  the  hospital  of 
the  District  Jail.  They  had  been  forcibly  fed  at  Occoquan, 
and  the  feeding  was  continued  at  the  jail. 

Mrs.  Lewis  writes: 

I  was  seized  and  laid  on  my  back,  where  five  people  held  me, 
a  young  colored  woman  leaping  upon  my  knees,  which  seemed  to 
break  under  the  weight.  Dr.  Grannon  then  forced  the  tube 
through  my  lips  and  down  my  throat,  I  gasping  and  suffocating 
with  the  agony  of  it.  I  didn't  know  where  to  breathe  from,  and 
everything  turned  black  when  the  fluid  began  pouring  in.  I  was 
moaning  and  making  the  most  awful  sounds  quite  against  my 
will,  for  I  did  not  wish  to  disturb  my  friends  in  the  next  room. 
Finally  the  tube  was  withdrawn.  I  lay  motionless.  After  a 
while  I  was  dressed  and  carried  in  a  chair  to  a  waiting  auto- 
mobile, laid  on  the  back  seat,"and  driven  into  Washington  to  the 
jail  hospital.  Previous  to  the  feeding  I  had  been  forcibly  exam- 
ined by  Dr.  Gannon,  I  struggling  and  protesting  that  I  wished 
a  woman  physician. 


Lucy  Burns  was  fed  through  the  nose.  Her  note,  smug- 
gled out  of  jail,  is  as  follows: 

Wednesday,  12  m.  Yesterday  afternoon  at  about  four  or  five, 
Mrs.  Lewis  and  I  were  asked  to  go  to  the  operating  room. 
Went  there  and  found  our  clothes.  Told  we  were  to  go  to  Wash- 
ington. No  reason,  as  usual.  When  we  were  dressed  Dr. 
Gannon  appeared,  said  he  wished  to  examine  us.  Both  re- 
fused. Were  dragged  through  halls  by  force,  our  clothing  partly 
removed  by  force,  and  we  were  examined,  heart  tested,  blood 
pressure  and  pulse  taken.  Of  course  such  data  was  of  no  value 
after  such  a  struggle.  Dr.  Gannon  told  me  that  I  must  be  fed. 
Was  stretched  on  bed,  two  doctors,  matron,  four  colored  pris- 
oners present,  Whittaker  in  hall.  I  was  held  down  by  five  people 
at  legs,  arms,  and  head.  I  refused  to  open  mouth,  Gannon 
pushed  the  tube  up  left  nostril.  I  turned  and  twisted  my  head 
all  I  could,  but  he  managed  to  push  it  up.  It  hurts  nose  and 
throat  very  much  and  makes  nose  bleed  freely.  Tube  drawn 
out  covered  with  blood.  Operation  leaves  one  very  sick.  Food 
dumped  directly  into  stomach  feels  like  a  ball  of  lead.  Left 
nostril,  throat,  and  muscles  of  neck  very  sore  all  night.  After 
this  I  was  brought  into  the  hospital  in  an  ambulance.  Mrs. 
Lewis  and  I  placed  in  same  room.    Slept  hardly  at  all. 

This  morning  Dr.  Ladd  appeared  with  his  tube.  Mrs.  Lewis 
and  I  said  we  would  not  be  forcibly  fed.  Said  he  would  call  in 
men  guards  and  force  us  to  submit.  Went  away  and  we  not  fed 
at  all  this  morning.    We  hear  them  outside  now  cracking  eggs. 

We  resume  Paula  Jakobi's  account: 

We  were  summoned  two  days  later  to  appear  at  Alexandria 
jail  next  day,  Ifriday  of  that  week — that  would  make  nine  days 
spent  in  the  Workhouse. 

A  writ  of  habeas  corpus  had  been  issued  for  our  unjust  im- 
prisonment at  Occoqnan  when  we  had  been  sentenced  to  Wash- 
ington jail.  This  day  I  fainted.  It  was  now  seven  and  a  half 
days  since  I  had  started  hunger-striking.  Three  young  doctors 
came  in  to  have  a  look  at  the  hunger-strikers.  They  did  not  take 
our  pulse;  they  just  gazed  and  departed.  Later  in  the  day,  I 
was  told  that  I  could  not  go  to  court  next  day  if  I  did  not  eat, 
as  they  would  not  take  the  responsibility  for  my  trip.  They 
prepared  to  forcibly  feed  me.  I  concluded  to  eat  voluntarily, 
since  I  had  to  break  my  fast,  so  that  evening  I  had  a  baked 
potato  and  a  baked  apple.    Next  morning  I  ate  no  breakfast,  but 


was  threatened  with  forcible  feeding  at  noon  if  I  did  not  eat, 
so  I  ate  again. 

The  next  day  we  were  taken  to  Alexandria  Court  House.  There 
we  found  out  why  Miss  Burns  and  Mrs.  Lewis  had  been  taken 
away  from  Occoquan.  It  was  to  prevent  their  appearance  at 
Court,  although  it  was  shown  that  Whittaker  had  been  removed 
after  he  had  received  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  Our  counsel 
pleaded  for  their  appearance  in  Court.  The  warden  of  the 
Washington  jail,  where  they  now  were,  was  so  solicitous  for 
their  health  that  he  feared  to  move  them.  Mr.  Dudley  Field 
Malone  asked  him  whether  they  were  being  forcibly  fed.  The 
warden  replied  that  they  were.  "  How  many  men  does  it  take 
to  hold  Miss  Burns?"  Mr.  Malope  quietly  questioned,  " whUe 
she  is  being  forcibly  fed  ? "  Zinkham  answered,  "  Four." 
"  Then,  your  Honor,"  asked  Mr.  Malone,  "  don't  you  think  that 
if  it  takes  four  men  to  hold  Miss  Burns  to  give  her  forcible 
feeding,  she  is  strong  enough  to  appear  in  Court?  " 

Next  day,  both  Mrs.  Lewis  and  Miss  Burns  were  at  the 

It  was  found  that  our  detention  in  the  Workhouse  was  illegal 
and  we  were  given  our  freedom  on  parole.  I  refused  to  accept 
it,  and  with  twenty-two  other  prisoners  was  taken  to  Washington 
jail  to  finish  my  term  of  imprisonment. 

The  Suffragists  were  brought  from  Occoquan  to  the  Court 
on  November  23,  according  to  schedule.  Their  condition 
was  shocking.  They  all  showed  in  their  paUor  and  weakness 
the  effect  of  the  brutal  regime  to  which  they  had  been  sub- 
jected. The  older  women  could  hardly  walk,  and  were  sup- 
ported by  their  younger  and  stronger  companions.  When 
'they  reached  their  chairs,  they  lay  back  in  them,  utterly  worn 
out.  Mrs.  John  Winters  Brannan  collapsed,  and  had  to  be 
taken  from  the  Courtroom. 

As  Paula  Jakobi  has  stated.  Judge  Waddill  decided  that 
the  thirty-one  Suffragists  had  been  illegally  committed  to 
Occoquan  Workhouse,  and  were  entitled  to  liberation  on  bail 
pending  an  appeal  or  the  return  to  the  District  Jail. 

Rose  Winslow,  it  wiU  be  remembered,  was  tried  at  the 
same  time  as  Alice  Paul  and  received  a  sentence  of  seven 


Here  are  some  extracts  from  the  prison  notes  of  Rose 
Winslow  smuggled  out  to  friends: 

The  women  are  all  so  magnificent,  so  beautiful.  Alice  Paul  is 
as  thin  as  ever,  pale  and  large-eyed.  We  have  been  in  solitary 
for  five  weeks.  There  is  nothing  to  tell  but  that  the  days  go 
by  somehow.  I  have  felt  quite  feeble  the  last  few  days — faint,  so 
that  I  could  hardly  get  my  hair  combed,  my  arms  ached  so.  But 
today  I  am  well  again.  Alice  Paul  and  I  talk  back  and  forth 
though  we  are  at  opposite  ends  of  the  building  and  a  hall  door 
also  shuts  us  apart.  But  occasionally — ^thrills — we  escape  from 
behind  our  iron-barred  doors  and  visit.  Great  laughter  and  re- 
joicing!  .    .    . 

I  told  about  a  syphilitic  colored  woman  with  one  leg.  The 
other  one  was  cut  d£F,  having  rotted  so  that  it  was  alive  with 
maggots  when  she  came  in.  The  remaining  one  is  now  getting  as 
bad.  They  are  so  short  of  nurses  that  a  little  colored  girl  of 
twelve,  who  is  here  waiting  to  have  her  tonsils  removed,  waits 
on  her.  This  child  and  two  others  share  a  ward  with  a  syphilitic 
child  of  three  or  four  years,  whose  mother  refused  to  have  it  at 
home.  It  makes  you  absolutely  ill  to  see  it.  I  am  going  to 
break  all  three  windows  as  a  protest  against  their  boarding  ^ice 
Paul  with  these ! 

Dr.  Gannon  is  chief  of  a  hospital.  Yet  Alice  Paul  and  I  found 
we  had  been  taking  baths  in  one  of  the  tubs  here,  in  which  this 
syphilitic  child,  an  incurable,  who  has  his  eyes  bandaged  all  the 
time,  is  also  bathed.  He  has  been  here  a  year.  Into  the  room 
where  he  lives  came  yesterday  two  children  to  be  operated  on 
for  tonsilitis.  They  also  bathed  in  the  same  tub.  The  syphilitic 
woman  has  been  in  that  room  seven  months.  Cheerful  mixing, 
isn't  it?  The  place  is  alive  with  roaches,  crawling  all  over  the 
walls  everywhere.    I  found  one  in  my  bed  the  other  day.  .    .    . 

In  regard  to  the  forcible  feeding,  she  said: 

Yesterday  was  a  bad  day  for  me  in  feeding.  I  was  vomiting 
continually  during  the  process.  The  tube  has  developed  an  irrita- 
tion somewhere  that  is  painful.  .    .    . 

I  fainted  again  last  night.  I  just  fell  flop  over  in  the  bath- 
room where  I  was  washing  my  hands,  and  was  led  to  bed,  when 
I  recovered,  by  a  nurse.  I  lost  consciousness  just  as  I  got  there 
again.  I  felt  horribly  faint  until  twelve  o'clock,  then  fell  asleep 
for  awhile.    ... 

The  same  doctor  feeds  us  both.  .    .    .  Don't  let  them  tell  you 


we  take  this  well.  Miss  Paul  vomits  much.  I  do,  too,  except 
when  I'm  not  nervous,  as  I  have  been  every  time  but  one.  The 
feeding  always  gives  me  a  severe  headache.  My  throat  aches 
afterward,  and  I  always  weep  and  sob,  to  my  great  disgust, 
quite  against  my  will.    I  try  to  be  less  feeble-minded. 

The  final  barbarity,  however,  in  the  treatment  of  the 
pickets  came  out  in  the  experience  of  Alice  Paul.  Of  course, 
the  Administration  felt  that  in  jailing  Alice  Paul,  they  had 
the  "  ringleader."  That  was  true.  What  they  did  not 
realize,  however,  was  that  they  had  also  jailed  the  inspired 
reformer,  the  martyr-type,  who  dies  for  a  principle,  but 
never  bends  or  breaks.  Miss  Paul  was  arrested,  it  will  be 
remembered,  on  October  20.  The  banner  that  she  carried 
had,  in  the  light  of  later  events,  a  grim  significance.  It 
bore  President  Wilson's  own  words : 


Her  sentence  was  seven  months. 

"  I  am  being  imprisoned,"  said  Miss  Paul  as  she  was 
taken  from  the  District  Police  Court  to  the  patrol  wagon 
that  carried  her  to  jail,  "  not  because  I  obstructed  traiBe, 
but  because  I  pointed  out  to  President  Wilson  the  fact  that 
he  is  obstructing  the  progress  of  justice  and  democracy  at 
home  while  Americans  fight  for  it  abroad." 

When  Alice  Paul  reached  the  jail,  she  found  ten  other 
Suffragists  who  had  been  brought  there  four  days  before 
from  Occoquan.  The  air  of  this  jail  was  stifling.  There 
were  about  seventy-five  women  prisoners  locked  in  three  tiers 
of  cells,  and  no  window  had  been  opened.  The  first  appeal 
of  the  Suffragists  to  Alice  Paul  was  for  air. 

Alice  Paul,  not  committed  to  her  cell  yet,  looked  about 
her.  High  up  she  saw  a  little,  round  window  with  a  rope 
hanging  from  it.  She  asked  the  matron  why  they  did  not 
open  the  window.  "  If  we  started  opening  windows,  we 
should  have  to  give  the  colored  women  more  clothes,"  the 
matron  told  her. 


With  her  usual  promptness  and  decision  Alice  Paul  crossed 
the  corridor  and  pulled  the  window  open.  There  was  no 
place  to  fasten  the  rope  so  she  stood  there  holding  it.  The 
matron  called  for  the  guards.  Two  of  them,  unusually  big 
and  husky  in  comparison  with  Alice  Paul's  ninety-five 
pounds,  tried  to  take  the  rope  away.  It  broke  in  her  hands, 
the  window  closed,  and  the  guards  carried  Miss  Paul  to  her 

Alice  Paul  had  brought,  in  the  pocket  of  her  coat,  a 
volume  of  Browning.  Before  they  closed  the  door,  she  threw 
it  with  what  Florence  Boeckel  describes  as  a  "  desperate,  sure 
aim,"  through  the  window. 

Miss  Paul's  confreres  say  that  it  is  amusingly  symbolic 
of  the  perfection  of  her  aim  in  all  things  that  she  hit  one 
of  the  little  panes  of  that  faraway  window.  As  the  glass 
had  not  been  repaired  when  the  Suffragists  left  jail,  they  had 
the  pure  air  they  demanded.  They  said  that  the  old-timers 
told  them  it  was  the  first  good  air  they  had  ever  smelled 
in  jail. 

Alice   Paul   and   Rose   Winslow   went   on   hunger-strike 

-at    once.      This    strike    lasted    three    weeks    and    a    day. 

The  last  two  weeks  they  were  forcibly  fed.     Both  women 

became    so    weak    that    they    were    finally    moved    to    the 


Two  or  three  alienists  with  Commissioner  Gardner  were 
brought  in  to  examine  Alice  Paul.  They  usually  referred  to 
her  in  her  presence  as  "  this  case."  One  of  the  alienists, 
visiting  her  for  the  first  time,  said  to  the  nurse,  "  Will  this 
patient  talk?"     Alice  Paul  burst  into  laughter. 

"  Talk !  "  she  exclaimed.  "  That's  our  business  to  talk. 
Why  shouldn't  we  talk.?  " 

"  Well,  some  of  them  don't  talk,  you  know,"  the  alienist 

"  Well,  if  you  want  me  to  talk "    Weak  as  she  was. 

Miss  Paul  sat  up  in  bed  and  gave  him  a  hiistory  of  the 
Suffrage  movement  beginning  just  before  the  period  of  Susan 
B.  Anthony  and  coming  down  to  that  moment.    It  lasted  an 


hour.    This  alienist  told  the  present  writer  that  in  his  report 
to  the  authorities  he  said  in  effect: 

"  There  is  a  spirit  like  Joan  of  Arc,  and  it  is  as  useless  to 
try  to  change  it  as  to  change  Joan  of  Arc.  She  will  die 
but  she  will  never  give  up." 

Alice  Paul  says  that  she  realized  after  a  while  that  the 
questions  of  the  alienists  were  directed  towards  establishing 
in  her  one  of  the  well-known  insane  phobes — ^the  mania  of 
persecution.  The  inquiries  converged  again  and  again  to- 
ward one  point:  "Did  she  think  the  President  personally 
responsible  for  what  was  occurring? "  As  it  happened 
her  sincere  conclusion  in  this  matter  helped  in  estab- 
lishing their  conviction  of  her  sanity.  She  always  answered 
that  she  did  not  think  the  President  was  responsible  in  her 
case — that  he  was  perhaps  uninformed  as  to  what  was 
going  on. 

Notwithstanding  the  favorable  report  of  the  alienist,  after 
a  while  they  removed  Alice  Paul  from  the  hospital  to  the 
psychopathic  ward.  The  conditions  under  which  she  lived 
here  are  almost  incredibly  sinister.  It  is  difBcult  to  avoid 
the  conclusion  that  it  was  hoped  that  they  would  affect 
Alice  Paul's  reason;  would  certainly  discredit  the  movement 
she  led  by  making  the  world  believe  that  she  was  mentaUy 
unbalanced.  The  room  in  which  she  was  confined  was  big 
and  square,  pleasant  enough.  It  had  two  windows,  one  of 
which  they  boarded  up.  They  took  off  the  wooden  door  and 
replaced  it  with  a  grated  door.  All  day  long  patients— 
mentally  unbalanced — came  to  that  door  and  peered  in  at 
her.  All  night  long,  shrieks  rang  in  her  ears.  Just  before 
dawn  would  come  an  interval  of  quiet,  then  invariably  it 
was  broken  by  the  long,  harrowing,  ululating  cries  of  a  single 
patient  who  kept  this  up  for  hours. 

One  of  the  alienists  told  the  nurse  to  keep  Miss  Paul 
under  observation.  This  observation  consisted  of  flashing  a 
light  in  her  face  every  hour  all  night  long.  This — ^naturaUy 
— brought  her  with  a  start  out  of  her  sleep.  She  averaged', 
she  says,  only  a  little  sleep  between  flashes.     Of  course  one 


cannot  but  think  that  if  she  had  been  trembling  on  the  verge 
of  insanity,  this  process  would  certainly  have  pushed  her 
over  the  edge. 

The  women  nurses  were  almost  unfailingly  kind  and 
thoughtful.  One  carried  her  kindness  to  the  point  of  saying 
once,  "You  know,  I  don't  think  you  are  insane."  Alice 
Paul  says,  it  was  staggering  to  have  people  express  their 
friendliness  for  you  by  assuring  you  that  they  thought  you 
were  in  your  right  mind.  The  doctor  who  forcibly  fed  her 
protested  against  having  to  do  it.  She  was  kept  in  the 
psychopathic  ward  a  week  incommunicado.  When  it  was 
discovered  where  she  was,  Dudley  Field  Malone  got  her  re- 
moved back  to  the  hospital.  Of  course  the  forcible  feeding 
went  on. 

In  the  files  at  Headquarters,  there  are  dozens  of  affidavits 
made  by  the  women  who  went  to  jail  for  picketing.  It  is  a 
gre&t  pity  that  they  cannot  all  be  brought  to  the  attention 
of  a  newly  enfranchised  sex.  More  burningly  than  anything 
else,  these  affidavits  would  show  that  sex  what  work  lies 
before  them,  as  far  as  penal  institutions  are  concerned.  I 
quote  but  one  of  them — that  of  Ada  Davenport  Kendall — 
because  it  sums  up  so  succinctly  and  specifically  the  things 
that  the  prison  pickets  saw. 

I  went  into  Occoqnan  Prison  as  a  prisoner  on  September  13, 

I  went  in  with  the  idea  of  obeying  the  regulations  and  of  being 
a  reasonable  prisoner. 

While  there  I  saw  such  injustice,  neglect,  and  cruelty  on  the 
part  of  the  officials  that  I  was  forced  into  rebellion. 

During  my  thirty  days'  imprisonment  I  saw  that  commis- 
sioners and  other  officials  made  occasional  visits  but  that  the 
people  in  charge  were  usually  warned  and  used  much  deception 
on  the  occasion  of  these  visits.  Specially  prepared  food  replaced 
the  wormy,  fermenting,  and  meager  fare  of  ordinary  days. 
Girls  too  frail  to  work  were  hurried  off  the  scrubbing  and 
laundry  gangs,  and  were  found  apparently  resting.  Sick  women 
were  hidden.  Girls  were  hurried  out  of. punishment  cells  as  the 
Visitors  proceeded  through  the  buildings,  and  were  hidden  in 
linen  rooms  or  rooms  of  matrons  already  inspected. 


While  there  I  was  treated  with  indignities.  I  was  insulted 
by  loud-mouthed  officials  at  every  turn,  was  stripped  before  other 
women,  stripped  of  all  toilet  necessities,  warm  underwear,  and 
ordinary  decencies,  was  deprived  of  soap,  tooth-brush,  writing 
materials,  and  sufficient  clothing  and  bed  coverings.  I  was 
dressed  first  in  clean  garments,  but  the  officials  later  punished  me 
by  putting  me  in  unclean  clothing  and  into  a  filthy  bed  in  which 
a  diseased  negress  had  slept.  In  the  hospital  I  was  obliged  to 
use  the  toilet  which  diseased  negro  women  used,  although  there 
was  a  clean  unused  toilet  in  the  building. 

With  the  four  other  women  who  were  sentenced  with  me  I 
was  fed  food  filled  with  worms  and  vile  with  saltpeter;  food 
consisting  of  cast-o£F  and  rotting  tomatoes,  rotten  horse  meat  and 
insect-ridden  starches.  There  were  no  fats:  no  milk,  butter,  nor 
decent  food  of  any  kind.  Upon  this  fare  I  was  put  at  hard  labor 
from  seven  a.m.  until  five  p.m.,  with  a  short  luncheon  out.  We 
were  not  allowed  to  use  the  paper  cups  we  had  brought,  but  were 
forced  to  drink  from  an  open  pail,  from  common  cups. 

After  several  days  of  driven  labor  this  group  was  ordered  to 
wash  the  floors  and  clean  the  toilets  in  the  dormitory  for  the 
colored  inmates.  I  protested  for  the  whole  group:  said  we 
would  not  do  this  dangerous  work.  For  this  I  was  put  in 
solitary  confinement  which  lasted  for  nearly  seven  days.  Water 
was  brought  three  times  in  the  twenty-four  hours,  in  a  small 
paper  cup.  Three  thin  slices  of  bread  were  brought  in  twenty- 
four  hours.  Several  times  matrons  with  attendants  came  in  and 
threatened  me  and  threw  me  about.  They  searched  me  for  notes 
or  any  writing,  and  threw  me  about  and  tore  my  clothes.  I  was 
allowed  no  water  for  toilet,  and  the  only  toilet  convenience  was 
an  open  bucket.  No  reading  nor  writing  materials  were  al- 
lowed. Mail  was  cut  off,  as  it  was  nearly  all  of  the  time  while  I 
was  in  prison.  I  was  not  allowed  to  see  an  attorney  during  this 
period.  The  bed  had  been  slept  in  and  was  filthy,  and  there 
was  no  other  furniture.  After  six  days,  influential  friends  were 
able  to  reach  my  case  from  outside  the  prison,  and  I  was  taken 
out  of  solitary  confinement. 

While  in  prison  I  heard  men  and  women  crying  for  help,  and 
heard  the  sound  of  brutal  lashes  for  long  periods, — ^usually  in 
the  evening,  after  visitors  were  not  expected. 

I  saw  a  woman  have  a  hemorrhage  from  the  lungs  at  nine  in 
the  morning — saw  her  lie  neglected,  heard  the  matrons  refuse  to 
call  a  doctor;  and  at  eleven  saw  the  woman  carry  a  tobacco  pail 
filled  with  water  to  scrub  a  floor ;  saw  her  bleeding  while  she  was 
scrubbing,  and  when  she  cried  a  matron  scolded  her. 


Saw  a  young  dope  fiend  who  was  insane  run  out  of  a  door, 
and  heard  a  matron  at  the  telephone  order  men  to  loose  the 
bloodhounds  upon  this  girl  in  the  dark.  Soon  heard  the  dogs 
howling  and  running  about. 

Saw  men  with  fetters  on  legs  being  driven  to  and  from 

Saw  matrons  choke  and  shake  girls. 

Was  continually  disgusted  with  lack  of  fair  play  in  the  insti- 

Inmates  were  set  to  spy  upon  the  others,  and  were  rewarded 
or  punished,  as  they  played  the  game  of  the  matrons. 

Saw  sick  girls  working  in  laundry.  Saw  diseased  women 
sleeping,  bathing,  and  eating  with  other  inmates. 

Saw  armed  men  driving  prisoners  to  work. 

Saw  milk  and  vegetables  shipped  to  Washington,  and  rotting 
vegetables  brought  up  from  city  market. 

Saw  unconscious  women  being  brought  from  punishment  cells. 

Saw  sick  women  refused  medical  help,  and  locked  in  the  hos- 
pital without  attendance  to  suffer.  Saw  them  refused  milk  or 
proper  food.  Saw  them  refused  rest,  and  once  I  saw  the  only 
medical  attendant  kick  at  a  complaining  inmate  and  slam  the 
office  door  in  her  face. 

Found  that  whUe  the  institution  was  supposed  to  build  and 
improve  inmates,  they  were  ordinarily  not  allowed  any  recreation 
nor  proper  cleanliness.  No  classes  were  held,  and  no  teaching  of 
any  sort  was  attempted.  They  were  deprived  of  all  parcels,  and 
mail  was  usually  withheld  both  coming  and  going.  Visitors  and 
attorneys  were  held  up,  and  the  prisoners  usually  absolutely  shut 
away  from  help. 

Found  that  no  rules  governing  the  rights  of  the  prisoners  had 
been  codified  by  the  Congressional  Committee  responsible  for  the 
institution,  and  was  told  by  .the  superintendent  that  the  prisoners 
had  no  rights  and  that  the  superintendent  could  treat  the  inmates 
as  he  liked. 

Under  that  management,  the  matrons,  while  apparently  ordi- 
narily decent  and  often  making  a  good  first  impression,  were 
found  to  be  brutal  and  unreasonable  in  their  care  of  inmates. 

The  inmates  were  driven,  abused,  insulted.  They  were  not 
allowed  to  speak  in  the  dining-room  or  workrooms  or  dormitories. 
It  was  a  place  of  chicanery,  sinister  horror,  brutality,  and 

No  one  could  go  there  for  a  stay  who  would  not  be  permanently 
injured.  No  one  could  come  out  without  just  resentment  against 
any  government  which  could  maintain  such  an  institution. 


As  has  been  told  before  Judge  Waddill  decided  that  the 
pickets  had  been  illegally  transferred  from  the  Jail  to 
Occoquan  and  they  were  sent  back  to  the  Jail.  But  between 
Occoquan  and  Jail  occurred  one  night,  in  which  the  pickets 
were  released  in  the  custody  of  Dudley  Field  Malone,  their 
counsel.  They  went  immediately  to  Cameron*  House  and 
broke  their  hunger-strike — spent  the  evening  before  the  fire, 
talking  and  sipping  hot  milk.  The  next  day  they  were  com- 
mitted to  jail  again  and  immediately  started  a  new  hunger- 

The  government,  however,  undoubtedly  appalled  by  the 
protests  that  came  from  all  over  the  country,  and  perhaps, 
in  addition,  staggered  at  the  prospect  of  forcibly  feeding 
so  many  women,  released  them  all  three  days  later. 

A  mass-meeting  was  held  at  the  Belasco  Theatre  early  in 
December  to  welcome  them.  The  auditorium  was  crowded 
and  there  was  an  overflow  meeting  of  four  thousand  outside 
on  the  sidewalk.  The  police  reserves,  who  had  so  often,  in 
previous  months,  come  out  to  arrest  pickets,  now  came  out 
to  protect  them  from  the  thousands  of  people  who  gathered 
in  their  honor.  Elsie  Hill  addressed  this  overflow  meeting, 
which  shivered  in  the  bitter  cold  for  over  an  hour,  yet 
stayed  to  hear  her  story. 

Inside,  eighty-one  women  in  white,  all  of  whom  had  served 
in  the  Jail  or  the  Workhouse,  carrying  lettered  banners  and 
purple,  white,  and  gold  banners,  marched  down  the  two 
center  aisles  of  the  theatre  and  onto  the  stage.  There  were 
speeches  by  Mrs.  Thomas  Hepburn,  Dudley  Field  Malone, 
Mrs.  William  Kent,  Mrs.  O.  H.  P.  Belmont,  and  Maud 
Younger.  Then  came  an  interval  in  which  money  was  raised. 
Two  touching  details  were  sums  of  fifty  cents  and  thirty 
cents  pledged  from  Occoquan  "because  the  Suffragettes 
helped  us  so  much  down  there."  And  Mrs.  John  Rogers,  Jr., 
on  behalf  of  the  pickets  gave  "  tenderest  thanks  for  this 
help  from  our  comrades  in  the  Workhouse." 

Eighty-six  thousand,  three  hundred  and  eighty-six  dollars 
was  raised  in  honor  of  the  pickets. 


On  that  occasion,  prison  pins  which  were  tiny  replicas 
in  silver  of  the  cell  doors,  were  presented  to  each  "  prisoner 
of  freedom." 

As  Alice  Paul  appeared  to  receive  her  pin,  Dudley  Field 
Malone  called,  "  Alice  Paul,"  and  the  audience  leaped  to  its 
feet ;  the  cheers  and  applause  lasted  until  she  disappeared  at 
the  back  of  the  platform. 

It  is  a  poignant  regret  to  the  present  author  that  she 
cannot  go  further  into  conditions  at  the  District  Jail  and 
at  Occoquan  in  regard  to  the  other  prisoners  there.  But 
that  is  another  story  and  must  be  told  by  those  whose  work 
is  penal  investigation.  The  Suffragists  uncovered  conditions 
destructive  to  body  and  soul ;  incredibly  inhumane !  One  of 
the  heart-breaking  handicaps  of  the  swift,  intensive  war- 
fare of  the  pickets  was  that,  although  they  did  much  to 
ameliorate  conditions  for  their  fellow  prisoners,  they  could 
not  make  them  ideal.  Piteous  appeal  after  piteous  appeal 
came  to  them  from  their  "  comrades  in  the  Workhouse." 

"  If  we  go  on  a  hunger-strike,  will  they  make  things  better 
for  us?"  the  other  prisoners  asked  again  and  again. 

"  No,"  the  Suffragists  answered  sadly.  "  You  Yiaire  no 
organization  back  of  you." 

However,  in  whatever  ways  were  open  to  them  the  Suf- 
fragists offered  counsel  and  assistance  of  all  kinds. 

I  asked  one  of  the  pickets  once  how  the  other  prisoners 
regarded  them.  She  answered :  "  They  called  us  '  the  strange 
ladies.' " 



In  the  meantime,  the  country  had  not  been  kept  misinformed 
or  uninformed  in  regard  to  the  treatment  of  the  pickets. 
Of  course,  the  press  teemed  with  descriptions  of  their  pro- 
tests and  its  results.  Again  and  again  their  activities  pushed 
war  news  out  of  the  preferred  position  on  the  front  page 
of  the  newspapers.  Again  and  again  they  snatched  the  head- 
lines from  important  personages  and  events.  But  despite 
flaming  headlines,  these  newspaper  accounts  were  inevitably 
brief  and  incomplete;  sometimes  unfair.  The  Woman's 
Party  determined  that  the  great  rank  and  file,  who  might 
be  careless  or  cautious  of  newspaper  narration,  should  hear 
the  whole  extraordinary  story.  Picketing  began  in  January, 
1917.  By  the  end  of  September,  long  before  Alice  Paul's 
arrest  and  through  October  and  November,  therefore, 
speakers  were  sent  all  over  the  United  States.  Alice  Paul 
divided  the  States  into  four  parts,  twelve  States  each :  Maud 
Younger  went  to  the  South;  Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis  and 
Mabel  Vernon  to  the  Middle  West ;  Anne  Martin  to  the  far 
West;  Abby  Scott  Baker  and  Doris  Stevens  to  the  East. 
Ahead  of  them  went  the  swift  band  of  organizers  who  always 
so  ably  and  intensively  prepared  the  way  for  Woman's 
Party  activity. 

Public  opinion  became  more  and  more  intrigued,  began  to 
blaze  oftener  and  oftener  into  protest  as  successive  parties 
of  pickets  were  arrested.  The  climax,  of  course,  was  the 
climactic  Administration  mistake — the  arrest  of  Alice  Paul. 
And  as  it  began  to  dawn  on  the  country  that  she  was  kept 
incommunicado  .  .  .  that  she  was  in  the  psychopathic 
ward  .  .  .  alienists  .  .  .  hunger-striking  .  .  .  forcible 
feeding.   .    .    . 



The  speakers  had  extraordinary  experiences,  especially 
those  who  went  into  the  strongholds  of  the  Democrats  in 
the  South.  Again  and  again  when  they  told  about  the  jail 
conditions,  and  how  white  women  were  forced  into  associa- 
tion with  the  colored  prisoners,  were  even  compelled  to 
paint  the  toilets  used  by  the  colored  prisoners,  men  would 
rise  in  the  audience  and  say,  "There  are  a  score  of  men 
here  who'll  go  right  up  to  Washington  and  burn  that 
jail  down."  It  has  been  said  that  Warden  Zinkham  re- 
ceived by  mail  so  many  threats  against  his  life  that  he  went 

From  Headquarters,  telegrams  Were  sent  to  speakers  as 
the  situation  grew  at  Washington,  informing  them  as  to  the 
arrests,  the  actions  of  the  police,  sentences,  et  caetera.  Often 
these  telegrams  would  come  in  the  midst  of  a  speech.  The 
speaker  always  read  them  to  the  audience.  Once  after 
Doris  Stevens  had  read  such  a  telegram,  "  Do  you  protest 
against  this  ?  "  she  demanded  of  her  audience.  "  We  do !  " 
they  yelled,  rising  as  one  man  to  their  feet. 

Suddenly  while  everything  was  apparently  going  smoothly, 
audiences  large,  indignantly  sympathetic,  actively  protes- 
tive,  change  came.  Everywhere  obstacles  were  put  in  the 
way  of  the  speakers.  That  this  was  the  result  of  concerted 
action  on  the  part  of  the  authorities  was  evident  from  the 
fact  that  within  a  few  days  four  speakers  in  different  parts 
of  the  country  felt  this  blocking  influence. 

In  Arkansas  they  recalled  Mabel  Vernon's  permit  for  the 
Court  House.  In  Connecticut,  newspapers  began  to  call 
Berta  Crone  pro-German,  to  attack  her  in  a  scurrilous 

Anne  Martin's  meeting  throughout  the  West  had  gone  on 
without  interruption  of  any  kind.  When,  however,  she  ar- 
rived in  Los  Angeles,  she  was  met  by  a  Federal  officer  and 
told  that  there  could  be  no  meeting  in  Los  Angeles.  Miss 
Martin's  answer  was  to  read  to  him  a  section  on  the  right 
of  free  speech  and  assemblage,  to  inform  him  that  he  could 
not  prevent  the  meeting,  to  assure  him  that  he  was  welcome 


to  attend  it,  and  to  invite  him  to  arrest  her  if  she  made  any 
seditious  remarks.  The  attempt  was  then  made  to  get  her 
right  to  use  the  hotel  ball-room,  in  which  she  was  to  hold 
the  meeting,  canceled.  However,  when  Miss  Martin  told  the 
management  that  she  had  made  the  same  speech  at  the  St. 
Francis  Hotel  in  San  Francisco,  they  agreed  to  let  her  have 
the  hall.  Federal  officers  sat  on  the  platform  and  inter- 
rupted her  speech,  saying,  "  You've  said  enough  about  the 
President  now."  Anne  Martin  replied,  "  If  Fve  said  any- 
thing seditious  it's  your  duty  to  arrest  me.  Otherwise  I'm 
going  on  with  my  speech."  The  audience  applauded.  Within 
a  few  minutes,  five  hundred  dollars  was  collected  in  that 
audience  for  the  struggle  in  the  Capitol.  Later,  one  of  the 
Secret  Service  men  warned  Miss  Martin  not  to  make  the 
same  speech  in  San  Diego.  "  I  told  him,"  Miss  Martin  said, 
"  to  follow  me  and  arrest  me  at  any  time  he  wished  to,  but 
in  the  meantime  to  stop  speaking  to  me."  She  had  no  fur- 
ther trouble  in  California. 

Maud  Younger's  experiences  in  the  South  and  West  were 
so  incredible  in  these  days  of  free  speech  that  it  deserves 
a  detailed  narration. 

She  had  passed  through  nine  southern  Democratic 
States.  Every  speech  had  been  received  enthusiastically, 
with  sympathy,  and  without  question.  Suddenly  the  cry 
of  "  Treason,"  "  Pro-German,"  was  raised.  She  was  to 
speak  at  Dallas,  Texas,  on  Monday,  November  18.  But 
the  organizer  found  she  could  not  engage  a  hall  nor  even  a 
room  at  the  hotel  in  which  Miss  Younger  could  speak.  The 
Mayor  would  not  allow  hei*  to  hold  a  street  meeting.  Miss 
Younger  whose  speeches  are  always  the  maximum  of  ac- 
curacy, informedness,  feeling — coupled  with  a  kind  of  diplo- 
matic suavity-^-oflFered  to  submit  her  speech  for  censorship. 
They  refused  her  even  that.  Finally  on  Monday  morning 
a  hall  was  found  and  engaged.  The  people  who  rented  it 
canceled  that  engagement  on  Monday  afternoon.  The  re- 
porters flocked  to  see  Miss  Younger,  who  astutely  said  to 
them,  "  Of  course  the  President  is  not  responsible  for ' 


etc,  etc." — ad  libitum — ^not  responsible,  in  brief,  for  all  the 
things  she  would  have  said  in  her  speech.  Miss  Condon, 
who  was  organizing  in  that  vicinity,  had  a  little  office  on 
the  top  floor  and  decided  to  hold  a  meeting  there.  Miss 
Younger  spoke  to  a  small  audience  drummed  up  as  hastily 
as  possible,  notifying  newspaper  and  police  when  the  audi- 
ence was  about  to  arrive.  There  were  detectives  present. 
Miss  Younger  takes  great  joy  in  the  fact  that  in  attending 
this  meeting,  these  detectives,  following  the  accepted  tactics 
of  detectives,  heavy-handedly — or  heavy-footedly — ^got  out 
of  the  elevator  on  the  floor  below;  tiptoed  solemnly  up  to 
the  floor  of  the  meeting,  thus  proclaiming  loudly  to  the 
world  that  they  were  detectives. 

In  Memphis,  Miss  Younger  had  the  assistance  of  Sue 
White,  ^o,  not  then  a  member  of  the  Woman's  Party,  be- 
came subsequently  one  of  its  most  active,  able,  and  devoted 
workers.  Miss  White  who  is  very  well  known  in  her  State, 
had  just  gained  great  public  approbation  by  registering 
fifty  thousand  women  for  war  work.  She  fought  hard  and 
constantly  to  preserve  Miss  Younger's  speaking  schedule  in 
the  nine  Tennessee  towns.  But  it  was  impossible  in  many 
cases.  Everywhere  they  were  fought  by  the  Bar  Association 
and  the  so-called  Home  Defense  Leagues;  and  often  by 
civic  officials.  The  Bar  Association  et  caetera  appointed  a 
committee  to  go  to  all  hotels,  or  meeting-places,  to  ask  them 
not  to  rent  rooms  for  Miss  Younger's  meetings,  and  to 
mayors  to  request  them  not  to  grant  permits  for  street 
meetings.  The  Mayor  of  Brownsville,  for  instance,  tele- 
phoned to  the  Mayor  of  Jackson :  "  I  believe  in  one  God, 
one  Country,  and  one  President;  for  God's  sake  keep  those 
pickets  from  coming  to  Brownsville."  Fortunately  every- 
where, as  has  almost  invariably  happened  in  the  Suffrage 
movement,  Labor  came  to  their  rescue. 

In  the  towns  where  it  was  impossible  to  get  a  hall,  Miss 
Younger  did  not  stay  to  fight  it  out.  First  of  all,  she  felt 
the  situation  had  developed  into  a  free  speech  fight  between 
the  people  of  these  towns  and  their  local  governments.    It 


was  for  them  to  make  the  fight.    Moreover,  she  wanted  as 
far  as  possible  to  keep  to  her  schedule. 

Sue  White  went  on  ahead  to  Jackson,  which  was  her  own 
home  town,  and  appealed  to  the  Judge  for  the  use  of  the 
Court  House.  The  Mayor  said  he  could  not  legally  prevent 
the  meeting.  Miss  White  opened  the  Court  House  and 
lighted  it.  In  the  meantime,  the  Chief  of  Police  met  Miss 
Younger  in  the  Court  House  before  the  meeting  began.  He 
told  her  if  she  said  anything  against  the  President,  he  would 
arrest  her.  He  came  to  the  meeting  that  night,  but  left  as 
soon  as  he  discovered  how  harmless  it  was — Charmless,  that 
is,  so  far  as  the  President  was  concerned.  The  audience 
unanimously  passed  a  resolution  asking  the  Mayor  of  Nash- 
ville, which  was  the  next  stop,  to  permit  Miss  Younger  to 

However,  when  she  got  to  Nashville,  the  Home  Defense 
League  had  brought  pressure  on  the  local  authorities  and  it 
was  impossible  for  her  to  get  a  hall.  The  organizer  had 
hired  the  ball-room  of  the  hotel,  had  deposited  twenty-five 
dollars  for  it;  but  the  manager  broke  his  contract,  refused 
to  allow  them  to  use  itj  and  refunded  the  money.  The 
prosecuting  attorney,  months  later,  boasted,  "I  was  the 
one  that  kept  Miss  Younger  from  speaking  in  Nashville." 

The  next  two  towns  were  Lebanon  and  Gallatin.  In 
Lebanon,  although  they  could  get  no  hall,  they  were  allowed 
to  ibpeak  in  the  public  square.  Sue  White  introduced  Miss 
Younger.  It  was  a  bitter  cold  day;  but  the  weather  was 
not  colder  than  the  audience  at  first.  Gradually,  however, 
that  audience  warmed  up.  When  Miss  Younger  finished, 
they  called,  "  We  are  all  with  you ! "  When  the  Suffragists 
reached  Gallatin,  they  secured  the  schooUiouse.  There  was 
no  time  for  any  publicity,  but  Rebecca  Hourwich  hired  a 
wagon  and  went  about  the  town  calling,  "  Come  to  the  school- 
house  !    Hear  the  White  House  pickets ! " 

In  Knoxville,  they  met  with  the  same  hostility  from  the 
Bar  Association.  Their  permit  to  speak  in  the  town  haU  was 
revoked,  and  even  the  street  was  denied  to  them.     Joy 


Yoiing,  thereupon,  went  to  Labor.  The  local  Labor  leader, 
who  was  the  editor  of  the  Labor  paper,  saw  at  once  that  it 
was  a  free  speech  fight.  He  said  that  Labor  would  make 
the  fight  for  the  Suffragists,  He  also  pointed  out  that 
though  the  Mayor  was  a  Democrat,  the  Judge  was  a  Repub- 
lican. He  went  to  the  Judge  and  asked  for  the  Court 
House.  The  Judge  said  that  it  was  not  within  his  power 
to  grant  the  Court  House;  that  three  county  officials,  to 
whom,  twelve  years  before,  jurisdiction  in  this  matter  had 
been  given,  must  decide  the  question.  These  county  ofiicials 
agreed  to  the  proposition.  Again  the  Bar  Association  inter- 
fered. All  day  long  telephone  pressure,  pro  and  con,  was 
brought  to  bear  on  these  county  officials.  In  the  end  it  was 
decided  to  have  a  preliminary  rehearsal  of  Miss  Younger's 

At  high  noon,  therefore,  Maud  Younger  went  to  the  Court 
House.  The  prosecuting  attorney  opened  the  proceedings 
by  reading  from  a  big  book  an  unintelligible  excerpt  on 
sedition.  Miss  Younger  then  made  her  forceful,  witty,  and 
tactful  speech.  Of  course  they  gave  her  the  Court  House. 
The  prosecuting  attorney  said,  "  For  an  hour  I  argued 
against  you  with  the  Judge.  Now,  I  don't  see  how  he  could 
possibly  refuse."  The  Judge  said,  "  You  women  have  a  very 
real  grievance."  Late  as  it  was,  Joy  Young  got  out  dodgers, 
inviting  the  town  to  the  meeting  and  scattered  them  every- 
where, and  the  afternoon  papers  carried  the  announcement. 

That  night  at  dinner,  the  editor  of  the  Labor  paper  called. 
He  told  them  that  the  Sheriff  had  suddenly  put  up  the  claim 
of  jurisdiction  over  the  county  Court  House  taken  from  him 
twelve  years  ago,  and  that  he  would  be  there  with  a  band 
of  armed  deputies.  "  But,"  said  the  Labor  leader,  "  Labor 
mil  he  there  idth  eighty  armed  Union  men  to  meet  them."* 
Of  course  the  two  Woman's  Party  speakers  did  not  know 
what  would  happen.  But  the  only  thing  they  did  know  was 
that  they  would  hold  the  meeting  as  usual.  So  Maud 
Younger  and  Joy  Young  proceeded  alone  to  the  Court 
House.    They  both  expected  to  be  shot.    The  Sheriff  with 


his  deputies,  instead  of  surrounding  the  building,  went  inside, 
holding  the  place  against  Suffrage  attack.  The  Labor  men 
stationed  themselves  in  front  of  the  door.  The  steps  were 
filled  with  audience.  Joy  Young  introduced  the  speaker. 
Maud  Younger  took  up  her  position,  and  they  held  their 
meeting  outside.  Miss  Younger  always  says :  "  The  Sheriff 
had  the  Court  House,  but  I  had  the  audience." 

At  Chattanooga,  Joy  Young  had  explained  the  situation ; 
The  Mayor  was  with  them;  the  Bar  Association,  the  Chief 
of  Police,  the  Sheriff  were  against  them ;  so  the  Mayor  with 
the  assistance  of  Labor  and  the  newspapers  took  up  their 
fight.  No  hall  was  to  be  had,  amd  someone  in  the  Bar  Associa- 
tion instructed  the  Chief  of  Police  to  enter  any  private  house 
and  break  up  any  meeting  the  Suffragists  might  hold;  and  the 
Sheriff  to  do  the  soTne  in  the  country  outside  the  city  limits. 
But  Labor  was  not  to  be  outwitted.  They  were  holding  a 
scheduled  meeting  in  their  own  hall  that  night.  Labor  can- 
celed that  meeting  and  offered  Maud  Youuger  the  haU  free. 
They  said  they  would  like  to  see  any  police  break  up  a 
meeting  in  their  hall.  All  day  long  there  was  a  stormy 
session  of  the  Commissioners  as  to  whether  or  not  she  might 
speak.     But  in  the  end  she  did  speak. 

Later,  when  Maud  Younger  returned  to  Washington,  she 
met  Senator  McKellar  in  the  course  of  her  lobbying  activi- 
ties. Of  course,  she  was  astute  enough  to  know  that  orders 
for  all  this  persecution  had  come  from  above.  She  referred 
quite  frankly  to  his  efforts  to  stop  her  in  Tennessee.  With 
equal  frankness,  Senator  McKellar  said :  "  I  wasn't  going 
to  have  you  talking  against  the  President  in  Tennessee." 



The  various  activities  described  in  the  last  six  chapters  all 
took  place  in  the  year  1917.  But  during  all  this  year — 
when  the  picketing,  the  arrests,  the  imprisonments,  were 
going  on — ^work  with  Congress  was  of  course  proceeding 
parallel  with  it.  It  now  becomes  necessary  to  go  back  to 
the  very  beginning  of  the  year  to  follow  that  work. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  early  in  this  year  there  oc- 
curred in  Washington  an  event  of  national  political  impor- 
tance. The  Congressional  Union  for  Woman  Suffrage  and 
the  Woman's  Party  merged  into  one  organization. 

This  union  of  the  Congressional  Union  with  the  Woman's 
Party  occurred  on  March  2.  On  March  3 — the  last  day  of 
his  first  Administration — ^President  Wilson  despatched  the 
following  letter  to  the  Hon.  W.  R.  Crabtree,  a  member  of 
the  Tennessee  Legislature. 

May  I  not  express  my  earnest  hope  that  the  Senate  of  Ten- 
nessee will  reconsider  the  vote  by  which  it  rejected  the  legisla- 
tion extending  the  Suffrage  to  women.''  Our  Party  is  so  dis- 
tinctly pledged  to  its  passage  that  it  seems  to  me  the  moral 
obligation  is  complete. 

WooDRow  Wilson. 

On  April  26  occurred  a  hearing  before  the  Senate  Com- 
mittee ;  Anne  Martin  presided.  The  note  she  struck  in  her 
opening  speech  sounded  all  through  the  hearing — the 
somber,  sinister  note  of  the  Great  War;  and  the  necessity 
of  accepting  the  Suffrage  Amendment  as  a  war  measure. 

"  We  regard  it  as  an  act  of  the  highest  loyalty  and  patriotism," 
she  said  "  to  urge  the  passage  of  the  Amendment  at  this  time^ 
that  we  may,  as  fuUy-eqnipped,  fully-enfranchised  citizens,  do 



our  part  in  carrying  out  and  helping  to  solve  the  problems  tHat 
lie  before  the  government  when  our  country  is  at  war." 

Madeline  Doty,  who  had  traveled  in  Germany  and  in  Eng- 
land since  the  beginning  of  the  war,  gave  her  testimony  in 
regard  to  the  degree  of  war-work  women  were  contributing 
in  those  two  countries.  Others  spoke:  Mary  Beard,  Ernes- 
tine Evans,  Mrs.  Richard  Wainwright,  Alice  Carpenter, 
Hon.  Jeannette  Rankin,  and  Dudley  Field  Malone,  at  that 
time  still  Collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York. 

Altogether,  there  was  a  different  sound  to  these  Suffrage 
arguments.  Women  had  discovered  for  the  first  time  in  the 
history  of  the  world  that  they  were  a  national  necessity  in 
war,  not  only  because  they  bore  the  soldiers  who  fought,  not 
only  because  they  nursed  the  wounded,  but  because  their 
efforts  in  producing  the  very  sinews  of  war  were  necessary  to 
its  continuance. 

On  May  14,  the  Committee  appointed  by  the  National 
Party  (the  Party  formed  by  the  former  Progressive  lead- 
ers) :  J.  A.  H.  Hopkins,  Dr.  E.  A.  Rumley,  John  Spargo, 
Virgil  Hinshaw,  Mabel  Vernon,  called  on  the  President  for 
the  purpose  of  discussing  the  passage  of  the  Federal  Suf- 
frage Amendment  as  part  of  the  war  program. 

Mabel  Vernon  described  the  interview  afterwards: 

The  President  said  frankly  that  the  lines  were  well  laid  for 
the  carrying  out  of  a  program  in  this  session  of  Congress  in 
which  Suffrage,  he  intimated,  has  not  been  included  and  expressed 
his  belief  that  the  introducing  of  the  question  at  this  time  might 
complicate  matters.  He  seems  to  feel,  however,  that  the  coming 
of  war  has  put  the  enfranchisement  of  women  on  a  new  basis. 

He  showed  his  appreciation  of  the  rapid  gains  Suffrage  has 
made  through  the  country  when  he  said,  "  Suffrage  is  no  longer 
creeping,  but  advancing  by  strides." 

The  President  told  the  Committee  as  proof  of  his  willingness, 
as  he  said,  "  to  help  Suffrage  in  every  little  way,"  that  he  had 
written  a  letter  to  Representative  Pou,  Chairman  of  the  Rules 
Committee  of  the  House,  saying  he  would  favor  the  creation  of  a 
Woman  Suffrage  Committee. 


The  next  day.  May  16,  a  hearing  was  held  before  the 
Judiciary  Committee  of  the  House.  The  Progressive  Com- 
mittee, who  had  visited  the  President  the  day  before,  spoke, 
and  also  a  group  of  the  Woman's  Party  leaders:  Mrs. 
William  H.  Kent,  Mrs.  John  Rogers,  Mrs.  Donald  R. 
Hooker,  Lucy  Burns,  Anne  Martin,  Abby  Scott  Baker. 
Again  the  note  of  the  Great  War  sounded  through  all  the 
speeches,  and  the  impatience  of  women  because  everything 
in  the  way  of  war  service  was  demanded  of  them,  but  noth- 
ing given  in  return. 

Mrs.  Rogers  said: 

You  men  sit  here  in  Congress  and  plan  to  take  our  sons  and 
husbands  and  every  cent  in  our  pockets.  Yet  you  say  to  us: 
"  Do  not  be  selfish ;  do  not  ask  anything  of  the  government  now,' 
but  do  your  part." 

Mrs.  Rogers  quoted  the  words  of  Lord  Northcliffe: 

The  old  arguments  against  giving  women  Suffrage  were  that 
they  were  useless  in  war.  But  we  have  found  that  we  could  not 
carry  on  the  war  without  them.  They  are  running  many  of  our 
industries,  and  their  services  may  be  justly  compared  to  those  of 
our  soldiers. 

"  It  has  taken  England  nineteen  hundred  years  to  find 
this  out,"  said  Mrs.  Rogers. 

Also,  stress  was  laid  on  the  fact  that,  since  the  last  hear- 
ing before  the  Judiciary  Committee,  six  States  had  granted 
Presidential  Suffrage  to  women. 

In  this  connection,  a  letter  written  by  Chairman  Webb 
of  the  Judiciary  Committee  to  J.  A.  H.  Hopkins  of  New 
Jersey,  is  interesting. 

Mr.  Hopkins  wrote  Mr.  Webb: 

The  suggestion  in  your  letter,  that  your  caucus  resolution  pro- 
vides that  the  President  might  from  time  to  time  suggest  special 
war  emergency  legislation,  puts  the  responsibility  for  the  inaction 
of  your  Committee  upon  the  President.  As  the  President  has 
already  stated  that  he  will  be  glad  to  do  everything  he  can  to 
promote  the  cause  of  Woman  Suffrage,  it  seems  to  me  quite 


evident  that  he  has  at  least  given  your  Committee  the  oppor- 
tunity to  exercise  their  own  authority  without  even  the  fear  that 
they  may  be  infringing  upon  your  caucus  rules. 

In  the  answer  which  Chairman  Webb  sent  to  Mr.  Hopkins, 
he  put  the  responsibility  of  the  inaction  in  regard  to  the 
Suffrage  situation  directly  on  the  President. 

He  said: 

The  Democratic  caucus  passed  a  resolution  that  only  war 
emergency  measures  would  be  considered  during  this  extra  ses- 
sion, and  that  the  President  might  designate  from  time  to  time 
special  legislation  which  he  regarded  as  war  legislation,  and  such 
would  be  acted  upon  by  the  House.  The  President  not  having 
designated  Woman  Suffrage  and  national  prohibition  so  far  as 
war  measures,  the  Judiciary  Committee  up  to  this  time  has  not 
felt  warranted,  under  the  caucus  rule,  in  reporting  either  of  these 
measures.  If  the  President  should  request  either  or  both  of  them 
as  war  measures,  then  I  think  the  Committee  would  attempt  to 
take  some  action  on  them  promptly.  So  you  see  after  all  it  is 
important  to  your  cause  to  make  the  President  see  that  Woman 
Suffrage  comes  within  the  rules  laid  down. 

In  May,  the  Rules  Committee  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives granted  a  hearing  to  Suffrage  bodies  on  the  question 
of  the  creation  of  a  Suffrage  Committee  in  the  House.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  this  is  the  first  time  since  December, 
1913,  that  the  Rules  Committee  had  granted  this  request, 
although  women  have  worked  for  the  creation  of  a  Suffrage 
Committee  in  the  House  since  the  days  of  Susan  B.  Anthony. 
Chairman  Fou  presided. 

A  few  days  before,  he  had  received  a  letter  from  President 
Wilson,  in  favor  of  the  creation  of  a  Suffrage  Committee. 
For  a  long  time  now,  the  President  had  not  been  saying 
anything  about  the  State  by  State  method  of  winning  Suf- 
frage, but  this  was  the  first  time  that  he  had  shown  a  specific 
interest  in  the  Federal  Suffrage  Amendment. 

The  meeting  was  open  to  the  public,  and  the  room  was 
crowded.  The  members  of  the  National  American  Woman 
Suffrage  Association  spoke;  a  group  of  Congressmen  from 


the  Suffrage  States,  and  the  following  members  of  the 
Woman's  Party:  Anne  Martin,  Maud  Younger,  Mrs.  Richard 
Wainwright,  Mabel  Vernon. 

Mrs.  Richard  Wainwright  said: 

One  of  the  members  of  the  Commission  from  England  said: 
"  We  came  to  America  that  America  may  not  make  the  mistakes 
that  we  have !  One  of  the  mistakes  that  England  is  now  trying  to 
rectify  is  not  giving  justice  to  her  women.  I  should  like  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  to  remember  what  Wyoming  said 
when  asked  to  join  the  nation:  '  We  do  not  come  in  without  our 

Miss  Younger  said  in  part: 

We  regard  this,  however  (the  formation  of  a  Suffrage  Com- 
mittee in  the  House),  Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  fSe  Com- 
mittee, as  only  one  step  toward  our  goal.  We  will  not  be  satisfied 
with  this  alone.  It  will  not  in  any  way  take  the  place  of  the 
passage  of  the  Amendment.  Nor  are  we  interested  in  any  mere 
record  vote  which  might  come  from  the  Suffrage  Committee.  We 
are  working  only  for  the  passage  of  the  Amendment  at  the 
earliest  possible  date.   .    .    . 

We  ask  for  this  measure  now  in  war  time,  because  the  suffer- 
ings of  war  fall  heavily  upon  women.  In  case  of  an  invading 
army  the  greatest  barbarities,  the  greatest  cruelties,  fall  upon 
the  women.  In  this  war,  as  never  before,  the  burdens  are  borne 
by  women.  Secretary  Redfield  said  yesterday  that  three  armies 
are  necessary  to  the  prosecution  of  this  war,  the  army  in  the 
field,  the  army  on  the  farm,  and  the  army  in  the  factories.  In 
these  two  armies  at  home  the  women  are  taking  an  increasingly 
large  part  and  the  efiiciency  of  their  work  depends  largely  upon 
the  conditions  under  which  they  do  this  work.  In  England  the 
output  of  munitions  was  not  satisfactory.  The  government  ap- 
pointed a  commission  to  investigate.  They  found  that  the  trouble 
lay  in  the  conditions  under  which  the  women  worked,  with  the 
overlong  hours.  They  could  not  get  the  best  results  under  such 
conditions.  In  America  today  there  is  an  effort  to  break  down 
the  protective  legislation  that  through  the  years  has  been  built 
up  around  women  and  children.  And  so  for  eificiency  in  the  war 
as  well  as  for  the  protection  of  the  women,  we  urge  Suffrage 
upon  you  now. 

We  do  not  know  when  this  struggle  may  end  nor  to  what 
extent  the  women  here  may  replace  men.     An  English  ship- 


builder  said  recently  that  should  the  war  last  two  years  longer 
he  would  build  ships  entirely  with  women.  We  know  that  all 
over  Europe  today  they  are  doing  men's  work,  in  field,  in  factory, 
and  in  office.  When  the  war  is  over  and  the  armies  march  home, 
whether  in  victory  or  defeat,  they  will  find  the  women  in  their 
places.  Not  without  a  struggle  will  the  women  give  up  the 
work,  but  give  it  up  they  probably  will.  And  then,  without  the 
means  of  livelihood,  many  of  them  without  husbands,  with  the 
men  of  their  families  killed  in  war,  without  the  chance  to  marry, 
to  bear  children,  they  will  turn  to  America.  We  can  then  look 
forward  to  an  immigration  of  women  such  as  this  country  has 
never  known.  Before  that  time  comes  we  want  the  power  to 
protect  the  women  who  are  here,  and  to  prepare  to  meet  the  new 
conditions  that  we  may  not  be  swamped  by  them. 

We  are  asking  for  Suffrage  in  war  time  because  other  nations 
at  war  are  considering  it  now.  Over  a  year  ago,  in  the  Hun- 
garian Parliament,  a  deputy  asked  the  prime  minister,  "When 
our  soldiers  return  from  fighting  our  battles,  will  they  be  given 
the  vote?  "  We  find  men  everywhere  in  Europe  asking  for  Suf- 
frage for  themselves  now  in  war  time.  In  Germany  today  the 
most  powerful  political  party  is  urging  the  vote  for  women  as 
well  as  for  men.  Bussia,  England,  and  France  are  on  the  verge 
of  enfranchising  their  women.  But  two  days  ago  in  the  British 
Barliament  the  Under  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  urged 
the  immediate  passage  of  the  Suffrage  measure  that  the  govern- 
ment might  not  be  hampered  by  domestic  problems  when,  at  the 
end  of  the  war,  international  problems  wiU  cry  for  settlement  and 
a  unified  nation  will  be  needed.  In  the  period  of  reconstruction 
also  we  feel  that  women  have  something  to  contribute,  that  we 
may  be  of  help  in  solving  the  new  problems  which  will  arise  from 
the  war  and  which  will  tax  all  the  resources  of  the  people.  We 
ask  you  now  to  release  to  other  service  the  time,  the  energy,  the 
money  that  is  being  poured  into  the  Suffrage  movement. 

Lastly,  we  urge  this  now  that  we  may  prove  to  other  nations 
our  sincerity  in  wanting  to  establish  democracy  and  our  unselfish 
motives  in  going  into  the  war. 

I  think  of  that  night  on  the  2nd  of  April  when,  from  the 
gallery  of  the  House,  we  heard  President  Wilson  read  his  war 
message.  We  were  going  to  war  not  for  any  gain  for  ourselves 
but  to  make  the  world  safe  for  democracy.  We  sat  there  and 
heard  him  read,  and,  gentlemen,  you  applauded,  "  we  shall  fight 
for  those  things  which  we  have  always  carried  nearest  our  hearts, 
for  democracy,  for  the  right  of  those  who  submit  to  authority 
to  have  a  voice  in  their  own  government."     And  while  you  ap- 


plauded,  some  of  us  there  in  the  gallery  thought  of  the 
20,000,000  of  women  in  our  own  country  who  "  submit  to  au- 
thority without  a  voice  in  their  own  government,"  which  is  the 
President's  definition  of  democracy.  We  thought, 'too,  of  the 
women  of  other  nations  on  the  verge  of  enfranchisement  them- 
selves, and  we  wondered  how  they  would  welcome  the  United 
States  at  the  peace  council,  to  establish  democracy  for  them — 
the  United  States,  which  does  not  recognize  its  own  women. 

And  we  went  out  into  the  night.  The  Capitol  looked  very 
beautiful  and  shining  white  against  the  dark  sky.  It  seemed  a 
great  beacon  light  to  the  nations  of  the  world.  Suddenly  a  dark 
shadow  fell  across  our  path — ^the  shadow  of  a  mounted  soldier. 
A  troop  of  cavalry  had  encircled  the  Capitol  holding  back  the 
people.  We  walked  down  the  marble  terraces  and  started  across 
the  Avenue.  There,  again,  the  troop  of  cavalry  winding  down 
the  hUl  blocked  our  progress.  Suddenly  it  seemed  so  symbolic 
of  what  war  meant,  the  armed  force,  centralized  authority,  block- 
ing progress,  encroaching  upon  the  people.  And  it  came  to  us 
that  our  greatest  foe  is  not  the  enemy  without  but  the  danger  to 
democracy  within.  We  realized  then  that  the  greatest  service  we 
could  render  today  would  be  to  fight  for  democracy  in  this 

We  are  going  into  this  war.  We  wiU  give  our  service,  our 
time,  our  money.  We  may  give  our  lives  and  what  is  harder  still, 
the  lives  of  those  dear  to  us.  We  lay  them  all  down  upon  the 
altar  for  the  sake  of  an  ideal.  But  in  laying  them  down  let  us 
see  that  the  ideal  for  which  we  sacrifice  shall  not  perish  also. 
Let  us  fight  to  preserve  that  ideal,  to  make  this  a  real  democracy. 
And,  gentlemen,  the  first  step  toward  that  end  lies  with  you  here 
today.  We  ask  you  to  take  that  step  and  help  make  this  nation 
truly  a  beacon  light  to  nations  of  the  earth. 

Although — following  the  hearing  before  the  Senate  Com- 
mittee, on  May  IS^the  Chairman,  Senator  Jones  of  New 
Mexico,  was  unanimously  instructed  to  make  a  report  on 
the  Amendment,  he  failed  to  do  so.  When  so  requested  by 
the  Woman's  Party,  he  refused.  After  three  months  the 
minority  (Republican)  leaders  of  the  Committee,  led  by 
Senator  Cummins  of  Iowa,  and  backed  by  Senator  Jones  of 
Washington  and  Senator  Johnson  of  California,  attempted 
to  get  the  Suffrage  Amendment  on  the  Senate  Calendar  by 
discharging  the  Senate  Suffrage  Committee  from  its  further 


In  his  own  defense,  Senator  Jones  of  New  Mexico  pleaded 
lack  of  time  and  desire  to  make  a  report  that  would  be  "  a 
contribution  to  the  cause."  Another  Democratic  member, 
Senator  HoUis  of  New  Hampshire,  brought  forward  the 
picketing  of  the  Suffragists  as  a  reason  for  withholding  the 
report.  He  expressed  the  amazing  reason  for  not  acting, 
his  fear  that  this  "  active  group  of  Suffragists  "  would  focus 
public  attention  and  "  get  credit."  The  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  who  had  neglected  week  after  week  to  make  the 
report  which  he  had  been  authorized  to  make  by  the  Com- 
mittee, was  finally  galvanized  into  action  by  a  visit  to  the 
imprisoned  pickets  at  Occoquan.  Immediately,  September 
15,  he  made  his  report  to  the  Senate.  On  September  24,  the 
creation  of  the  House  Suffrage  Committee  came  up  for 
heated  debate  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  though  its 
passage  was  a  foregone  conclusion.  Of  course,  there  was 
much  discussion  of  the  picketing  which  was  still  going  on. 
Many  of  the  speakers  harped  on  the  note  that  this  late 
action  in  regard  to  the  creation  of  a  committee,  which  the 
Woman's  Party  had  been  working  for  ever  since  1913, 
would  be  interpreted  by  the  country  as  being  the  result  of 
the  picketing.  This  was  a  quaint  argument  on  their  part, 
because  of  course,  it  was  the  result  of  the  picketing.  Why 
else  would  it  have  come  so  swiftly? 

During  this  discussion,  Mr.  Pou,  the  Chairman,  made  the 
following  statement: 

I  want  to  say  in  conclusion,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  this  is  no 
proposition  to  pack  the  Committee  for  a  particular  purpose.  The 
friends__of  this  resolution  have  distinctly  stated  time  and  again 
that  they  do  not  expect  action  at  this  session  of  Congress  (first 
session  of  the  Sixty-fifth  Congress).  The  appointment  of  a 
Committee  only  is  asked;  but  after  this  Committee  is  appointed, 
in  the  next  Congress  they  expect  to  go  before  the  people  of 
America,  and  if  the  returns  justify,  then  in  the  Sixty-sixth 
Congress,  they  will  ask  for  Congressional  action. 

This  boiled  down  meant  of  course  there  was  no  intention 
of  passing  the  Suffrage  Amendment  before  the  Sixty-sixth 


Congress.    However,  the  Administration  was  to  reverse  its 
policy  on  this  point  less  than  three  months  later. 

The  House  Suffrage  Committee  was  created  by  a  vote  of 
one  hundred  and  eighty-one  yeas  and  one  hundred  and  seven 


'  The  vast  and  beckoning  future  is  ours." 

The  Suffragist, 


At  the  opening  of  the  year  1918,  the  Woman's  Party  made 
another  change  in  the  location  of  its  headquarters.  It  will 
be  recalled  that  during  the  first  part  ,of  its  history,  it  had 
premises  in  F  Street.  In  the  middle  years,  it  was  located 
at  Cameron  House.  It  was  now  to  go  directly  across  the 
Park  to  14  Jackson  Place.  Like  Cameron  House,  this  new 
mansion  had  had  a  vivid  and  picturesque  history.  It  was 
built  by  the  Hon.  Levi  Woodbury  while  he  was  serving  in 
the  cabinet  of  President  Jackson  and  President  Van  Buren. 
Later,  it  became  the  home  of  Schuyler  Colfax,  when  he  was 
Vice  President.  During  the  Civil  War,  Postmaster  William 
Denison,  a  member  of  Lincoln's  cabinet,  lived  there.  And 
perhaps  it  was  at  this  period  that  the  house  achieved  the 
apex  of  its  reputation  for  official  hospitality.  Later,  it  was 
the  scene  of  the  tragic  triangle  of  General  Sickles,  his  beau- 
tiful young  Spanish  wife  and  the  brilliant  Barton  Key.  Still 
later  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  Mrs.  Washington  McLean,  and 
then  of  her  grandson's  family — the  Bughers.  Then  it  was 
turned  into  the  Home  Club. 

It  is  a  charming  house.  The  fa9ade  is  a  pleasing  com- 
bination of  cream-colored  tiling  trimmed  with  white.  Im- 
mediately, of  course,  the  Woman's  Party  adorned  that  deli- 
cate, lustrous  expanse  with  the  red,  white,  and  blue  of  the 
big  national  banner,  which  always  flies  over  their  Head- 
quarters, and  the  purple,  white,  and  gold  of  the  equally  big 
Party  tri-color.  Later,  in  the  little  oval  made  by  the  porte- 
cochere,  they  erected  a  bulletin  board  presented  by  Mrs. 
0.  H.  P.  Belmont.    By  this  means  the  casual  passerby  was 



kept  informed,  by  bulletin  and  by  photographs,  of  the  ac- 
tivities of  the  Woman's  Party. 

Inside  there  are  rooms  and  rooms^  rooms  big  and  small, 
rooms  of  all  sizes  and  heights,  A  spacious  ball-room  on  the 
second  floor  with  a  seating  capacity  of  three  hundred,  was 
of  course  of  great  practical  advantage  to  the  Party.  The 
other  rooms  on  this  floor  were  made  into  offices ;  the  rooms 
on  the  floor  above  into  bedrooms.  Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis  and 
Mrs.  William  Kent  raised  the  money  for  the  maintenance 
of  this  huge  establishment. 

Alice  Paul,  always  economically  inclined  where  expendi- 
ture is  not  absolutely  necessary,  immediately  asked  for 
contributions  of  furnishings.  All  kin^s  of  things  were 
given  of  course,  from  pianos  to  kitchen  pans.  From  Mrs. 
Pflaster  of  Virginia  came  a  load  of  heirlooms,  in  various 
colonial  patterns — furniture  which  makes  the  connoisseur 
positively  gasp.  Chairs  of  the  Hepplewhite  and  Sheraton 
periods ;  tables  made  by  Phyffe ;  tables  in  the  most  graceful 
style  of  Empire  furniture;  mahogany  cabinets,  delicately 
inlaid — they  gave  the  place  an  extraordinary  atmosphere. 
Huge,  dim,  old-gold-framed  mirrors  and  a  few  fine  old 
paintings  reinforced  the  effect. 

Alice  Paul's  office,  which  is  on  the  second  floor,  was  done 
in  purple  and  gold;  the  woodwork  of  gold,  the  furniture 
upholstered  in  purple  velvet. 

Later,  a  large  room,  originally  a  stable  at  the  rear  of  the 
fii"st  floor,  was  transformed  into  a  tea-room.  Vivian  Pierce 
had  charge  of  the  decorations  here;  and  she  made  it  very 
attractive.  The  brick  walls  were  painted  yellow,  the  tables 
and  chairs  black.  The  windows  and  doors  were  all  enclosed 
in  flat  frames  of  brilliant  chintz,  of  which  the  background 
was  black,  but  the  dominating  note  blue.  The  many  hanging 
lights  were  swathed  in  yellow  silk.  The  tea-room  rapidly 
became  very  popular  in  Washington;  and,  as  rapidly,  be- 
came one  of  the  most  interesting  places  in  the  city.  Visitors 
of  many  distinguished  kinds  came  there  in  preference  to  the 
larger  restaurants  or  hotels.     They  knew  the  members  of 


the  Woman's  Party  who  lived  in  the  house,  and  they 
gradually  came  to  know  the  habitues  of  the  tea-room.  At 
meals,  separated  parties  were  always  coalescing  iato  one 
big  party.  People  wandered  from  table  to  table.  There 
was  an  air  of  comradeship  and  sympathy.  Afterwards, 
groups  often  went  up  the  little  flight  of  stairs  which  leads 
to  the  ball-room,  and  sitting  before  the  fire  in  the  huge  fire- 
place, drank  their  after-dinner  coffee  together.  These  talks 
sometimes  lasted  until  midnight. 

As  for  the  atmosphere  of  the  place  itself — it  can  be 
summed  up  by  only  one  word,  and  that  word  is — ^yduth. 
Not  that  everybody  who  came  to  Headquarters  was — as 
years  go— young.  There  were,  for  instance,  Lavinia  Dock 
who  was  sixty,  Mary  Nolan  who  was  seventy,  and  the  Rev. 
Olympia  Brown  who  was  an  octogenarian.  Of  course, 
though,  when  one  considers  that  the  Rev.  Olympia  Brown 
took  part  in  that  rain-drenched  and  wind-driven  picket 
deputation  of  a  thousand  women  on  March  4,  and  that  Mary 
Nolan  and  Lavinia  Dock  both  served  their  terms  in  prison, 
one  must  admit  that  they  were  as  young  in  spirit  as  the 
youngest  picket  there.  But  young  pickets  were  there — I 
mean,  young  in  actual  years ;  young  and  fresh  and  gay ;  able 
and  daring.  Alice  Paul,  herself,  whimsically  relates  what 
an  obstacle  their  very  youth  seemed  to  them  during  the  early 
part  of  the  movement.  When  first  they  began  to  wage  their 
warfare  on  the  Democratic  Party,  old  Suffragists  rebuked 
them ;  and  rebuked  them  always  on  the  score  that  they  were 
too  young  to  know  any  better.  "  How  hard  we  tried  to 
seem  old,"  Alice  Paul  said.  "  On  all  occasions  we  pushed 
elderly  ones  into  the  foreground  and  when  Mrs.  Lawrence 
Lewis  became  a  grandmother,  how  triumphant  we  were.  Oh, 
we  encouraged  grandmotherhood  in  those  days."  But  now — 
triumphantly  successful — they  were  no  longer  afraid  of  their 
own  youth.  They  knew  it  was  their  greatest  asset.  They 
made  the  place  ring  with  Its  gaiety.  They  made  it  seethe 
with  Its  activity.  They  made  it  rock  with  Its  resolution. 
"  The  young  are  at  the  gates ! "  said  Lavinia  Dock.    And 


these  were   young  who  would   not   brook  denial   of  their 

As  you  entered  Headquarters,  that  breath  of  youth  struck 
you  in  the  face  with  its  wild,  fresh  sweetness.  It  was  as 
pungent  as  a  wind  blowing  over  spring  flowers.  It  was  as 
vivid  as  the  flash  of  spring  clouds  hurrying  over  the  new 
blue  of  the  sky.  In  actuality,  youthful  activity  rang  from 
every  comer  of  the  house.  In  the  white  entrance  hall,  a 
young  girl  sat  at  the  switchboard;  and  she  was  always  a 
very  busy  person.  To  the  left  was  the  Press  Headquarters, 
full  of  that  mad  turmoil  which,  seemingly,  is  inevitable  to 
any  Press  activity.  Upstairs,  Alice  Paul  was  always  inter- 
viewing or  being  interviewed;  reading  letters  or  answering 
them.;  asking  questions  or  giving  information;  snatching  a 
hurried  meal  from  a  tray ;  dictating  all  manner  of  business ; 
or  giving  the  last  orders  before  she  darted  east,  west,  north, 
or  south.  She  was  sure  to  be  doing  one  of  these  things,  or 
some  of  them,  or — ^this  really  seems  not  an  exaggeration — 
all  of  them. 

All  about  and  from  the  offices  that  ran  beside  the  ball-room 
sounded  the  click  of  typewriters — some  one  counted  twenty-  / 
four  typewriters  in  the  house  once.  Everywhere,  you  ran 
into  busy,  business-like  stenographers  with  papers  in  their 
hands,  proceeding  from  one  office  to  another.  If  it  were 
lunch  time,  or  dinner  time,  pairs  of  young  girls,  with  their 
arms  around  each  other's  waists,  chattering  busily,  were 
making  their  way  to  the  tea-room.  At  night,  the  big  ball- 
room was  filled  with  groups  reading  magazines  at  the  big 
(and  priceless)  tables;  or  talking  over  the  events  of  the  day 
.  .  .  Congress  .  .  .  the  picketing.  Late  at  night,  the 
discussions  still  went  on.  Upstairs,  they  followed  each  other 
from  bedroom  to  bedroom,  still  arguing,  still  comparing 
notes,  still  making  suggestions  in  regard  to  a  hundred  things : 
organizing,  lobbying,  personal  appeal  to  political  leaders,  et 
caetera,  ad  infinitum.  The  huge,  four-poster  bed — ^big 
enough  for  royalty — in  Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis's  room  was 
the    scene — ^with    ardent   pickets    sitting    all    over    it — of 


many  a  discussion  that  threatened  to  prolong  itself  until 

And  all  day  long,  and  all  evening  long — any  time— or- 
ganizers with  their  harvests  of  facts  and  ideas  were  likely 
to  appear  from  the  remotest  parts  of  the  country.  Young, 
enthusiastic,  unconscious  of  bodily  discomfort,  if  the  beds 
were  all  full,  they  pulled  a  mattress  onto  the  floor  and  slept 
there  or  curled  up  on  a  conch — anything  so  long  as  they 
could  stay  at  the  friendly,  welcoming  Headquarters.  To  mid- 
dle age,  it  was  all  a  revelation  of  the  unsounded,  unplumbed 
depths  of  endurance  in  convinced,  emancipate,  determined 
youth.  There  was  no  end  to  their  strength  apparently. 
Apparently  there  was  no  possibility  of  palling  their  spirit. 
Arriving  at  nine  at  night  from  Oregon,  they  would  depart 
blithely  the  next  morning  at  six  for  Alabama.  To  those 
women  who  had  the  privilege  of  taking  part,  either  as  active 
participants,  or  enthralled  lookers-on,  this  will  always  stand 
out  as  one  of  their  most  thrilling  life  experiences.  Kath- 
erine  Rolston  Fisher's  fine  descriptive  phrase  in  regard  to  it 
all  inevitably  recurs :  "  It  was,"  she  says,  "  the  renaissance 
of  the  Suffrage  movement." 

Speed  was  their  animating  force :  "  The  Suffrage  Amend- 
ment passed  at  once,"  their  eternal  motto. 

In  the  nomenclature  of  the  Great  War,  the  pickets  were 
the  shock  troops  of  the  Suffrage  forces.  They  took  the  first 
line  trenches.  The  forces  of  the  organization  back  of  them 
secured  and  maintained  these  positiops;  held  those  trenches 
until  the  time  came  for  the  next  advance.  As  for  the  or- 
ganizers working  all  over  the  country,  they  were  the  air 
force  and — still  using  the  nomenclature  of  that  great 
struggle — ^they  were  like  the  little,  swift,  quickly-turning 
chasse-planes  which  so  effectually  harassed  the  huge  enemy 

The  Woman's  Party  never  grew  so  big  nor  its  organiza- 
tion so  cumbrous  that  its  object  was  defeated  by  numbers 
and  weight.  It  was  distinguished  always  by  quality  rather 
than  quantity,  and  its  mechanical  organization  was  sensitive 


and  light.  It  lay  over  its  members  as  delicately  as  a  cobweb 
on  the  grass ;  and  it  responded  as  instantly  as  a  cobweb  to 
the  touch  of  changing  conditions.  News  from  Washington 
went  to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  country  as  swiftly  as 
electricity  could  bear  it.  The  results  in  action  were  equally 
swift.  That  was  because  youth  was  everywhere,  not  only 
youth  of  body,  but,  perhaps  more  important,  youth  of  spirit. 
Senators  and  Representatives  frequently  marveled  at  the 
power  and  strength  of  an  organization  which  had  come  to 
fruition  in  so  few  years.  Had  they  all  visited  Headquarters 
— as  some  of  them  did — I  think  that  all  would  have  under- 



I  HAVE  left  until  now  all  consideration  of  a  department  which 
had  been,  almost  from  the  very  beginning,  of  great  impor- 
tance to  the  Woman's  Party;  the  most  important  depart- 
ment of  all;  the  crux  of  its  work;  a  department  which 
steadily  augmented  in  importance — the  lobbying. 

From  the  moment  in  1912  that  the  Suffragists  started 
their  work  in  Washington,  relations  had  to  be  established 
with  the  House  and  the  Senate.  At  first,  tentative,  a  little 
wavering,  irregular,  the  lobbying  became  finally  astute,  in- 
tensive, and  constant.  The  lobby  grew  in  numbers.  After 
the  Congressional  Committee  had  become  the  Congressional 
Union,  and  had  separated  from  the  National  American 
Woman  Suffrage  Association,  the  latter  body  sent  its  own 
lobbyists  to  Washington.  The  anti-Suffragists  sent  lobby- 
ists too.  By  1914,  the  stream  had  grown  to  a  flood.  The 
halls  of  Congress  were  never  free  from  this  invasion.  The 
siege  lasted  without  cessation  as  long  as  a  Congress  was  in 
session.  "  This  place  looks  like  a  millinery  establishment," 
a  Congressman  said  once. 

In  the  early  days,  the  reception  of  the  lobbyists  at  the 
hands  of  Congressmen  lacked  by  many  degrees  that  gracious- 
ness  of  which,  at  the  very  end,  they  were  almost  certain.  A 
story  of  this  early  period  taken  from  the  Woman's  Party 
card  index,  is  most  illuminating. 

Two  Suffrage  lobbyists  were  calling  on  Hoke  Smith.  "  As 
you  are  Suffragists,"  Mr.  Smith  said,  "you  won't  mind 
standing."  He  himself  sat,  lounging  comfortably  in  his 
chair.  He  took  out  a  big  cigar,  inserted  it  in  his  mouth, 
lighted  it.  The  two  women  said  what  they  had  to  say, 
standing,  while  Mr.  Smith  smoked  contemptuously  on. 



Those  two  women  were  Emily  Perry  and  Jeannette 

The  lobbying  for  the  Woman's  Party  was  directed  at 
first  by  Alice  Paul  and  Lucy  Burns,  Mrs.  Gilson  Gardner 
was  the  pioneeir  lobbyist,  and  the  first-year  lobbyists  were 
all  women  voters.  They  made  reports  to  Alice  Paul  and 
Lucy  Burns  every^  day.  First  these  were  oral;  later  they 
were  written.  This  was  the  nucleus  of  the  Woman's  Party 
card  catalogue  which  has  since  become  so  famous.  Finally, 
these  written  reports  were  put  in  tabulated  form  by  Mrs- 
Grimes  of  Michigan. 

As  the  work  grew,  unenfranchised  women  lobbied  as  often 
as  enfranchised.  The  early  lobbyists  were:  Mrs.  Gilson 
Gardner,  Mrs.  William  Kent,  Mrs.  George  Odell,  Lucy 
Burns,  Abby  Scott  Baker,  Mrs.  Lowell  Millett.  But  not 
only  the  experienced  lobbied.  As  has  before  been  set  down 
— following  that  wise  instinct  which  impelled  Alice  Paul  to 
give  her  workers  glimpses  of  all  phases  of  the  movement — 
as  fast  as  the  organizers  came  back  to  Washington,  she 
sent  them  up  to  the  galleries  of  Congress  to  listen ;  she  made 
them  lobby  for  a  while.  And,  as  has  elsewhere  been  stated, 
this  was  found  to  be  a  mutual  benefit.  Organizers  took  the 
temper  and  atmosphere  of  Congress  back  to  the  States,  and 
sometimes  to  the  very  constituents  of  the  Congressmen  with 
whom  they  had  talked ;  they  put  Congressmen  in  touch  with 
what  was  happening  at  home.  Whenever  a  woman  visting 
Washington  called  at  Headquarters,  Alice  Paul  immediately 
sent  her  to  the  Capitol  to  lobby  the  Congressmen  and  Sena- 
tors of  her  own  State. 

In  November,  1916,  Anne  Martin,  as  Chairman  of  the 
Legislative  Department,  became  the  head  of  the  lobbying. 
Miss  Martin  is  a  born  general.  She  brought  to  this  situa- 
tion an  jnstinct  for  the  strategy  and  tactics  of  politics.  She 
supervised  the  work  of  those  who  were  under  her,  sent  them 
up  to  Congress  with  specific  directions ;  received  their  re- 
ports; collated  them;  made  suggestions  for  the  next  day's 


work;  developed  a  closer  relation  with  the  constituents  and 
kept  local  chairmen  in  touch  with  the  States  of  their  own 
Congressmen  and  Senators.  In  1916,  Anne  Martin  ran  for 
Senator  in  Nevada.  She  had  of  necessity  to  relinquish  active 
work  in  Washington  for  the  Woman's  Party. 

In  the  spring  of  1916,  therefore,  Maud  Younger  who  was 
in  a  position  to  give  her  whole  time  to  it,  became  Chairman 
of  the  Lobby  Committee  and  chief  lobbyist  for  the  Amend- 

At  all  times  this  work  was  hard,  and  sometimes  intensely 
disagreeable.  Maud  Younger  in  her  Revelations  of  a 
Woman  Lobbyist,  gives  some  of  the  actual  physical  strain. 
She  says: 

The  path  of  the  lobbyist  is  a  path  of  white  marble.  And 
white  marble,  though  beautiful,  is  hard.  The  House  office  build- 
.ing  runs  around  four  sides  of  a  block,  so  that  when  you  have 
walked  around  one  floor,  you  have  walked  four  blocks  on  white 
marble.  When  you  have  walked  around  each  of  the  five  floors 
you  have  walked  a  mile  on  white  marble.  When  you  have  gone 
this  morning  and  afternoon  through  several  sessions  of  Congress 
you  have  walked  more  weary  miles  on  white  marble  than  a 
lobbyist  has  time  to  count. 

But  the  Woman's  Party  lobbyists  were  not  balked  by  the 
mere  matter  of  white  marble.  In  a  week  they  were  threading 
that  interminable  intricate  maze  of  Congressional  alleys  with 
the  light,  swift  step  of  familiarity  and  of  determination.  All 
day  long,  they  drove  from  the  Visitors'  Reception  Room 
to  Senatorial  offices,  and  from  Senatorial  offices  back  to 
the  Visitors'  Reception  Room.  They  flew  up  and  down  in 
the  elevators.  They  found  unknown  and  secret  stairways  by 
which  they  made  short  cuts.  They  journeyed  back  and  forth 
in  the  little  underground  subway  which  tries  to  mitigate 
these  long  distances.  At  first  Congressmen  frankly  took  to 
hiding,  and  the  lobbyist  discovered  that  the  Capitol  was  a 
nest  of  abris,  but  in  the  end,  even  Congressmen  could  not 
elude  the  vi^lance  of  youth  and  determination.  As  for  the 
mental    and    spiritual    difficulties    of    the    task — at    first, 


Senators  and  Congressmen  were  frankly  uninterested,  or, 
more  concretely,  irritated  and  enraged  with  the  Suffrage 
lobbyists.  It  is  not  pleasant  to  have  to  talk  to  a  man  who 
does  not  want  to  hear  you.  The  lobbyists  had  to  learn  to 
be  quiet ;  deferential ;  to  listen  to  long  intervals  of  complaint 
and  abuse;  to  seem  not  to  notice  rebuffs;  to  go  back  the 
next  day  as  though  the  rebuff  had  not  occurred.  This  is 
not  easy  to  women  of  spirit.  Perhaps  it  could  not  have  been 
borne,  if  it  had  not  been  a  ,labor  of  love.  Many  times  these 
women  had  to  bolster  a  smarting  sense  of  humiliation  by 
keeping  the  thought  of  victory  in  sight. 

In  her  Revelations  of  a  Woman  Lobbyist,  Maud  Younger 
tells  interestingly  and  with  a  very  arch  touch  some  of  these 
experiences : 

Mr.  Huddleston,  the  thin,  blonde  type  of  Congressman,  sat  at 
his  desk  in  his  lo,w-ceilingedj  well-lighted  office. 

"  What  is  it?  "  he  greeted  me  when  I  entered.  His  manner 
was  very  brusque,  but  I  refused  to  be  repelled  by  it.  I  began  to 

"  There's  always  some  one  hippodroming  around  here  with 
some  kind  of  propaganda,"  he  snapped,  interrupting.  "  We're 
very  busy,  we've  got  important  things  to  do,  we  can't  be  bothered 
with  Woman  Suffrage."  He  made  a  jerky  motion,  rattling  the 
papers  on  his  desk,  and  turning  his  head  ito  look  through  the 
window.  I  thought  of  several  things  to  say  to  Mr.  Huddleston^ 
but  this  was  obviously  the  time  to  say  none  of  them.  So  I 
murmured,  "  Thank  you,"  and  withdrew.   .    .    . 

Mr.  Whaley's  face  is  red;  his  head  is  preihaturely  gray  out- 
side and  his  thoughts  prematurely  gray  inside.  "  We  don't  need 
women  voting  in  South  Carolina,"  he  said  with  a  large  mas- 
culine manner.  "  We  know  how  to  take  care  of  our  women  in 
our  State.  We  don't  allow  divorce  for  any  reason  what- 

He  was  continuing  with  expressed  contempt  for  Suffrage  and 
implied  contempt  for  Suffragists,  when  the  door  opened  and  a 
negro,  evidently  a  clergyman,  entered. 

"  Get  out  of  here ! "  said  Mr.  Whaley.  "  You  stand  in  the 
haU  till  you're  called."  As  the  negro  hastily  retreated,  Mr. 
Whaley  turned  to  me  and  said  with  pride,  "  That's  the  way  to 
treat  'em."   ... 

A  few  minutes  later,  I  opened  Mr.  Sisson's  door  and  saw  him, 


very  large  and  rugged,  standing  with  some  letters  in  his  hand 
and  dictating  to  a  Stenographer. 

"  I  can't  discuss  that  subject,"  he  interrupted  at  my  first 
words,  and  then  he  discussed  it  at  length.  He  had  meant  that 
I  was  not  to  discuss  it.  He  spoke  of  women  in  the  kitchen,  in 
the  nursery,  in  the  parlor.  He  spoke  of  her  tenderness,  her 
charm,  her  need  for  shelter  and  kindness.  Wearily  shifting  from 
one  foot  to  the  other,  I  listened.  At  last  I  opened  my  mouth  to 
speak,  but  he  silenced  me  with  a  brusque  gesture. 

"  The  reason  I'm  so  lenient  with  you,"  he  explained — for  he 
had  allowed  me  to  stand  and  listen  to  him — "  is  because  you're 

a  woman.     If  you  were  a  man "     He  left  the  end  of  the 

sentence  in  dark  doubt.  What  would  he  have  done  to  a  man 
standing  dumbly  in  my  place,  holding  tight  to  a  muff?  I  shall 
never  know.    Discretion  did  not  allow  me  to  ask  him. 

Mr.  Seed  sat  at  his  mahogany  desk — a  large,  rather  good- 
looking  Senator,  with  gray  hair.  His  record  in  our  card-index 
read :  "  He  is  most  reactionary,  not  to  say  antediluvian."  So  I 
was  not  surprised  to  hear  him  say  slowly  and  solemnly: 

"Women  don't  know  anything  about  politics.  Did  you  ever 
hear  them  talking  together  ?  Well,  first  they  talk  about  fashions, 
and  children,  and  housework;  and  then,  perhaps  about  churches; 

and  then  perhaps — about  theatres;  and  then  perhaps "     At 

each  ".perhaps,"  he  gazed  down  at  his  finger-tips  where  his  ideas 
appeared  to  originate,  looking  up  at  me  at  each  new  point. 
"And  then,  perhaps — about  literatoor!"  he  ended  trium- 
phantly. "  Yes,  and  that  is  the  way  it  ought  to  be,"  he  added, 

"  But  don't  you  believe  that  voting  might  make  women  think?  " 

At  this  suggestion  he  recoiled,  then  recovered  and  grew  jocose. 

"  Do  you  think  I  want  my  wife  working  against  my  interests  ? 
That's  just  what  she'd  be  doing — voting  against  me.  Women 
can't  understand  politics." 

I  began  to  teU  him  about  California  women  voters,  but  he 
interrupted.  "  Women  wouldn't  change  things  if  they  did  vote. 
They'd  all  vote  just  like  their  husbands." 

Sometimes  they  said  to  Miss  Younger,  "  If  you  were  a 

voter " 

"  But  I  am  a  voter,"  Miss  Younger,  who  is  from  Cali- 
fornia, would  reply. 

Their  attitude  invariably  changed. 

Miss   Younger   comments:   "They   said  they   respected 


femininity,  but  it  was  plain  that  they  did  respect  a  voter." 

It  was  hard,  hard  work. 

The  lobbying  was  immensely  more  detailed  and  compli- 
cated than  an  outsider  would  ever  suspect.  All  the  time,  of 
course,  they  were  working  for  the  passing  of  the  Anthony 
Amendment.  That  was  their  great  objective,  but,  as  in  all 
warfare,  the  campaign  for  the  great  objective  was  divided 
into  many  tiny  campaigns.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Con- 
gressional Union  work  in  Washington,  for  instance,  they 
lobbied  Senators  and  Representatives  to  march  in  the  big 
parade  of  March  3,  1913.  Later  they  lobbied  them  to  go 
to  mass-meetings,  to  attend  conventions.  In  1916,  when  they 
were  having  such  difficulty  with  the  Judiciary  Committee, 
they  lobbied  Republicans  and  Democratic  members  of  that 
Committee  to  get  them  to  act.  By  a  follow-up  system,  they 
sent  other  lobbyists  in  a  few  days  to  see  if  they  had  acted. 
When  the  Suffrage  Envoys  came  back  from  the  West, 
they  lobbied  Congressn^en  to  receive  them.  In  the  Presi- 
dential election  of  1916,  they  lobbied  Congress  first  to  get 
*  Suffrage  planks  in  both  Party  platforms  and  when  these 
planks  proved  unsatisfactory,  they  lobbied  the  Republican 
Suffragists  in  Congress  to  get  Hughes  to  come  out  for  the 
Federal  Amendment  and  when  Hughes  came  out  for  it,  they 
lobbied  the  Democratic  Congressmen  to  get  the  President  to 
come  out  for  it.  When  the  Special  War  Session  met,  in  April, 
1917,  fifty  Woman's  Party  lobbyists  lobbied  Congress — 
covering  it  in  a  month.  When  the  Irish  Mission  visited  Con- 
gress, and  two  hundred  and  fifty  voted  for  the  freedom  of 
Ireland,  they  lobbied  these  Congressmen  to  vote  for  the 
freedom  of  women.  When  the  arrests  of  the  pickets  began, 
they  lobbied  their  Congressmen  to  go  to  see  their  constituents 
in  jail.  The  Woman's  Party  kept  track  of  how  Congress- 
men voted  on  different  measures  and  wherever  it  was  pos- 
sible, they  linked  it  up  with  Suffrage.  To  the  Congressmen 
who  voted  against  war,  they  sent  lobbyists  who  could  show 
what  an  influence  for  peace  the  women  could  be. 
To    those    who    voted    for    war,    they    sent    the    women, 


who  were  war  workers,  to  show  how  women  could  work 
for  war. 

Before  the  six  years'  .campaign  of  the  Woman's  Party  was 
over,  the  Republicans  were  sometimes  sending  Congressmen 
of  one  State  to  convert  the  unconverted  ones  of  another, 
and,  in  the  end,  the  young  Democratic  Senators  had  actually 
appointed  a  comn^ttee  to  get  Suffrage  votes  from  their  older 
confreres.  After  Congress  passed  the  Amendment,  they  lob- 
bied the  Congressmen  to  write  the  governors  to  call  special 
sessions  of  the  Legislature  in  the  interests  of  ratification ; 
then  they  lobbied  them  to  write  the  Legislators;  then  they 
lobbied  them  to  write  political  leaders. 

Perhaps  the  hardest  interval  in  their  work  was  that  which 
followed  the  campaign  of  1916.  Wilson  had  been  elected 
again  on  the  slogan,  "He  kept  us  out  of  war."  The  Re- 
publicans did  not  want  to  hear  anything  about  the  women 
voters  of  the  West.  The  Woman's  Party  lobbyists,  who 
were  often  more  informed  on  the  Republican  situation  in 
parts  of  the  West  than  were  the  Republicans  themselves, 
had  to  educate  them.  They  had  to  show  them  how  remiss 
the  Republicans  themselves  had  been  during  that  campaign, 
how  Hughes  for  instance  came  out  for  Suffrage  in  the  East, 
where  women  did  not  vote,  and  never  mentioned  it  in  the 
West,  where  they  did.  It  was  not  easy  work.  Sometimes 
Congressmen  would  take  up  papers  or  letters  and  examine 
them,  while  the  lobbyist  was  talking.  Nevertheless,  she 
would  continue.  And  then,  inevitably  the  degree  of  her  in- 
formation, her  clear  and  forceful  exposition  of  the  situation, 
would  arouse  interest.  Often  in  the  end,  the  erstwhile  in- 
different Congressman  would  shake  hands  and  bow  her  out. 

As  to  the  mechanics  of  lobbying  work,  perhaps  nothing  is 
more  interesting  than  the  cards  themselves  of  the  famous 

No.   1 — Contains  the  member's  name  and  his  biography  as 
contained  in  the  Congressional  Directory. 
No.  2 — ^A  key  card  has  these  headings: 


Ancestry,  Nativity,  Education,  Religion,  Offices  Held,  General 

No.  S — ^A  sub-card  under  the  foregoing,  as  are  those  yet  to  be 
given,  contains  these  headings:  Birth,  Date,  Place,  Number  of 
Children,  Additional  Information. 

Nos.  4,  5,  and  6 — ^Are  respectively  for  Father,  Mother, 
Brothers.  They  have  headings  to  elicit  full  information  on  these 
subjects,  as  Nativity,  Education,  Occupation. 

No.  7 — Education:  Preparatory  School  and  College. 

No.  8 — Religion:  Name  of  Church,  Date  of  Entrance,  Position 
Held  in  Church,  Church  Work. 

No.  9 — Military  Service:  Dates,  Offices,  Battles,  Additional 

No.  10 — Occupation:  Past,  Present. 

No.  11 — Labor  Record. 

Nos.  12  and  18 — ^Are  set  aside  for  Literary  Work  and  Lecture 

No.  14 — Newspapers:  Meaning  what  newspapers  the  member 
reads  and  those  that  have  the  most  influence  over  him. 

Nos.  15  and  16 — ^Are  respectively  for  Recreation  and  Hobbies. 

Nos.  17  and  18 — ^Are  devoted  to  Health  and  Habits. 

No.  19 — Political  Life  Prior  to  Congress:  Offices  Held. 
Whether  Supported  Prohibition  Amendment,  Offices  Run  For. 

No.  20 — Political  life  in  Congress:  Terms,  Date,  Party,  Bills 
Introduced,  Bills  Supported,  Committees. 

No.  21 — Suffrage  Record:  Outside  of  Congress,  In  Congress. 

No.  22 — Votes  cast  in  Election  of  Member. 

In  an  interview  in  the  New  York  Times  of  March  2,  1919, 
Miss  Younger  describes  the  working  of  this  system. 

If  a  Congressman  said  to  a  lobbyist,  for  instance,  "  I  do  not 
think  my  district  is  much  interested  in  Woman  Suffrage^  I  get 
very  few  letters  in  favor  of  it  from  my  constituents,"  then, 
immediately,  by  means  of  the  information  gained  through  the 
card-index,  a  flood  of  pro-Suffrage  letters  would  descend  upon 
him.  Always,  as  far  as  possible,  these  letters  would  come  from 
people  he  knew  or  who  were  influential. 

If  a  Congressman  had  a  financial  backer,  they  tried  to  get  at 
him.  If  he  were  from  a  strong  labor  district,  they  appealed  to 
Labor  to  bring  its  influence  to  bear  upon  him. 

When  the  lobbyist  started  for  Congress,  she  was  given  a 
lobbying  slip  which  had  a  list  of  entries  printed  on  it.  For 
instance,  one  heading  was  "  Exact  statements  and  remarks." 


Miss  Younger  told  me  of  one  Congressman  who  said  to  heri 
"  Put  me  down  on  the  mourners'  bench.  I  am  thinking  about 
it."  Immediately  Headquarters  became  very  busy  with  this 

Another  said,  "Women  in  my  State  do  not  want  it."  Miss 
Younger,  commenting  on  that,  said  that  it  was  always  an  en- 
couraging case.  We  see  immediately  that  he  gets  shoals  of  letters 
and  telegrams  from  his  State.  One  Congressman  on  whom  such 
a  campaign  was  waged  said  finally:  "  If  you  will  only  stop,  I 
will  vote  for  the  Amendment.  It  keeps  my  office  force  busy  all 
day  answering  letters  about  Suffrage  alone." 

The  hardest  Congressmen  to  deal  with  were  those  who  said, 
"  I  will  not  vote  for  it  if  every  voter  in  my  State  asks  me."  To 
such  a  one,  we  would  send  a  woman  from  his  own  district.  In 
one  case,  the  Congressman  was  so  rude  to  her  that  she  came 
back  to  Headquarters,  subscribed  a  hundred  dollars  to  our  funds, 
departed,  and  became  a  staunch  Suffragist.  We  kept  a  list  of 
men  of  this  type  and  we  sent  to  them  any  woman  who  was 
wavering  on  Suffrage.  It  never  failed  to  make  her  a  strong 

Any  bit  of  information  on  these  cards  might  be  used.  If  a 
man  played  golf,  that  might  be  a  happy  moment  for  a  member 
of  the  Woman's  Party  to  talk  Suffrage  with  him.  If  he  had  the 
kind  of  mother  who  was  an  influence  in  his  life,  they  tried  to 
convert  the  mother.  If  it  was  the  wife  who  was  the  ruling 
influence,  they  tried  to  convert  the  wife.  They  were  careful  even 
in  regard  to  brothers.  The  habits  of  Congressmen  as  disclosed 
by  this  index  were  of  great  importance.  Some  of  them  got  to 
their  office  early,  and  that  was  often  the  best  time  to  speak  with 
them.  If  a  Congressman  drank,  it  was  necessary  to  note  that. 
Then  when  the  lobbyists  found  him  muddled  and  inarticulate, 
they  knew  to  what  to  impute  it. 

Of  course  information  of  a  blackmailing  order  was  occasionally 
offered   from  outside   sources  to  the  Woman's   Party,  but,   of ' 
course,  this  was  always  ignored. 

From  1916  on,  the  years  in  which  Maud  Younger  was  in 
charge  of  the  lobby  committee,  twenty-two  Senators  changed 
their  position  in  favor  of  Suffrage. 

I  have  said  that  it  was  difficult  for  a  Congressman  to  elude 
these  swift  and  determined  scouts  of  the  Woman's  Party. 
But  harder  still  was  it  to  elude  a  something,  an  unknown 
quality — an  x — which  had  come  into  the  fourth  generation 


of  women  to  demand  enfranchisement.  That  quality  was 
political-mindedness.  Congressmen  had  undoubtedly  before 
run  the  gamut  of  feminine  persuasiveness;  grace;  charm; 
tact.  But  here  was  an  army  of  young  Amazons  who  looked 
them  straight  in  the  eye,  who  were  absolutely  informed,  who 
knew  their  rights,  who  were  not  to  be  frightened  by  bluster, 
put  off  by  rudeness,  or  thwarted  either  by  delay  or  political 
trickery.  They  never  lost  their  tempers  and  they  never  gave 
up.  They  never  took  "  No  "  for  an  answer.  They  were 
young  and  they  believed  they  could  do  the  impossible.  And 
believing  it,  they  accomplished  it.  Before  the  six  years  and 
a  half  of  campaign  of  the  Woman's  Party  was  over,  Con- 
gressman after  Congressman,  Senator  after  Senator  paid 
tribute — often  a  grudged  one — to  the  verve  and  elan  of  that 

But  though  they  talked  man  fashion,  eye  to  eye,  the  lob- 
byists, when  returned  to  Headquarters,  were  full  of  excellent 
information  and  suggestions  and  all  that  mysterious  by- 
product which  comes  from  feminine  intuition. 



Although  it  is  impossible  to  do  justice  to  any  department 
of  the  National  Woman's  Party,  it  seems  particularly  dif- 
ficult in  the  case  of  the  organizers.  The  reason  for  this  is 
not  far  to  seek.  These  young  women  were,  turned  loose, 
sometimes  quite  inexperienced;  sometimes  only  one  to  a 
State,  with  the  injunction  to  come  back  with  their  shield 
or  on  it.  They  always  came  back  with  their  shield — that  is 
to  say  an  organization  of  some  sort  in  the  State  they  had 
just  left.  As  has  been  before  stated,  the  National  Woman's 
Party  has  organized  in  every  State  in  the  Union  at  some 
time  during  its  history — ^that  is  between  the  years  1912  and 
1919.  As  has  also  been  stated,  the  organizers  divided  into 
three  groups — those  who  worked  in  the  first  two  years ;  ihpse 
who  worked  in  the  middle  two;  those  who  worked  in  the 
last  two. 

It  has  been  shown  with  what  •  careful  instruction  Alice 
Paul  sent  these  young  adventurers  into  the  wide  wide  world 
of  unorganized  States ;  but  perhaps  justice  has  not  been  done 
to  the  trust  she  placed  in  them  and  the  consequent  extraor- 
dinary results.  She  kept  in  close  telegraphic  communication 
with  them  all  the  time — and  yet  always,  she  left  them  free 
to  make  big  decisions  and  sudden  changes  in  policy.  "  She 
made  us  feelthat  we  could  do  it  in  the  first  place,"  one  of 
them  said  to  me,  "  and  somehow  we  did.  That  sense  we  had 
of  her — ^brooding  and  hovering  back  there  in  Washington — 
always  gave  us  courage;  always  gave  us  the  physical 
strength  to  do  the  things  we  did  and  the  mental  strength  to 
make  the  decisions  we  made." 

As  one  looks  through  the  lists  of  these  three  groups  of 
prganizers,  one  is  astounded  at  the  various  kinds  of  work 



they  did;  their  versatility.  Mabel  Vernon  for  instance. 
Her  activities  form  an  integral  part  of  the  Woman's  Party 
history.  Mabel  Vernon  traveling  ahead  of  Sara  Bard  Field 
in  her  spectacular  automobile  trip  across  the  country,  was 
more  responsible  than  anybody,  except  Mrs.  Field  herself, 
for  the  success  of  that  trip.  Mabel  Vernon  challenged  the 
President  in  the  course  of  his  speech  at  the  laying  of  the 
corner-stone  of  the  new  Headquarters  of  the  Ambrican  Fed- 
eration of  Labor  in  Washington.  Mabel  Vernon  was  one 
of  the  women  who  dropped  the  banner  in  the  Senate  when 
the  President  came  to  speak  before  them.  Mabel  Vernon 
picketed  and  went  to  jail.  Mabel  Vernon  seems  to  have 
organized  or  spoken  in  every  State  in  the  Union. 

Elsie  Hill,  Doris  Stevens — you  find  them  everywhere, 
luminous  spirits  with  a  new  modern  adjunct  of  political- 
mindedness.     Abby  Scott  Baker  was  always  on  the  wing. 

One's  mind  stops  at  the  names  of  Vivian  Pierce,  Lucy 
Branham,  Mary  Gertrude  Fendall,  Hazel  Hunkins.  How 
many  and  what  vaj-ying  and  difficult  things  they  did !  Vivian 
Pierce  in  addition  to  speaking  and  organizing  and  picketing 
activities,  ^edited  the  Suffragist,  and  designed  the  charming 
tea-room  at  Headquarters.  As  for  Lucy  Branham — she 
must  have  seemed  a  stormy  petrel  to  all  opposing  forces — she 
had  so  much  the  capacity  of  being  everywhere  at  once. 

When  one  comes  to  the  last  group,  a  sense — almost  of 
awe — is  leavened  by  a  decided  sense  of  amusement.  Julia 
Emory,  Betty  Gram,  Anita  PoUitzer,  Mary  Dubrow,  Cath- 
erine Flanagan  are  all  little  girls.  But  in  Suffrage  work, 
they  were  active,  insistent,  and  persistent  in  inverse  ratio 
to  their  size.  In  ratification,  that  legislature  was  doomed 
on  which  any  two  of  them  descended. 

What  they  accomplished!  Once  Alice  Paul  turned  Anita 
Pollitzer  loose  on  the  entire  State  of  Wyoming  and  Anita 
Pollitzer  brought  Wyoming  into  camp.  It  is  impossible  to 
do  justice  to  all  of  them,  to  any  of  them.  But  as  an  example 
of  how  they  worked,  I  am  quoting  from  letters  written  by 
Anita  Pollitzer  describing  various  experiences  in  her  work 


of  organization.  I  use  Miss  PoUitzer's  letters,  not  because 
tRey  are  exceptional  but  because  they  are  typical.  Space 
will  not  permit  me  to  do  equal  justice  to  any  of  the  others. 
But  perhaps  some  day  all  those  marvelous  narratives  will  be 
collected.     Miss  PoUitzer  writes  me  as  follows: 


"  Campaign  against  the  party  in  power  " — ^late  October,  1918 
—snow  on  the  ground  and  no  friends  in  the  State — ^traveled 
miles  to  get  help  of  most  influential  woman,  found  her  lying  on 
the  floor  of  a  church  with  brass  tacks  and  a  hammer —  She 
said  she  was  "  chairman  of  the  committee  on  laying  carpets  in 
the  church,"  and  that  was  all  she  could  undertake. 

Ch^enne  wonderfully  beautiful — ^plains — ^most  exceptional 
place  for  campaign  purposes — forty  minutes  between  street  cars 
— snow  miles  high  and  every  woman  demanding  a  separate  visit. 
Influenza  epidemic  so  bad  that  it  was  considered  immoral  for 
six  women  to  meet  in  a  parlor — only  way  was  to  campaign  by 
dodgers  and  street  signs —  Got  permission  from  owner  of  build- 
ing to  put  a  forty  foot  purple,  white,  and  gold  sign,  suspended 
it  from  the  most  prominent  building —  Town  literally  gathered 
in  groups  to  see  it —  I  got  up  next  morning  at  seven  and  sign 
was  down —  I  had  "  antagonized  " — so  I  went  to  call  on  the 
Mayor  and  we  toured  the  town,  and  rehung  the  sign  on  an  even 
more  important  street,  and  I  had  double  publicity,  the  Mayor 
taking  full  responsibility  for  the  sign  even  inquiring  if  it 
would  "  run  in  the  rain." 

Such  fearful  snow,  could  get  no  billboard  men  to  put  up  my 
big  paper  signs  outside  of  the  cities,  and  I  wanted  them  on 
cross-country  roads.  I  met  a  woman  delivering  newspapers, 
explained  our  campaign  and  my  difliculties,  and  she  offered  us 
her  eighteen-year-old  daughter  and  a  box  of  stickers,  and  we 
tramped  the  automobile  roads  and  papered  the  tree  trunks — 

This  is  my  first  National  Woman's  Party  trip.  Wyoming  a 
real  adventure —  South  where  I  have  always  lived  (Charleston, 
South  Carolina)  so  utterly  unlike —  When  I  went  out  to  mail 
my  thousands  of  circular  letters  each  night  at  two  a.m.  funny 
Filipino  bell  boys  and  other  kinds  would  escort  me  and  carry 
the  thousands  of  circular  letters  to  mail  box.  Local  post-oflice 
really  asked  me  to  be  "  more  considerate." 


South  Carolina 

Getting  Senator  Pollock's  vote  seemed  largely  a  question  of 
getting  the  farmers  of  South  Cardlina.  If  Pollock  (the  Pro- 
gressive) was  to  beat  Senator  Smith  (the  Reactionary)  he  must 
please  the  farm  element. 

So  I  journeyed  out  to  Mayesville — arrived  on  hog-killing  day 
— at  the  house  of  Dabs — impressive  person,  leading  farmer  of 
South  Carolina.  We  ate  all  day,  and  sat  around  a  glorious  fire, 
and  in  the  afternoon  Mr.  Dabs  wrote  a  letter  that  he  gave  me 
to  take  to  town  to  mail  that  helped  more  than  we'll  ever  know. 
In  the  letter  Dabs  spoke  for  the  farmers,  urged  Pollock  to  declare 
for  the  Suffrage  Amendment,  and  ended,  "  We  farmers  are  doing 
little  talking  but  a  lot  of  thinking." 

I  always  believed  if  Pollock  voted,  he  would  vote  "  Yes."  But 
Mrs.  William  P.  Vanghan  of  Greenville,  our  State  Chairman, 
and  I  tramped  the  State  up  and  down,  saying,  "  There'll  be  no 
vote — unless  Pollock  declares." 

Finally  one  night  Senator  Pollock's  secretary  appeared  at  my 
hotel  in  Columbia,  and  he  said,  "  Don't  say  again  that  Pollock 
is  defeating  Suffrage  by  delay."  I  said,  "  Well,  then,  get  him  to 
declare."  He  said,  "  I'm  going  to  Washington,  going  tomorrow. 
Good  night.  We  will  have  a  surprise  for  you  within  a  week — 
within  three  days."  And  at  once,  after  weeks  and  weeks  of  cam- 
paigning. Senator  Pollock  of  South  Carolina  broke  the  Conserva- 
tive record  of  his  State,  declared  "  Yes,"  and  voted  "  Yes,"  on 
the  freedom  of  American  women. 

When  it  was  all  over — his  vote  and  our  campaign  to  get  him 
to  declare — I  came  back  to  Washington,  had  lunch  with  him  at 
the  Capitol,  and  sat,  while  he  told  me  of  the  numerous  people 
in  South  Carolina  who  had  asked  him  to  vote  "  Yes !  "  "  You'll 
never  know  the  sentiment  that  exists  in  South  Carolina,"  was  all 
he  said.    But  I  felt  we  knew. 


Getting  the  South  Florida  Press  Association  at  its  annual 
meeting  to  endorse  the  Federal  Suffrage  Amendment  was  mar- 
velous fun — I  learned  that  Senator  Trammell  had  gotten  solid 
support  from  two  counties,  and  owed  this  support  to  a  man  named 
Goolsby — editor.  So  I  hired  a  car  and  made  for  Goolsby.  He 
is  a  very  powerful  newspaper  man.  We  sat  around  a  log  fire, 
with  the  wife,  a  parrot,  and  a  cat,  and  finally  he  said  he  was 


going  in  two  days  to  a  meeting  of  the  South  Florida  Press 
Association,  and  that  he  was  President.  I  said,  "  I'm  going  too." 
He  said,  "  Well,  there's  hope  while  there's  life — ^they're  against 
you,  but  you  can  try."  I  felt  that  we  could  do  it,  talked  it  all 
over  with  him,  and  said  that  I  would  be  down  to  put  the  resolu- 
tion in  regardless  of  the  results — but  that  I  knew  it  could  pass. 

Two  days  seemed  like  years.  At  daybreak — five — I  climbed 
in  a  Ford  and  arrived  at  the  Press  Conference  at  ten.  Goolsby 
was  the  only  one  I  knew.  He  introduced  me  to  the  Resolutions 
Committee.  I  sat  through  speeches  and  speeches.  At  noon  came 
a  luncheon.  The  Chairman  of  the  Resolutions  Committee  took  me 
to  that.  Then  an  auto  ride  all  through  the  orange  groves — we 
got  out  and  picked  them,  talking  Suffrage  all  the  while.  Only  the 
Resolutions  Committee  and  I  were  in  the  car.  The  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  finally  said  out  of  a  clear  sky  to  the  elderly 
gentleman  at  my  left — a  strong  anti — "  I  believe  we  ought  to 
pass  a  resolution  or  something,  don't  you,  thanking  Miss  PoUitzer 
for  coming?  " — all  in  joke.  I  said:  "  No,  but  you  ought  to  pass 
a  resolution  urging  your  own  Florida  Senators  to  stand  behind 
President  Wilson.  They're  not."  He  said,  "  They  should."  I 
said,  "  Well,  let's  pass  it."  So  in  the  car,  speeding  along,  thanks 
to  the  marvelously  smooth  roads  and  my  luncheon  friend — we 
wrote  the  resolution.  The  old  editor  said,  "  What."*  Suffrage!  " 
My  young  one  said,  "  Yes ;  Suffrage ;  standing  back  of  President 
Wilson."  When  we  got  back,  my  old  editor  said :  "  Say,  let's 
make  that  strong — we've  got  to  go  on  record  unmistakably  for 
Wilson."  He  worked — Goolsby  worked — of  course  the  young 
one  worked.  I  sat  and  ate  oranges.  It  was  all  done — in  less 
than  fifteen  minutes.  The  Resolutions  Committee  reported  out  a 
glorious  resolution,  calling  on  Senators  Trammell  and  Fletcher 
to  support  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment,  and  it  passed 
unanimously.  The  Resolution  read:  "Be  it  resolved  that  we 
stand  with  President  Wilson  in  his  advocacy  of  Woman  Suffrage, 
and  we  urge  our  Representatives  in  Congress  to  vote  for  the  en- 
franchisement of  women ! ! !  " 

The  most  exciting  adventure  of  my  life  was  "  holding  up  the 
Florida  legislature  "  till  midnight  so  Governor  Catts  could  send  a 
resolution  in  asking  Trammell  and  Fletcher  (Senators)  to  vote 
for  Suffrage.  I  saw  Senator  Trammell  in  Washington,  and  he 
said  he  had  not  decided  how  he  would  vote  on  the  Amendment. 
That  his  vote  would  represent  "  the  people  " — I  asked  him  if  in 
our  government  a  State  legislature  didn't  represent  "  the  will  of 
the  people."  He  said,  "  Yes,  but  I  don't  intend  to  instruct  my 
legislature."     I   said:   "  No,  but  maybe  your  legislature  will 


instruct  you."  I  came  home  and  told  Miss  Paul,  who  said, 
"  Will  you  go  down  to  Florida  tonight?  "  and  Bertha  Arnold  and 
I  went.  Helen  Hunt,  a  capable  young  Jacksonville  lawyer, 
joined  us,  and  the  campaign  began. 

It  was  absolutely  essential  to  get  Governor  Catts  to  send  in 
the  Resolution,  as  messages  from  the  Governor  only  took  a  ma- 
jority— others  a  two-third  vote,  but  we  didn't  want  this  too 
soon.  When  we  had  our  votes  all  there  in  the  Senate,  the  leader, 
anti,  moved  that  no  new  business  not  already  in  by  noon,  could 
come  up  at  all — ^the  legislature  barring  everything,  to  save  them- 
selves from  Suffrage.  This  was  fearful,  as  the  House  was  most 
difficult,  and  we  had  planned  to  attack  the  Senate  first.  At  four 
o'clock  the  last  afternoon  of  the  special  session,  called  simply  to 
discuss  prohibition,  we  flew  to  the  Governor's  office.  Helen 
Hunt,  a  senator,  a  member  of  the  House,  and  I  got  Governor 
Catts  to  say  he'd  send  a  message  at  once.  4<.S0  came — 5.30 
came — no  message.  In  terror,  I  flew  down.  The  Governor's 
oflice  was  locked — I  got  one  of  the  House  to  move  a  night  session 
— we  lobbied  for  that,  it  carried.  The  Night  Session  began  at 
eight — Governor  Catts  still  nowhere  to  be  found.  Finally,  after 
phoning  his  home  every  five  minutes  it  seemed — I  called  at  ten 
and  they  said,  "  Governor  Catts  is  in  bed." — I  said  we  had  to 
have  him.  The  person  who  answered  the  phone  said  nothing 
could  be  done.  His  secretary  had  the  ofiice  keys;  he  was  ill  at 
home;  his  stenographer  had  the  desk  keys;  she  was  at  a  movie. 
These  obstacles  to  be  overcome,  and  Governor  Catts  to  be  rushed 
to  the  Capitol.  I  flew  back  to  our  night  session  at  the  Capitol. 
I  sent  in  a  little  slip-Written  message  to  Mr.  Stokes,  saying: 
"  Trust  us — you  said  you'd  help — ^keep  this  session  going — 
filibuster — do  anything — don't  let  them  adjourn."  I  stood  in  tile 
door  and  saw  him  nod  "  All  right,"  and  flew. 

Bertha  Arnold  in  a  taxi  secured  the  outer  key  from  the  secre- 
tary— ^after  arousing  secretary  and  encountering  a  storm. 

Helen  Hunt  in  another  taxi  called  for  Governor  Catts,  waited 
till  he  got  up  from  bed  and  dressed,  and  brought  him  and  his 
daughter,  Ruth,  to  the  Capitol.  I  meanwhile  stopped  at  a 
Western  Union  Office  and  got  a  messenger  boy.  He  said,  "  What 
am  I  t(^  take?"  I  said,  "Me!"  He  knew  the  way,  and  to- 
gether we  ran  through  the  streets  of  Tallahassee  at  midnight, 
covered  every  movie,  and  had  the  stenographer  paged — brought 
her  and  her  escort  to  the  Capitol — produced  the  desk  keys — got 
the  resolution.  Never  was  any  sound  more  marvelous  than  Gov- 
ernor Catts'  thud  when  he  walked  up  those  Capitol  steps  at  mid- 
night— ^instantly  he  rushed  it  up — ^the  door  of  the  House  opened 


— there  stood  my  man  Stokes,  talking  and  hoarse.  He  had  kept 
them  there.  The  secretary  announced,  "  Message  from  the  Gov- 
ernor," and  our  resolution  was  read ! 

The  vote  was  closer  than  close — didn't  pass,  but  they  had  to 
stay  till  the  next  day  at  two — we  stayed  too,  and  in  the  morning 
— of  the  last  day — we  got  a  majority  petition  from  the  Florida 
legislature  which  showed  Trammell  and  Fletcher  that  Florida 
wanted  their  Suffrage  votes. 

When  I  heard  that  Senator  Trammell  was  arriving  in  Lakeland, 
I  wired  Miss  Paul  I  would  stay —  Such  a  hectic  and  great  day. 
I  saw  him  with  four  antis  in  the  hotel  lobby.  He  looked  dumb- 
founded, shook  hands,  discussed  the  climate,  and  acted  as  though 
I  were  touristing  because  Florida  was  beautiful-r-but  he  knew. 

Then  I  went  out  of  his  life — but  sent  others  in — all  day  I  got 
out  little  delegations  to  him — ^the  State  Senator  from  that  dis- 
trict— his  minister — president  of  the  Bank — ^leading  Labor  man 
— his  editor.  Mr.  Trammell's  one  day  in  Lakeland  was  a 
Woman's  Party  event.  I  asked  Mr.  Smailes — a  strong  Labor 
vobA — boyhood  friend  of  Trammell's,  to  see  him.  That  night 
they  all  came  to  me  at  the  hotel  and  each  reported  his  achieve- 
ment with  Park  Trammell. 

Smailes  said :  "  I  looked  at  him  and  said,  '  Park — it's  funny 
you  can't  see  it  and  those  you  were  brought  up  with  all  can,'  and 
Park  loqked  at  me,  and  he  said,  '  Well,  there's  one  thing  worry- 
ing me  a  little.  I  don't  want  women  to  get  more  than  their  share 
of  electors.'  I  just  looked  at  him,  and  I  said:  '  Park,  you  know 
Mrs.  Smailes  don'i  want  more  than  her  share,  but  she  ain't  got 
her  share  yet;  that  s  what  she's  asking  for.'  " 

I  said,  "  Mr.  Smailes,  what  do  you  think  that  Senator  Tram- 
mell will  do  ?  "  He  said,  "  I  don't  know.  I've  known  him  since 
we  were  babies,  but  he's  a  Senator  now." 

Helen  Hunt  met  Trammell  in  Jacksonville  when  he  arrived — 
on  his  "  one  day  "  to  Lakeland.  He  said,  "  Where  is  she?  " 
(meaning  me).  "Is  she  still  in  the  State.?"  (Miss  Younger 
thinks  this  funny  because  it  shows  how  scared  they  are  of  the 
Woman's  Party — even  one  of  us.) 


I  think  our  hotel  experiences  are  so  funny. 

We  had  a  terrible  time  getting  any  one  to  consider  taking  action 
on  Suffrage  ratification  at  the  Special  Session.  Virginia  legis- 
lature called  just  for  good  roads — I  went  to  Roanoke  to  see 


floor-leader  Willis  (strongest  Suffragist  in  the  House)  and  he 
announced  he  was  scheduled  himself  to  introduce  a  bill  saying 
that  nothing  but  good  roads  would  come  up.  After  a  morning's 
work  with  Willis,  he  decided  he  would  bring  up  Suffrage  pro- 
vided Senator  Trinkle  agreed.  He  promised  to  see  Trinkle  the 
next  morning,  so  I  decided  I'd  better  see  Trinkle  that  night. 
Fortunately  a  train  was  leaving  in  ten  minutes.  I  arrived  at 
Wytheville  at  nine  p.m.  It  was  black.  Senator  Trinkle  was  on 
the  platform.  I  picked  him  out  because  he  was  the  biggest  man 
obviously  and  I  asked  where  Senator  Trinkle  lived  and  he  said, 
"  I  am  Senator  Trinkle."  When  my  interview  was  at  an  end 
and  it  was  fixed,  he  said  that  the  last  train  out  had  left,  and 
that  I  should  go  to  the  hotel,  and  say  to  the  owner  that  he  said 
to  give  me  the  best  room.  To  my  great  consternation,  the  hotel 
proprietor  escorted  me  into  a  room  the  size  of  a  young  stable, 
which  contained  six  beds,  explaining,  "  This  is  our  best  room. 
I'll  call  it  a  single  room  for  tonight."  Never  can  I  describe  the 
creaks  of  the  empty  five  beds  all  night  long.  It  doesn't  sound 
funny,  but  it  was — I  and  six  beds,  some  of  them  double,  and  a  box 
of  Uneeda  crackers  and  Hershey's  milk  chocolate. 

The  way  we  got  the  University  of  Virginia  mass-meeting-  was 
amusing.  I  taught  art  at  the  University  of  Virginia  Summer 
School.  We  had  just  staged  a  big  pageant  at  the  University. 
Director  Maphis  was  grateful  and  said  he'd  do  anything  I 
wanted.  That  afternoon.  Senator  Martin  arrived  in  Charlottes- 
ville, his  home,  and  so  I  went  to  see  Mr.  Maphis  to  tell  him  I 
wanted  Cabell  Hall,  the  real  University  of  Virginia  Hall,  and 
he  said,  "  Yes."  I  phoned  Miss  Paul  and  she  sent  Lucy  Bran- 
ham — we  advertised  with  huge  sheets  on  the  front  of  each  of  the 
eight  street  cars,  in  Charlottesville  and  hand-made  slides  at 
movies  and  posters  that  my  Art  classes  all  were  given  to  do  as  a 
"  problem." 

The  Hall  was  full  and  the  wonderful  old  Jeffersonian  Uni- 
versity held  its  first  Federal  Suffrage  Mass  Meeting  and  passed 
resolutions  urging  Senator  Martin  to  vote  for  the  Amendment. 
Lucy  Branham  and  I  drove  to  his  home  the  next  morning,  pre- 
sented him  with  the  resolutions,  and  described  the  meeting  of  his 
own  constituents  to  him. 

Here  perhaps  is  the  place  to  describe  the  work  of  the 
Political  Department,  of  which  Abby  Scott  Baker  was  Chair- 
man. The  Political  Department  supplemented  the  work 
of  the  Legislative  and  Organization  Departments.     When- 


ever  the  work  of  the  National  Woman's  Party  demanded 
instant  pressure  on  Congress  and  on  State  Legislatures, 
Alice  Paul  despatched  Mrs.  Baker  at  once  to  the  power  who 
could  exert  that  pressure.  She  was  a  kind  of  perpetual 
flying  envoy  for  the  Woman's  Party. 



It  will  be  remembered  that  after  the  eight  months  in 
which  the  Woman's  Party  picketed  the  President,  the  House 
of  Representatives  created  a  Suifrage  Committee  in  Septem- 
ber, 1917.  It  will  also  be  remembered  that  during  the  dis- 
cussion on  the  floor,  in  regard  to  that  Committee,  Mr. 
Pou,  Chairman,  made  the  statement  that  there  was  no  inten- 
tion of  passing  the  Amendment  before  the  Sixty-sixth  Con- 
gress. That  Congress  adjourned  on  October  6, 1917.  Also, 
it  will  be  remembered  that  that  day,  Alice  Paul  marched 
over  to  the  White  House  gates  carrying  a  banner  inscribed 
with  the  words  of  the  President: 


It  will  be  remembered  too  that  Alice  Paul  was  arrested 
and  sentenced  to  seven  months  in  jail. 

Following  the  publicity  which  came  from  the  Woman's 
Party  speakers  all  over  the  country  and  from  the  news- 
papers, protests  of  all  descriptions  began  to  pour  into  the 
White  House  and  to  the  Democratic  leaders:  letters,  resolu- 
tions, petitions. 

Again  it  will  be  remembered  that  a  week  before  Congress 
reconvened  on  December  3,  1917,  all  the  imprisoned  women 
were  suddenly  released. 

In  the  new  Session — a  direct  reversal  of  Mr.  Pou's  an- 
nouncement of  two  months  earlier  that  the  House  would  not 
pass  the  Amendment  before  1920 — a  day  was  set  for  the  vote 



on  the  Suffrage  Amendment,  a  week  after  Congress  assem- 

Again,  it  should  be  pointed  out  that  all  these  things  hap- 
pened after  those  eight  months  of  picketing. 

That  important  day  which  the  House  set  was  January  10, 
1918.  In  September,  the  Suffragists  lacked  seventy-three 
votes  of  the  passage  of  the  Amendment.  Naturally  all  De- 
cember was  spent  in  working  up  that  vote.  The  National 
Woman's  Party  secured  statements  from  Republican  leaders 
like  Mondell  and  Kahn,  stating  the  strong  Republican  sup- 
port of  the  measure  and  blaming  the  Democrats  if  it  were 
defeated.  The  National  Woman's  Party  worked  up  the 
Republican  majority  from  three-quarters  of  the  House  to 
five-sixths.  The  Democrats  began  to  be  frightened  at  the 
press  statements  of  the  Republicans.  They  began  to  work 
to  increase  their  showing,  as  they  feared  the  country  would 
blame  them  if  the  Amendment  were  defeated. 

But  more  important  than  any  of  these  things  was  the 
capitulation  of  the  President  which  won,  as  the  Woman's 
Party  contended  it  would,  the  necessary  votes  in  the  house. 
On  January  9,  1919,  one  year  from  the  day  the  Inez  Milr 
holland  Memorial  Deputation  visited  him.  President  Wilson 
made  his  declaration  for  the  Federal  Amendment,  and  on 
January  10,  the  Amendment  was  passed  in  the  House  by  a 
vote  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-four  to  one  hundred  and 

This  important  epoch  ip  the  history  of  the  Suffrage  Move- 
ment, Maud  Younger  describes  in  her  Revelations  of  a 
Woman  Lobbyist. 

The  atmosphere  had  changed  when  I  returned  to  Washington. 
Republican  Congressmen  had  suddenly  realized  what  an  asset  to 
the  Republican  Party  would  be  their  support  of  Suffrage.  Demo- 
crats, seeing  the  blame  that  would  attach  to  them  for  its  defeat, 
were  becoming  alarmed. 

"  The  country  is  fixing  to  blame  the  Democrats,"  said  Mr. 
Hull,  of  Tennessee,  very  thoughtfully,  but  not  quite  thought- 
fully enough.     As  a  member  of  the  National  Executive  Com- 


mittee  of  the  Democratic  Party  he  was  thoughtful.  As  a  Con- 
gressman with  a  vote  in  the  House  he  was  not  quite  thoughtful 

We  lacked  sixty  votes  in  the  House,  and  had  only  three  weeks 
to  get  them.  We  worked  day  and  night.  Our  friends  in  Con- 
gress, brightly  hopeful,  told  us  we  had  votes  to  spare,  but  we 
knew  the  truth.  We  lacked  forty  votes,  then  twenty,  then  ten, 
but  we  kept  this  to  ourselves.  Unless  something  happened  we 
could  not  win. 

Then,  on  January  9,  the  day  before  the  vote,  it  happened. 
Late  on  that  afternoon  the  President  invited  a  deputation  of 
Democratic  Congressmen  to  wait  on  him.  Knowing  of  the  ap- 
pointment, we  went  through  the  halls  of  Congress,  on  wings,  all 
day.  When  the  Congressmen  went  into  the  White  House,  a  small 
group  stood  outside  in  the  snow  waiting  for  the  first  word  of  that 
interview.  After  what  seemed  an  interminable  time,  the  doors 
opened.  Out  came  cheery  Mr.  Baker  with  the  news :  "  The 
President  has  declared  for  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment, 
and  will  stay  home  from  his  game  of  golf  tomorrow  morning  to 
see  any  Congressman  who  wishes  to  consult  him  about  it."  Thus, 
just  a  year  from  the  day  he  had  told  us  we  must  concert  public 
opinion.  President  Wilson  declared  for  Suffrage. 

There  was  a  feeling  of  victory  in  the  air  as  we  went  through 
the  corridors  that  night.  Yet  our  secret  poll  showed  that  we 
still  lacked  votes.  We  could  do  nothing  more.  We  could  only 
wait  and  see  how  much  force  the  President  would  put  behind  his 

Scrub  women  were  still  at  work  with  brushes  and  buckets  of 
soapsuds  when  I  reached  the  Capitol  that  fateful  morning. 
From  the  front  row  of  the  gallery  we  looked  down  on  the  floor 
of  the  House,  with  its  seven  rows  of  empty  seats  rising  in  semi- 
circular rows  like  an  amphitheatre.  A  few  people  scurried  here 
and  there,  the  galleries  were  rapidly  filling.  We  watched  the 
Congressmen  come  in,  sit  down,  walk  about,  or  stand  in  groups 
talking  and  looking  up  at  the  galleries. 

At  the  stroke  of  eleven  all  eyes  turned  toward  the  door  of  the 
Speaker's  lobby.  Chattering  ceased.  The  door  opened,  and  a 
Roman  mace  appeared  and  advanced,  supported  by  the  Deputy 
Sergeant-at-Arms,  who  held  it  in  his  two  hands  before  him. 
Very  solemn,  very  mindful  of  his  step,  he  ascended  the  three 
steps  to  the  Speaker's  stand,  followed  by  the  Speaker,  Champ 
Clark,  dignified  and  magnificent  in  a  tan  frock  coat,  with  a 
white  flower  in  the  buttonhole.  Having  ascended,  the  Sergeant- 
at-Arms  laid  the  mace  against  the  wall  where  all  the  Congressmen 


could  look  at  it,  and  came  down  again  with  a  little  skip  on  the 
last  step,  while  the  Speaker  impressively  faced  the  House. 

Prayer  and  routine  business  finished,  the  speeches  began. 
Most  of  them  were  prosy  and  dull,  delivered  not  for  those  who 
heard  them,  but  for  constituents  hundreds  of  miles  away.  In 
the  galleries  we  listened  wearily.  We  had  brought  luncheon  with 
us,  which  we  ate  as  unobstrusively  as  possible.  We  would  lose 
our  seats  if  we  left  them^  for  through  the  ground-glass  doors  we 
dimly  saw  waiting  multitudes  trying  to  come  in.  All  day  the 
largest  crowds  the  doorkeepers  had  ever  known  pressed  against 
the  doors.    Inside  the  speeches  droned  on. 

"  What  a  dull  ending  for  such  a  dramatic  struggle,"  said  a 
newspaper  man,  leaning  over  from  the  press  gallery.  I  could 
have  wished  it  had  been  duller,  for  we  never  for  an  instant  forgot 
we  still  lacked  votes.  We  did  not  know  how  far  the  President's 
message  had  carried  since  our  last  possible  poll. 

Suddenly  a  wave  of  applause  and  cheers  swept  over  the  floor. 
Every  head  turned  toward  the  Speaker's  door,  and  there,  on  the 
threshold,  we  saw  Mr.  Mann>  pale  and  trembling.  For  six 
months  he  had  lain  in  a  hospital — his  only  visitors  his  wife  and 
secretary.  It  had  been  said  that  he  would  never  come  back  to 
the  House.    Yet  he  had  come  to  vote  for  our  Amendment. 

Now,  through  the  skylight,  we  could  see  that  the  afternoon 
had  gone,  and  evening  had  come.  At  last  the  time  for  speech- 
making  ended  and  the  vote  was  taken.  Forty  years  to  a  day  from 
the  first  introduction  of  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment  in 
Congress,  one  year  exactly  from  the  time  the  first  picket-line  went 
to  stand  before  the  White  House,  the  Federal  SufiPrage  Amend- 
ment passed  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  passed  with  just 
one  vote  to  spare.  Six  votes  came  to  us  through  the  President. 
He  had  saved  the  day! 

Outside  the  doors  of  the  gallery  a  woman  began  to  sing, 
Praise  God  from  whom  all  blessings  flow.  Others  took  it  up, 
more  and  more  voices  joined,  and  through  the  halls  of  the 
Capitol  there  swelled  our  song  of  gratitude.  Louder  and  louder 
it  rose  and  soared  to  the  high  arches,  and  was  carried  out  into 
the  night  to  die  away  at  last  in  the  far  distances.  And  still  in 
our  hearts  we  sang,  Praise  God  from  whom  all  blessings  flow. 

But  our  minds  were  not  at  rest,  nor  our  thoughts  quiet.  Our 
victory  was  worth  nothing  unless  we  could  consolidate  it  quickly. 
To  do  this  we  had  to  win  the  Senate.  And  the  Senate  is  farther 
from  the  people  than  the  House,  and  much,  much  harder  to  move. 


The  House  of  Representatives  passed  the  Susan  B.  Anthony 
Amendment  on  January  10,  1918,  by  a  vote  of  two  hundred 
and  seventy-four  to  one  hundred  and  thirty-six.  The  work 
of  the  Woman's  Party  was  now  concentrated  on  the  Senate. 
They  needed  only  eleven  votes  there,  and  many  Suffragists 
were  optimistic — they  thought  victory  a  matter  of  but  a 
few  weeks.  The  Woman's  Party  knew  better.  However,  in 
the  siege  of  the  Senate,  they  continued  their  policy — to  work 
downwards  through  the  President,  and  upward  through  con- 
stituents and  political  leaders  from  the  people. 

In  summing  up  the  situation  in  the  Senate,  Alice  Paul 

If  the  Republicans  had  the  vision  to  see  that  it  was  a  wise 
Party  policy  to  secure  the  credit  for  the  passage  of  the  Amend- 
ment in  the  House,  and  the  Democrats  believed  it  an  unwise 
Party  policy  to  be  responsible  for  its  defeat — the  same  argument 
must  hold  for  the  vote  in  the  Senate,  for  while  more  than  two- 
thirds  of  the  Republicans  had  already  promised  their  votes,  only 
half  the  Democrats  are  at  present  pledged  in  the  Senate. 

The  effect  of  the  passing  of  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amend- 
ment in  the  House  was,  however,  not  only  profound,  but  im- 
mediate. In  February,  the  Republican  National  Committee 
met  in  St.  Louis  for  the  selection  of  a  Chairman.  Abby 
Scott  Baker  appeared  before  the  committee,  urging  a  favor- 
able stand  on  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  amendment.  Two  women 
representing  the  anti-Suffragists  were  also  to  speak.  How- 
ever, when  the  anti-Suffragist  speakers  presented  themselves 
before  the  Committee,  they  found  that  it  had  already  voted  a 
resolution  commending  the  stand  of  the  Republican  members 



of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  favor  of  the  Suffrage 
Amendment.  This  was  the  first  favorable  expression  of  the 
National  Republican  Party  on  the  question  of  Federal 

Minnie  Bronson  said  of  jbhe  anti-Suffragist  members: 

I  looked  round  for  the  thirty  members  who  last  night  were 
opposed  to  Suffrage.    I  wonder  what  changed  them  over  night. 

Lucy  Price,  also  an  anti-Suffragist,  asserted: 

Your  action  without  even  hearing  us  was  worse  than  a  be- 
trayal of  us  who  are  opposed  to  Suffrage.  It  was  an  admission 
that  Party  pledges  are  meant  to  be  broken. 

The  Executive  Committee  of  the  Democratic  National 
Committee,  which  met  that  same  day  in  Washington,  held  a 
telegraphic  referendum  of  their  entire  national  committee  on 
the  question  of  the  Amendment.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
that  this  was  done  at  the  instance  of  the  Democratic  woman 
who  had  charge  of  the  Democratic  campaign  among  women 
in  1916,  when  the  Woman's  Party  made  Suffrage  the  great 
issue.  This  telegraphic  referendum  showed  more  than  a  two 
to  one  desire  for  the  national  committee  to  take  action  that 
would  put  it  on  record  as  "  urging  the  support "  of  the 
Amendment.  The  Executive  Committee,  therefore,  adopted 
the  resolution,  endorsing  the  Federal  Suffrage  measure,  and 
by  a  vote  of  five  to  two,  calling  upon  the  Senate  to  act  at 
once  favorably  upon  it. 

For  months  thereafter,  the  Woman's  Party  concentrated 
on  obtaining  the  necessary  eleven  votes  in  the  Senate.  It 
was  a  period  of  comparative  calm.  There  was  no  militant 
action  of  any  kind.  The  pickets  had  all  been  released  in 
December,  and,  although  the  appeal  cases  were  coming  up 
in  the  courts  at  intervals,  picketing  seemed  an  abandoned 

In  her  Revelations  of  a  Woman  Lobbyist,  Maud  Younger 
describes  very  delightfully  how  the  first  nine  votes  were 
obtained : 


"  We  should  get  Senator  Phelan  now,"  said  Miss  Paul.  "  He 
opposed  Federal  Suffrage  because  the  President  did.  Now  that 
the  President  has  come  out  for  it.  Senator  Phelan  should  do  so. 
Send  for  him." 

I  sent  in  my  card  and  he  came  at  once,  very  neat  in  a  cut- 
away coat,  his  eyes  smiling  above  his  trimmed  sandy  beard. 
"  Of  course  I'll  vote  for  the  Amendment,"  he  said,  as  though  he 
had  never  thought  of  anything  else.  He  was  plainly  glad  to 
have  an  excuse  for  changing  his  position. 

"  That  leaves  ten  to  get,"  said  Miss  Paul.  "  Let's  go  and  see 
Senator  McCumber."  The  Senator  from  North  Dakota  is  sandy 
and  Scotch  and  cautious,  and,  like  many  other  Senators,  thinks 
it  would  be  weak  and  vacillating  to  change  his  opinion. 

"  I  voted  against  it  in  1914.  I  cannot  vote  for  it  in  19I8," 
he  said.    "  I  cannot  change  my  principles." 

"  But  you  can  change  your  mind  ?  " 

"  No,  I  could  not  do  that." 

"  Then  you  might  change  your  vote,"  said  I,  urging  progress. 
He,  too,  saw  progress,  but  was  wary  of  it.  Looking  cautioiisly 
around  the  room  and  back  of  us,  he  said  slowly,  "  If  the  legis- 
lature of  my  State  should  ask  me  to  vote  for  it,  I  would  feel 
obliged  to  do  so." 

That  same  night  Beulah  Amidon  telegraphed  to  North  Dakota, 
— her  own  State — to  the  Chairman  of  the  Republican  Party  and 
the  Non-Partisan  League  that  controls  the  Legislature;  to  her 
father.  Judge  Amidon,  and  to  others.  The  Legislature  immedi- 
ately passed  a  resolution  calling  on  Senator  McCumber  to  vote 
for  our  Amendment.  Miss  Amidon  went  to  see  him  at  once,  with 
the  news. 

"  But  I  haven't  seen  how  the  resolution  is  worded  yet,"  said 
Senator  McCumber  cannily.  , 

When  the  resolution  arrived  some  one  else  went  to  see  him. 

"  I  want  to  look  it  over  carefully,"  he  said.  When  he  had 
looked  it  over  carefully,  he  admitted,  "  I  will  vote  for  the 
Amendment.  But  to  show'  loyalty  both  to  constituents  and 
principle,"  he  added  hastily,  "  I  will  speak  against  it,  and  vote 
for  it." 

"  That  leaves  nine  to  get,"  said  Miss  Paul,  counting  Senator 
McCumber  off  on  her  little  finger  and  turning  to  a  list  of  other 
legislatures  in  session.  The  difiiculty  was  that  the  legislatures 
in  session  did  not  fit  the  Senators  whose  votes  we  must  get. 
Mildred  Glines,  our  Rhode  Island  chairman,  was  at  our  Head- 
quarters, and  Senator  Gerry  of  Rhode  Island  was  at  the  Capitol, 
and  not  for  our  Amendment.    So  Mildred  Glines  set  out  at  once 


for  Rhode  Island,  where  she  had  a  resolution  presented  and 
passed,  and  returned  with  it  to  Senator  Gerry. 

Then  I  went  to  see  his  colleague.  Senator  Colt.  A  scholarly- 
looking  man,  he  sat  at  his  desk  deep  in  some  volume  of  ancient 
lore.  Arguing  with  himself  while  I  sat  listening,  he  stated  the 
case  for  Suffrage  and  Senator  Gerry.  "  But  on  the  other  hand," 
he  said — and  then  stated  the  other  side. 

"  Yes,"  he  concluded  deliberately,  but  with  a  twinkle  in  his 
eye,  "  Peter  will  vote  for  it." 

"  That  leaves  eight  to  get,"  said  Miss  Paul,  very  thoughtfully. 
"  Have  you  seen  Senator  King  lately  .^  " 

Though  Senator  King  is  not  unpleasant  to  talk  with,  if  one 
does  not  broach  subjects  controversial,  persons  who  appealed  to 
his  reason  had  succeeded  only  in  ruffling  his  manners.  He 
smiled  blandly  and,  leaning  back  in  his  chair,  began  what  he 
believed  to  be  a  perfect  case.  "  I've  always  been  opposed  to 
national  Suffrage.  I  said  so  in  my  campaign,  and  the  people 
elected  me." 

We  must  appeal  to  his  constituents.  But  how?  His  Legisla- 
ture was  not  in  session.  Alice  Henkle  went  post-haste  to  Utah, 
and  at  once  newspapers  began  to  publish  editorials;  all  sorts  of 
organizations,  civic,  patriotic,  religious,  educational,  social,  began 
to  pass  resolutions.  Letters  poured  in  upon  Senator  King.  But 
always  Miss  Henkle  wrote  us,  "  They  tell  me  everywhere  fiiat  ifs 
no  use;  that  Senator  King  is  so  'hard-shelled'  that  I  might  as 
well  stpp." 

"  Go  to  the  Capitol  and  see,"  said  Miss  Alice  Paul. 

I  had  just  entered  the  revolving  door  when  Senator  Sheppard, 
hurrying  past,  stopped  to  say,  "  Do  you  know  King  is  coming 
around!    I  think  we  may  get  his  vote." 

So  Miss  Paul  wired  Alice  Henkle  that  night:  "  Redouble 
efforts.  They  are  having  good  effect."  Four  weeks  later,  three 
Senators  told  me  that  Senator  King  had  said  in  the  cloak  room, 
"  I'm  as  much  opposed  to  Federal  Suffrage  as  ever,  but  I  think 
I'll  vote  for  it.    My  constituents  want  me  to." 

"  That  leaves  six  to  get,"  said  Miss  Paul,  "  counting  Senator 
Culberson  too."  For  while  we  had  been  busy  in  Washington, 
Doris  Stevens  and  Clara  Wolfe  had  been  busy  in  Texas  on  the 
trail  of  Senator  Culberson. 

The  national  committees  of  both  political  parties  had  taken  a 
stand  for  Federal  Suffrage  in  February.  Also,  Colonel  Roosevelt 
and  other  Republican  leaders  were  writing  to  Senators  whose 
names  we  furnished,  urging  their  support. 

"  Now,"    said   Senator   Curtis,   smiling,    "  I   think   we'll   get 


Harding  and  Sutherland.  They  both  want  to  vote  for  it,  but 
their  States  are  against  it.  I'll  go  see  them  again.  Keep  the 
backfires  burning  in  their  States." 

Senator  Curtis  has  the  dark  hair  and  skin  of  Indian  ancestry, 
and  perhaps  his  Indian  blood  has  given  him  his  quick  sense  of 
a  situation  and  his  knowledge  of  men.  Without  quite  knowing 
how  it  happened — ^it  may  have  been  his  interest  in  listening  or 
his  wisdom  in  advising — he  had  become  the  guiding  friend,  the 
storm-center  of  our  work  on  the  Republican  side  of  the  Senate. 

"  Colonel  Roosevelt  has  written  to  Senator  Sutherland  too," 
I  thought  hopefully,  while  I  sat  waiting  for  him  in  the  marble 
room.  He  came  out,  and  said  almost  at  once,  "  I've  just  had  a 
letier  from  Colonel  Roosevelt  asking  me  to  vote  for  your  Amend- 

"Have  you.?"  said  I. 

"  Yes.  But  I  wish  he  had  told  me  how  I  can  do  it,  when  the 
overwhelming  sentiment  of  my  State  is  against  it."  I  spoke  of 
something  else,  but  that  night  I  reported  this  remark  to  Doris 
Stevens  and  Abby  Scott  Baker.  Both  of  them  immediately 
wrote  to  Colonel  Roosevelt.  Later,  I  again  saw  Senator  Suther- 
land.   He  had  evidently  forgotten  our  former  conversation. 

"  I've  had  a  letter  from  Colonel  Roosevelt  about  your  Amend- 
ment," he  said.  "  It's  the  second  time  he  has  written  to  me  about 
it.  He  wants  me  to  come  to  Oyster  Bay  so  he  can  give  me 
reasons  for  voting  for  it." 

"  I  should  think  it  would  be  awfully  interesting  to  go,"  I 
encouraged  gently.  And  soon  we  checked  off  Senator  Suther- 
land's name  on  our  lists,  and  said,  "  Five  more  to  get." 

"  Do  you  think  we  can  get  Borah?  "  I  asked  Senator  Curtis. 
"  He's  one  of  the  fathers  of  the  Amendment.  He  introduced  it  in 

"  He  says  he  did  that  by  request." 

"  It  doesn't  say  so  in  the  Record.  Doesn't  a  man  always  say 
so  when  it  is  so  ?  " 

"  That  is  usual,"  said  Senator  Curtis,  stroking  his  mustache 
and  not  meeting  my  eyes,  and  I  knew  he  said  only  half  of  what 
he  thought.  , 

"  I  think  I'll  go  and  see  him  at  once." 

Senator  Borah  is  a  most  approachable  person,  but  when  you 
have  approached,  you  cannot  be  sure  you  have  reached,  YoU 
see  him  sitting  at  his  desk,  a  large  unferocious,  bulldog  type  of 
man,  simple  in  manner.  You  talk  with  him,  and  you  think  he 
is  with  you  through  and  through.  .  .  .  But  you  never  quite 
know.   .    .    .   Sometimes  you  wonder  if  he  knows. 


In  April,  Senator  Gallinger  told  Miss  Paul  that  the  Repub- 
licans counted  four  more  votes  for  Suffrage — Kellogg,  Harding, 
Page,  and  Borah.  "We  understand  Borah  will  vote  for  the 
Amendment  if  it  will  not  pass  otherwise.  But  he  will  not  vote 
for  it  if  it  will  pass  without  him.  But  if  his  vote  will  carry  it, 
he  will  vote  for  it." 

Thus  far  we  had  come  on  our  journey  toward  the  eleven,  when 
Senator  Andreus  Aristides  Jones  of  New  Mexico,  Chairman  of  the 
Woman  Suffrage  Committee,  rose  in  the  Senate  and  announced 
that  on  May  10  he  would  move  to  take  up  the  Suffrage  resolu- 
tion. There  was  great  rejoicing.  We  thought  that  now  the  Ad- 
ministration would  get  the  needed  votes. 

Indeed,  with  only  two  votes  more  to  get,  everything  looked 

In  May,  members  of  the  Woman's  Committee  of  the 
Council  of  National  Defense  were  received  by  the  President 
and  Mrs.  Wilson. 

Florence  Bayard  Hilles,  State  Chairman  in  Delaware  for 
the  National  Woman's  Party,  who  had  campaigned  for  the 
Liberty  Loan  throughout  her  State,  and  was  then  working 
in  the  Bethlehem  Steel  Plant,  as  a  munition  maker,  said  to 
the  President: 

Mr.  President,  it  would  be  a  great  inspiration  to  all  of  us  in 
our  war  work  if  you  would  help  towards  our  immediate  enfran- 

Behind  Mrs.  Hilles  came  Mrs.  Arthur  Kellam,  who  is 
Chairman  of  the  Woman's  Party  in  New  Mexico,  who  said : 

Mr.  President,  we,  women  of  the  West,  are  growing  very 
restless  indeed  waiting  for  the  long-delayed  passage  of  the 
Federal  Suffrage  Amendment.  Won't  you  help  to  secure  this 
recognition  of  citizens?  The  women  of  New  Mexico  and  many 
other  States  have  no  redress  save  through  the  Federal  Amend- 
ment. They  are  eagerly  waiting  for  action  on  this  measure  in 
the  Senate.    Will  you  help  us  ? 

The  President,  with  marked  cordiality,  answered: 
"  I  will/   I  will  do  all  I  can." 


In  the  meantime,  the  President  was  receiving  picturesque 
groups  of  many  descriptions:  Pershing's  Veterans  went  to 
the  White  House;  the  Blue  Devils  of  France,  Finally  a 
group  of  women  munition  workers  from  the  Bethlehem 
Plant,  led  by  Florence  Bayard  Hilles,  came  to  Washington 
to  see  the  President  in  regard  to  Suffrage  They  were: 
Catherine  Boyle ;  Ada  Walling ;  Mary  Gonzon ;  Lula  Patter- 
son ;  Marie  McKenzie ;  Isabel  C.  Aniba ;  Lilian  Jerrold ;  Mary 
Campbell;  Mildred  Peck;  Ida  Lennox.  The  experience  of 
the  war  workers  was  amusing.  They  wrote  at  once  asking 
for  an  interview  with  the  President.  Mr.  Tumulty  responded 
saying  that  the  President  bade  him  to  tell  them  that  "  noth- 
ing you  or  your  associates  could  say  could  possibly  increase 
his  very  deep  interest  in  this  matter." 

Mrs.  Aniba  despatched  an  answer,  again  asking  for  an 
interview.     She  said  among  other  things: 

The  work  I  do  is  making  detonators,  handling  TNT,  the 
highest  of  all  explosives.  We  want  to  be  recognized  by  our 
country  as  much  her  citizens  as  soldiers  are. 

Every  day  this  little  group  went  to  the  White  House  and 
sat,  waiting.  They  made  a  picturesque  detail  in  the  exceed- 
ingly picturesque  war  flood  surging  through  the  White 
House,  wearing  bands  printed  with  the  words,  munition 
workers  on  their  arm  and  their  identification  badges.  They 
knitted  all  the  time.  At  first,  one  of  the  secretaries  explained 
to  them,  "  You  are  very  foolish.  You  may  have  to  wait 
for  weeks.  Even  Lord  Reading  had  to  come  back  four 
times  before  he  saw  the  President ! " 

Later,  an  under-secretary  said :  "  You  are  becoming  a 
nuisance.  Other  people  have  more  consideration  than  to 
keep  coming  back;  but  you  persist  and  persist." 

"  Even  Lord  Reading  had  to  come  back  four  times  before 
he  saw  the  President,"  quoted  one  of  the  munition  ^rls. 

They  waited  two  weeks,  but  in  the  end  they  had  to  go 
back  to  work.  They  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Senate,  however, 
which  was  read  there. 

May  10  approached.    I  resume  Miss  Younger's  narrative: 

When  the  proper  time  arrived  next  day.  Senator  Andreus 
Aristides  Jones  arose  in  his  place.  The  galleries  were  packed. 
Our  forces  were  all  present  except  the  three  missing  votes. 
There  was  Senator  Smith  of  Michigan,  who  had  come  from 
California;  Senator  Smith  of  Arizona,  who  had  left  a  sick  rela- 
tive to  be  present  for  the  vote;  and  there  were  others  who  had 
come  from  far  and  wide.  Senator  Jones  in  the  hush  of  a  great 
moment,  rose  and  announced  that  he  would  not  call  up  the 
Amendment  that  day. 

Our  opponents  looked  at  him  and,  grinning,  taunted:  "  Haven't 
you  got  the  votes?  "  "  We  want  to  vote  today."  "  We're  ready 

Finally  the  women  filed  out  of  the  galleries  and  went  home, 
and  the  Senate  resumed  its  usual  business. 

Later,  however,  Senator  Jones  announced  that  on  June  27 
he  would  take  up  the  Suffrage  Resolution. 
Miss  Younger  says: 

Senator  Jones  does  not  act  on  mad  impulse.  No  one  could 
imagine  that  placid,  unhurried  man  buckling  on  his  armor  and 
brandishing  his  sword  to  lead  his  forces  a  second  time  up  a 
blind  alley  only  to  lead  them  back  again.  Senator  Jones  was  a 
strong  Administration  man  and  would  not  act  without  approval. 

Moreover,  he  was  a  sincere  Suffragist.  In  fact,  he  was  a 
Father  of  the  Amendment.  So  we  kept  at  work,  aiding  and 
abetting  all  its  Fathers.  For  the  disabilities  of  fathers  are 
manifest  when  you  c<)mpare  them  with  mothers.  A  father  is  so 
casual,  especially  when  his  child  is  an  Amendment  to  the  Con- 

"  Nagging ! "  said  Senator  Lenroot  viciously,  when  I  asked 
him  to  speak  to  Senator  Borah.  "  If  you  women  would  only  stop 
nagging ! "  And  making  a  savage  face  at  me,  he  hurried  down 
the  hall. 

I  stood  still.  It  was  but  the  second  time  we  had  spoken  to 
him  since  he  had  come  to  the  Senate.  I  wondered  if  he  thought 
we  liked  "  nagging  " ;  if  we  liked  going  to  the  Capitol  day  after 
day,  tramping  on  marble  floors,  waiting  in  ante-rooms — some- 
times rebuffed,  sometimes  snarled  at.  I  wondered  if  he  thought 
we  could  do  it  for  anything  but  a  great  cause — for  the  thousands 
of  women  toiling  in  the  factories,  for  the  thousands  struggling 
under  burdens  at  home.    And  then  I  bit  my  lips  to  keep  back  the 


tears,  and  putting  aside  such  uncomfortable  things  as  feelings, 
and  putting  forward  such  solacing  things  as  a  lace  jabot  and  a 
smile,  I  sent  for  another  Senator. 

Senator  Martin,  of  silvery  white  hair  and  determined  manner 
would  not  sit  down  and  talk  Suffrage,  nor  would  he  stand  up 
and  talk  Suffrage.  The  only  way  to  discuss  Suffrage  with 
Senator  Martin  was  to  run  beside  him  down  the  hall. 

"  The  good  women  of  Virginia  do  not  want  Suffrage,"  he  said, 
breaking  almost  into  a  trot,  with  eyes  on  his  goal,  which  was 
an  elevator. 

"  But  if  you  were  convinced  that  the  good  women  of  Virginia 
do  want  it  ?  "  you  replied,  breaking  almost  into  a  run,  with  your 
eyes  on  him. 

"  It's  only  the  professional  agitators  I  hear  from,"  he  an- 

It  is  interesting  to  talk  Suffrage  with  Senator  Martin,  and  very 
good  exercise.  But  it  was  still  more  interesting  to  watch  a 
deputation  of  good  Virginia  women  talking  to  him. 

"  Every  one  knows  where  I  stand,  and  yet  the  ladies  waylay 
me  all  about  the  halls,"  he  complained.  Yet  when  we  had  spoken 
before  the  Platform  Committee  of  the  Democratic  Convention  in 
St.  Louis,  he  told  me :  "I  said  to  those  men,  '  There  isn't  an 
equal  number  of  you  that  could  make  as  good  speeches  as  those 
women  made.' "  So  he  was  not  to  be  considered  as  hopeless, 
though  the  path  to  his  salvation  was  a  strenuous  one. 

In  June,  Carrie  Chapman  Catt,  President  of  the  Interna- 
tional Woman  Suffrage  Alliance,  transmitted  to  the  Presi- 
dent a  memorial  from  the  French  Union  for  Woman  Suf- 
frage asking  him  in  one  of  his  messages  to  proclaim  the 
principle  of  Woman  Suffrage  to  be  one  of  the  fundamental 
rights  of  the  future. 

The  President  replied  in  the  following  letter: 

I  have  read  your  message  with  the  deepest  interest,  and  I 
welcome  the  opportunity  to  say  that  I  agree,  without  reservation, 
that  the  full  and  sincere  democratic  reconstruction  of  the  world, 
for  which  we  are  striving,  and  which  we  are  determined  to  bring 
about  at  any  cost,  will  not  have  been  completely  or  adequately 
attained  until  women  are  admitted  to  the  Suffrage.  And  that  only 
by  this  action  can  the  nations  of  the  world  realize  for  the  benefit 
of  future  generations  the  full  ideal  force  of  opinion,  or  the  full 
humane  forces  of  action. 


The  services  of  women  during  this  supreme  crisis  bf  the 
world's  history  have  been  of  the  most  signal  usefulness  and  dis- 
tinction. The  war  could  not  have  been  fought  without  them  or 
its  sacrifices  endured.  It  is  high' time  that  some  part  of  our  debt 
of  gratitude  to  them  should  be  acknowledged  and  paid,  and  the 
only  acknowledgment  they  ask  is  their  admission  to  the  Suffrage. 
Can  we  justly  refuse  it? 

As  for  America,  it  is  my  earnest  hope  that  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  will  give  unmistakable  answer  to  this  question  by 
passing  the  Suffrage  Amendment  to  our  Federal  Constitution 
before  the  end  of  this  session. 

Cordially  and  sincerely  yours, 

WooDRow  Wilson. 

Miss  Younger  says: 

The  twenty-seventh  of  June  approached.  Again  we  were  in  the 
marble  room  talking  with  Senators.  Absentees  were  on  trains 
hurrying  to  Washington.  The  antis  were  in  the  reception-room 
knitting  votes  into  their  wool.  The  Capitol  thrilled  with  excite- 
ment. Even  the  Senators  seemed  to  feel  it.  This  time  Suther- 
land would  vote  "  yea,"  and  several  opponents  were  absent.  If 
none  of  them  paired  with  a  Suffrage  Senator  we  could  just 
manage  the  necessary  majority.  And  the  White  House  was 
taking  a  hand.  Senator  James  of  Kentucky,  in  a  Baltimore 
hospital,  had  promised  Mr.  Tumulty  that  he  would  not  pair — that 
is,  that  he  would  not  ask  a  Suffrage  Senator  to  refrain  from 
voting  to  counterbalance  his  own  enforced  absence.  Victory 
seemed  in  our  hands. 

The  day  arrived.  The  galleries  were  filled.  The  Senators 
came  in  all  dressed  up  for  the  occasion — here  a  gay  waistcoat  or 
a  bright  tie,  there  a  flower  in  a  button-hole,  yonder  an  elegant 
frock  coat  over  gray  trousers. 

Senator  Jones  arose  to  take  up  the  Amendment.  At  once  op- 
position developed.  Our  opponents  were  willing  to  have  a  vote, 
provided  all  absentees  could  be  paired.  Now,  if  all  absentees 
were  counted,  we  would  not  have  enough  votes.  Senator  James' 
promise  not  to  vote  had  given  us  our  majority.  But,  stunned, 
we  heard  Senator  Underwood  read  a  telegram  from  Senator 
James  pleading  that  some  Suffragist  pair  with  him.  Senator 
Underwood  said  he  had  just  confirmed  the  telegram.  It  was  not 
until  too  late  that  we  learned  the  truth.  The  telegram  had  been 
sent  six  weeks  earlier  for  another  occasion. 

And  now  Senator  Reed  had  the  floor.     "  Oh,  who  will  pair 


with  OUie  James?"  he  cried.  "That  n-o-oble  Ollie  James! 
You  all  khow  that  great,  fine,  noble  specimen  of  manhood,  Ollie 
James !  A  pair !  A  pair !  "  he  cried  with  tears  in  his  voice  and 
arms  outstretched.    He  went  on  and  on. 

We  leaned  over  the  balcony  and  watched  Senator  Curtis  plead- 
ing with  Borah,  urging  him  to  vote  for  us  and  save  our  Amend- 
ment. We  watched  breathlessly.  We  saw  Borah  listen,  smile, 
and  then,  without  a  word,  rise  and  walk  slowly  out  of  the  room. 
We  flew  down  to  Senator  Curtis. 

"  No,  Borah  won't  do  it.  They  say  King  is  going  to.  Reed 
won't  give  up  the  floor  unless  we  withdraw  or  furnish  a  pair. 
He  and  his  friends  will  hold  the  floor  for  weeks,  if  necessary. 
And  the  military  bill  must  pass  before  July  first.  The  army 
needs  money.  You  can  see  for  yourself  what's  happening.  It's 
a  filibuster." 

Reed  was  still  talking.  They  say  he  knows  about  a  great 
many  subjects,  and  I  think  he  talked  about  all  he  knew  that  day. 
But  nobody  will  ever  know  what  they  were,  for  no  one  listened; 
and  he  never  allowed  the  speech  to  be  printed  in  the  Record. 

Finally  Senator  Jones  arose  and  withdrew  the  motion  to  take 
up  Suffrage.  Senator  Reed,  satisfied,  sat  down.  His  filibuster 
had  succeeded.  He  had  threatened  to  hold  up  the  military  bill  to 
defeat  us,  so  we  had  withdrawn.  The  Senate  took  up  the  mili- 
tary bill,  and  we  went  home. 

"  Suffrage  is  dead  for  this  session,"  said  Senator  McKellar. 
"  The  Senators  don't  like  being  nagged  any  more.  They  are  all 
very  tired  of  it." 

But  the  Woman's  Party  did  not  think  it  was  dead.  They 
worked  at  their  usual  strenuous  pace  all  summer  long.  They 
did  feel,  however,  that  if  the  President  had  exerted  himself, 
he  could  have  obtained  the  two  necessary  votes  for  the 
Amendment  to  pass.  They  were,  moreover,  highly  indignant 
over  the  filibuster  of  a  Democratic  Senator — ^Reed.  Their 
patience  was  beginning  to  wear  thin. 

In  the  meantime,  the  primary  Senatorial  elections  were 
coming  up,  and  the  President  was  taking  an  active  part 
in  them.  He  was  working  against  Senator  Vardaman  of 
Mississippi  and  Senator  Hardwick  of  Georgia,  both  Demo- 
crats of  jcourse  and  Vardaman  a  Suffragist.  In  other  States, 
he  helped  to  elect  anti-Suffragists  in  the  places  of  Suffra- 


gists.  It  is  true  that  the  President  threw  a  sop  to  the  Suf- 
fragists in  that  he  asked  Senator  Shields  of  Tennessee  tp 
come  out  for  Suffrage.     The  Shields  incident  is  interesting. 

Senator  Shields  was  making  it  his  sole  issue  in  the  primary 
campaign  that  he  would  carry  out  all  the  President's  war 
policies.  Opposing  Senator  Shields  was  Governor  Rye,  a 
Democrat  of  course,  and  a  Suffragist. 

Maud  Younger  called  at  the  White  House  on  Secretary 
Tumulty  one  day  to  ask  him  if  the  President  could  not  do 
something  further  for  Suffrage.  Mr.  Tumulty's  answer  was 
to  read  a  letter  from  President  Wilson  to  Senator  Shields, 
asking  him  to  vote  for  the  Suffrage  Amendment.  Maud 
Younger,  with  characteristic  political  astuteness,  saw  at 
once  the  possibilities  in  the  publication  of  that  letter.  She 
asked  Mr.  Tumulty  for  a  copy  and  Mr.  Tumulty,  with  a 
sudden  sense  of  indiscretion,  refused.  However,  Miss 
Younger  went  back  instantly  with  the  story  to  Head- 
quarters, and  presently  Sue  White  and  Lucy  Branham  be- 
came very  busy — oh,  very  busy  indeed — in  the  Tennessee 

On  July  26,  Senator  Shields  notified  the  Suffragists  in 
Tennessee  that  he  would  see  them  at  three  that  afternoon. 
He  told  the  fifty  women  who  gathered  to  meet  him  that 
"  he  would  hold  the  matter  in  consideration."  The  same 
day  a  Columbia  paper  carried  the  story  that  President 
Wilson  had  requested  Senator  Shields  by  letter  to  vote  for 
Suffrage.  This  brought  the  whole  month-old  correspondence 
before  the  public. 

The  letters  ran  as  follows: 

The  White  House,  Washington. 
June  20,  1918. 
My  Dear  Senator: 

I  feel  so  deeply  the  possibilities  latent  in  the  vote  which  is 
presently  to  be  itaken  by  the  Senate  on  the  Suffrage  Amendment 
that  I  am  going  to  take  a  liberty  which  in  ordinary  circumstances 
I  should  not  feel  justified  in  taking,  and  ask  you  very  frankly 
if  it  will  not  be  possible  for  you  to  vote  for  the  Amendment.    I 


feel  that  much  of  the  morale  of  this  country  and  of  the  world 
will  repose  in  our  sincere  adherence  to  democratic  principles, 
will  depend  upon  the  action  which  the  Senate  takes  in  this  now 
critically  important  matter.  If  it  were  merely  a  domestic  ques- 
tion, or  if  the  times  were  normal,  I  would  not  feel  that  I  could 
make  a  direct  request  of  this  sort,  but  the  times  are  so  far  from 
normal,  the  fortunes  of  nations  are  so  linked  together,  the  re- 
actions upon  the  thought  of  the  world  are  so  sharp  and  involve 
such  momentous  issues  that  I  know  that  you  will  indulge  my 
unusual  course  of  action  and  permit  me  to  beg  very  earnestly 
that  you  will  lend  your  aid  in  clearing  away  the  difficulties  which 
will  undoubtedly  beset  us  if  the  Amendment  is  not  adopted. 
With  much  respect. 

Sincerely  yours, 

WooDROw  Wilson. 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

June  25,  1918. 
Mv  DEAR  Mr.  President  : 

Your  valued  letter  concerning  the  joint  resolution  proposing 
an  Amendment  on  the  Federal  Constitution  favoring  Equal  Suf- 
frage, now  pending  in  the  United  States  Senate,  has  challenged 
my  most  thoughtful  consideration,  as  do  all  your  views  upon 
public  matters.  The  resolution  involves  fundamental  questions 
affecting  the  sovereignty  and  powers  of  the  Federal  and  State 
governments,  most  important  and  vital  to  the  people  of  the  State 
which  I  have  the  honor  in  part  to  represent  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  and  those  of  States  with  which  they  are  closely  allied 
in  all  social,  economical,  and  governmental  interests,  upon  which 
I  have  most  profound  convictions,  unfavorable  to  it,  known,  and 
I  believe  approved,  by  the  great  majority  of  the  people  of  Ten- 
nessee— arrived  at  after  full  consideration  of  conditions  existing 
when  I  voted  against  a  similar  one  some  years  ago  and  those 
now  confronting  our  country.  The  reasons  for  my  ■  conclusions 
are  those  controlling  the  majority  of  my  colleagues  from  the 
Southern  States,  well  known  to  you  and  which  would  not  be 
interesting  to  here  re-state. 

If  I  could  bring  myself  to  believe  that  the  adoption  of  the 
Resolution  would  contribute  to  the  successful  prosecution  of  the 
war  we  are  waging  with  Germany,  I  would  unhesitatingly  vote 
for  it,  because  my  whole  heart  and  soul  is  involved  in  bringing  it 
to  a  victorious  issue  and  I  am  willing  to  sacrifice  everything  save 
the  honor  and  freedom  of  our  country  in  aiding  you  to  accom- 
plish that  end.     But  I  have  been  unable  to  do  so.     We  cannot 


reasonably  expect  the  proposed  Amendment  to  be  ratified  within 
less  than  two  years  and  the  discussion  of  it  would,  unques- 
tionably, divert  the  minds  and  energies  of  the  people  from  the 
one  great  absorbing  subject  before  us — the  winning  of  the  war — 
by  involviiig  those  of  many  States  in  a  most  bitter  controversy 
contrary  to  our  earnest  desire  fo^  that  unity  of  thought  and 
action  of  the  American  people  now  so  imperatively  required. 

These  are  my  sincere  convictions,  but,  out  of  my  very  high 
respect  for  your  views,  I  will  continue  to  give  your  suggestion 
my  most  thoughtful  and  earnest  consideration. 

With  the  highest  respect,  I  am. 

Sincerely  yours, 

John  K.  Shields. 

Washington,  D.  C. 
June  26,  1918. 
Thank  you  very  sincerely  for  your  frank  letter  of  yesterday 
about  the  Suffrage  Amendment.  I  realize  the  weight  of  argu- 
ment that  has  controlled  your  attitude  in  the  matter,  and  I 
would  not  have  written  as  I  did  if  I  had  not  thought  that  the 
passage  of  the  Amendment  at  this  time  was  an  essential  psy- 
chological element  in  the  conduct  of  the  war  for  democracy.  I 
am  led  by  a  single  sentence  in  your  letter,  therefore,  to  write  to 
say  that  I  do  earnestly  believe  that  our  acting  upon  this  Amend- 
ment will  have  an  important  and  immediate  influence  upon  the 
whole  atmosphere  and  morale  of  the  nations  engaged  in  the 
war,  and  every  day  I  am  coming  to  see  how  supremely  important 
that  side  of  the  whole  thing  is.  We  can  win  if  we  have  the  will 
to  win. 

Cordially  and  sincerely  yours, 

WooDROw  Wilson. 

Many  believe  that  had  President  Wilson — in  regard  to 
Suffrage — gone  over  Shields'  head  to  his  constituents  as — 
in  regard  to  other  war  policies — ^he  had  gone  over  the  heads 
of  Vardaman  and  Hardwick  to  their  constituents,  Senator 
Shields  would  have  declared  in  favor  of  Suffrage. 

On  August  2,  a  letter  written  by  the  President  to  Senator 
Baird  of  New  Jersey  was  made  public : 

The  President  writes: 

The  whole  subject  of  Woman  Suffrage  has  been  very  much  in 
my  mind  of  late  and  has  come  to  seem  to  be  a  part  of  the  interna- 


tional  situation^  as  well  as  of  capital  importance  to  the  United 
States.  I  believe  our  present  position  as  champions  of  democ- 
racy throughout  the  world  would  be  greatly  strengthened  if  the 
Senate  would  follow  the  example  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives in  passing  the  pending  Amendment.  I,  therefore,  take  the 
liberty  of  writing  to  call  the  matter  to  your  serious  attention  in 
this  light  and  to  express  the  hope  that  you  will  deem  it  wise  to 
throw  your  influence  on  the  side  of  this  great  and  now  critical 

(Signed)  Woodrow  Wilson. 

In  spite  of  these  letters,  which  of  course  were  mere  re- 
quests, Alice  Paul  well  knew,  as  did  the  Senators  themselves, 
that  President  Wilson  was  doing  a  little  for  Suffrage,  but 
not  all  he  could.  He  was  not  of  course  doing  for  the  Suf- 
frage Amendment  a  tithe  of  what  he  did  for  other  measures 
in  whose  success  he  was  interested.  Nothing  continued  to 
happen  with  monotonous,  unfailing  regularity. 

The  Woman's  Party  could  wait  no  longer. 



At  half-past  four  on  Tuesday  afternoon,  August  6,  a  line 
of  nearly  one  hundred  women  emerged  from  Headiiiuarters, 
crossed  the  other  side  of  the  street  to  the  Park ;  turned  into 
Pennsylvania  Avenue.  At  the  head  of  the  long  line  floated 
the  red,  white,  and  blue  of  the  American  flag  carried  by 
Hazel  Hunkins.  Behind  it  came,  banner  after  banner  and 
banner  after  banner,  the  purple,  white,  and  gold  of  the 
National  Woman's  Party  tri-color.  The  line  proceeded 
along  Pennsylvania  Avenue  until  it  came  to  the  statue  of 
Lafayette  just  opposite  the  east  gate  of  the  White  House. 
All  along  the  way,  the  crowds  cheered  and  applauded  the 
women ;  soldiers  and  sailors  saluted  the  red,  white,  and  blue 
as  it  passed. 

At  the  Lafayette  monument,  two  banner  bearers  emerged 
from  the  group;  and  stationed  themselves  on  the  platform 
at  the  base  of  the  statue. 

One  of  them,  Mary  Gertrude  Fendall,  bore  Inez  Milhol- 
land's  banner,  inscribed  with  her  memorable  last  words: 


The  other,  borne  by  Clara  Wold  and  Blanche  McPherson, 
carried  what  was  really  the  message  of  the  meeting: 










The  other  banner  bearers  marched  to  both  sides  of  the 
statue  where  they  made  solid  banks  of  vivid  color.  Mrs. 
Lawrence  Lewis  stepped  forward.  "  We  are  here,"  she  said, 
"  because  when  our  country  is  at  war  for  liberty  and  democ- 
racy.  ..." 

At  the  word  "  democracy,"  the  police,  who  had  been  draw- 
ing nearer  and  nearer,  placed  her  under  arrest.  Other 
women  standing  about  her  were  arrested,  although  they  had 
not  even  spoken. 

For  a  moment  there  was  a  complete  silence. 

Then  Hazel  Hunkins,  who  had  led  the  line  carrying  the 
American  flag,  leaped  upon  the  base  of  the  statue  and  said: 

Here,  at  the  statue  of  Lafayette,  who  fought  for  the  liberty  of 
this  country,  and  under  the  American  flag,  I  am  asking  for  the 
enfranchisement  of  American  women. 

She  was  immediately  arrested.  Another  woman  took  her 
place,  and  she  was  arrested;  another;  and  another;  and  on 
and  on,  until  forty-seven  women  had  been  taken  into  custody. 

Alice  Paul,  who  had  not  participated  in  the  parade,  was 
standing  in  the  middle  of  the  street,  watching  and  listening. 
She  had  no  banner.  She  had  not  spoken.  She  had  not 
moved.  But  a  policeman,  pointing  at  her,  said :  "  That  is 
the  leader ;  get  her !  "    And  she  was  arrested. 

Many  women  asked  on  what  charge  they  were  arrested. 
"Do  not  answer  them!  Do  not  tell  them  anything!"  said 
a  policeman.  Others  answered  with  very  labored  charges, 
which  were  not  substantiated  later  by  Police  Headquarters. 
Patrol  wagon  after  patrol  wagon  appeared,  was  filled  with 

Burning  the  Peesident's  Words  at  the  Lafayette 
Monument,  Washington. 

A  Summer  Picket  Line. 


women,  and  dashed  off,  followed  by  the  purple,  white,  and 
gold  flutter  of  the  banners. 

When  Hazel  Hynkins  was  arrested,  she  forbade  the  policp- 
men  to  take  the  American  flag  which  she  carried  from  her. 
At  the  Municipal  Building,  she  refused  to  relinquish  it. 
After  the  preliminaries  of  their  arrest  were  over  and  the 
women  released  on  bail,  they  marched  back  in  an  unbroken 
line  behind  Hazel's  flag. 

The  arrested  women  were  the  following: 

Hazel  Adams,  Eva  E.  Sturtevant,  Pauline  Clarke,  Blanche  A. 
McPherson,  Katherine  R.  Fisher,  Rose  Lieberson,  Alice  Kimball, 
Matilda  Terrace,  Lucy  Burns,  Edith  Ainge,  May  Sullivan,  Mary 
Gertrude  Fendall,  Julia  Emory,  Anna  Kuhn,  Gladys  Greiner, 
,  Martha  W.  Moore,  Cora  Crawford,  Dr.  Sarah  Hunt  Lockrey, 
Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis,  Ellen  Winsor,  Mary  Winsor,  Mrs.  Ed- 
mund C.  Evans,  Christine  M.  Doyle,  Kate  Cleaver  Heffelfinger, 
Lavinia  Dock,  Harriet  Keehn,  Alice  Paul,  Mary  E.  Dubrow, 
Lillian  M.  Ascough,  Edna  M.  Purtelle,  Ruby  E.  Koeing,  Elsie 
Hill,  Helena  Hill  Weed,  Eleanor  Hill  Weed,  Mrs.  Gilson 
Gardner,  Sophie  G.  Meredith,  Louise  M.  Black,  Agnes  Chase, 
Kate  J.  Boeckh,  Hazel  Hunkins,  Cora  Wold,  Clara  P.  Wold, 
Margaret  Oakes,  Mollie  Marie  Green,  Gertrude  Lynde  Crocker, 
Eifie  Boutwell  Main,  Annie  Arniel,  Emily  Burke  Main. 

The  forty-seven  were  ordered  to  appear  in  court  the  next 
morning  at  half-past  nin*.  The  United  States  attorney  told 
them,  when  he  arrived  at  10 :  30,  that  the  case  was  postponed 
for  a  week.  The  police  clerk  told  Clara  Wold  that  she  was 
arrested  "  for  climbing  the  statue." 

Clara  Wold  describes  her  subsequent  experiences  when, 
dismissed  by  the  court,  she  walked  to  Headquarters  past  the 
Lafayette  monument,  "  there  sat  a  colored  man  on  the  very 
same  ledge — ^basket,  bundles,  and  papers  strewn  about  him 
as  he  comfortably  devoured  a  sandwich." 

Lafayette  Park  was  not  under  the  District  of  Columbia, 
but  directly  under  the  President's  military  aide — Colonel 
Ridley,  who  was  also  Superintendent  of  Public  Bi;iildings  and 
grounds  in  Washington. 


On  August  13,  the  women  appeared  in  the  Federal  Police 
Court,  as  ordered,  for  trial.  The  charge  had  been  decided 
on ;  "  For  holding  a  meeting  in  public  gounds."  But  again 
the  Court  announced  postponement  until  August  15. 

After  vigorous  protests  by  the  Suffragists  against  further 
delay,  the  cases  of  the  eighteen,  who  were  charged  in  addition 
with  "  climbing  a  statue,"  were  tried  separately. 

The  women  had  no  lawyers.  Each  spoke  on  her  own 
behalf.  They  defended  themselves  on  the  ground  of  the  con- 
stitutional right  of  free  assemblage  and  appeal  to  the  Gov- 
ernment for  the  redress  of  grievances.  They  all  pleaded. 
Not  Guilty.  Many  of  them  added  that  they  did  not  recog- 
nize the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court.  Hazel  Hunkins  explained: 
"  Women  cannot  be  law-breakers  until  they  are  law-makers." 

One  of  the  witnesses  was  the  Chief  Clerk  of  Public 
Grounds,  an  elderly  man.  Elsie  Hill  suddenly  asked  him 
when  he  had  taken  office.  He  replied,  "In  1878."  "Do 
you  realize,"  Miss  Hill  said,  "  that  in  that  year  a  Federal 
Suffrage  Amendment  was  introduced,  and  that  since  then 
women  have  been  helping  to  pay  your  salary  and  that  of 
other  government  officials  under  protest.?  "  The  Chief  Clerk 
was  so  astounded  that  he  merely  shook  his  head. 

The  trial  of  the  remainder  of  the  women  on  the  charge 
of  "  holding  a  meeting  on  public  grounds  "  took  place  on 
August  15. 

At  the  very  beginning  of  proceedings  Alice  Paul  said: 

As  a  disfranchised  class  we  feel  that  we  are  not  subject  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  this  court  and  therefore  refuse  to  take  any  part 
in  its  proceedings.  We  also  feel  that  we  have  done  nothing  to 
justify  our  being  brought  before  it. 

They  then  sat  down  and  refused  to  answer  any  question 
put  to  them. 

The  judge  was  utterly  nonplussed  by  this  situation.  He 
said  that  he  would  call  a  recess  of  fifteen  minutes  to  consider 
the  question  of  contempt.  Among  the  spectators  who  packed 
the  room  was  a  lawyer — a  visitor  in  Washington.    He  ex-  > 


tracted  a  great  deal  of  enjoyment  out  of  this  occasion,  be- 
cause, he  said,  "  if  the  women  are  not  afraid  of  jail,  there 
is  nothing  the  judge  can  do."  He  awaited  the  judge's  deci- 
sion with  an  entertained  anticipation.  Apparently  the  judge 
came  to  tjie  same  decision,  for  at  the  end  of  fifteen  minutes, 
the  Court  reconvened  and  the  trial  went  on  as  though  noth- 
ing had  happened. 

The  women  refused  to  rise  when  charged.  They  refused 
to  plead  Guilty  or  Not  Guilty.  They  sat  and  read,  or 
knitted,  or,  as  the  proceedings  bored  them,  fell  asleep.  The 
Park  Police  were,  of  course,  the  only  witnesses.  At  last  all 
the  women  whom  they  could  identify  were  found  Guilty. 
They  were  sentenced  to  pay  fines  of  five  or  ten  dollars  or  to 
serve  in  prison  ten  or  fifteen  days.  They  all  refused  to  pay 
the  fine.  Mary  Winsor  said :  "  It  is  quite  enough  to  pay 
taxes  when  you  are  not  represented,  let  alone  pay  a  fine  if 
you  object  to  this  arrangement."  The  prisoners  were  then 
bundled  in  the  Black  Maria  and  taken  off  to  prison. 

Before  the  pickets  were  released  from  prison  at  the  end 
of  the  previous  year.  Superintendent  Zinkham  said  to  them : 

Now  don't  come  back^  for,  if  you  do,  I  will  have  a  far  worse 
place  than  the  jail  fixed  tip  for  you.  I  will  have  the  old  work- 
house fixed  up  for  you,  and  you  will  have  cells  without  sunlight, 
with  windows  high  up  from  the  ground.  You  won't  be  as  com- 
fortable as  you  are  here. 

Everything  happened  as  Superintendent  Zinkham  proph- 
esied, and  a  great  deal  more  that  was  worse.  The  old 
Workhouse  which  he  had  promised  them  had  been  condemned 
in  Roosevelt's  Administration,  and  had  not  been  used  for 
years.  The  lower  tier  of  cells  was  below  the  level  of  the 
ground.  The  doors  of  the  cells  were  partly  of  solid  steel 
and  only  partly  of  grating,  so  that  little  light  penetrated. 
The  wash  basin  was  small  and  inadequate.  The  toilet  was 
open,  the  cots  were  of  iron  and  without  springs,  and  with 
a  thin  straw  mattress  on  them.  Outside,  they  left  behind  a 
day  so  hot  as  to  be  almost  insupportable,  but  in  the  Work- 


house,  it  was  so  cold  that  their  teeth  chattered.  It  was 
damp  all  the  time.  When  the  present  writer  visited  this  old 
Workhouse  in  October,  1919,  beads  of  water  hung  on  every- 
thing. The  walls  were  like  the  outside  of  an  ice  water  pitcher 
in  summer.  Several  of  the  pickets  developed  rheumatism. 
But  the  unendurable  thing  about  it  was  the  stench  which 
came  in  great  gusts ;  component  of  all  that  its  past  history 
had  left  behind  and  of  the  closeness  of  the  unaired  atmos- 
phere. Apparently  something  was  wrong  with  the  water, 
or  perhaps  it  was  that  the  pipes  had  not  been  used  for  years. 
Most  of  the  women  believe  they  suffered  with  lead  poisoning. 
They  ached  all  over;  endured  a  violent  nausea;  chills. 

However,  all  the  twenty-six,  with  the  exception  of  two 
elderly  women,  went  on  hunger-strikes.  Lucy  Bums  pre- 
sented a  demand  on  behalf  of  the  entire  company  to  Super- 
intendent Zinkham.  She  said :  "  We  must  have  twenty-three 
more  blankets  and  twenty-three  hot-water  bottles.  This 
place  is  cold  and  unfit  for  human  habitation." 

"  I  know  it  is  cold  and  damp,"  he  replied,  "  but  you  can 
all  get  out  of  here  by  paying  your  fines." 

The  Woman's  Party  showed  their  usual  ingenuity  in 
bringing  these  conditions  before  the  public.  As  fast  as 
women  were  arrested,  their  State  Senators  and  Representa- 
tives were  besieged  by  letters  and  telegrams  from  home  urg- 
ing them  to  go  to  see  these  imprisoned  constituents.  The 
Press  of  their  district  made  editorial  question  or  comment. 
As  long  as  this  imprisoning  of  the  pickets 'Continued,  there 
was  a  file  of  Representatives  and  Senators  visiting  the  vic- 
tims. Senator  Jones  of  Washington  was  the  first  outside 
visitor  to  see  them. 

In  the  meantime,  another  meeting  of  protest,  held  at  the 
Lafayette  Monument  on  August  12,  with  the  same  speakers 
and  many  of  the  same  banner  bearers,  was  broken  up  by 
the  police. 

A  curious  feature  of  this  case  was  that  at  Police  Head- 


quarters  the  police  decided  to  confiscate,  along  with  the 
banners,  the  Suffragist  regalia — a  sash  of  purple,  white,  and 
gold  without  any  lettering  whatever.  The  women  refused 
to  relinquish  these  sashes,  and  there  was  in  every  case  a 
struggle,  in  which  wrists  were  twisted,  fingers  sprained; 
bruises  and  cuts  of  all  kinds  administered.  All  the  thirty- 
eight  women  were,  however,  released  unconditionally. 

On  August  14,  the  women  held  two  meetings  of  protest 
at  the  Lafayette  Monument — one  at  half-past  four  in  the 
afternoon,  and  one  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening. 

This  double  protest  came  about  in  this  way. 

At  the  afternoon  demonstration,  the  women  were  immedi- 
ately arrested.  They  were  held  at  Police  Headquarters  for 
two  hours.  The  authorities  feeling  then  that  the  hour  was 
too  late  for  further  demonstrations,  released  them.  They 
did  not  require  bail,  or  a  promise  to  appear  in  Court. 

The  women  went  at  once  to  Headquarters,  snatched  a 
hasty  dinner ;  slipped  quietly  out  of  the  building,  and  marched 
to  the  Lafayette  Monument.  Everybody  agrees  that  this 
evening  demonstration  was  very  beautiful.  It  was  held 
in  the  soft  dusk  of  the  Washington  August.  The  crescent 
moon,  which  seemed  tangled  in  the  trees  of  the  park,  gave 
enough  light  to  bring  out  the  Suffrage  tri-color  and  the 
Stars  and  Stripes.  As  the  women  gathered  closer  and 
closer  around  the  statue,  the  effect  was  of  color,  smudged 
with  shadow;  of  shadow  illuminate  with  color. 

Elsie  Hill,  carrying  the  American  flag  in  one  hand,  and 
the  purple,  white,  and  gold  banner  in  the  other  spoke  first ; 
spoke  wonderfully — as  Elsie  HiU  always  spoke.  She  said 
in  part: 

We  know  that  our  protest  is  in  harmony  with  the  belief  of 
President  Wilson,  for  he  has  stood  before  the  world  for  the  right 
of  the  governed  to  a  voice  in  their  own  government.  We  resent 
the  fact  that  the  soldiers  of  our  country,  the  men  drafted  to 
fight  Prussia  abroad,  are  used  instead  to  help  still  the  demand  of 
American  women  for  political  freedom.  We  resent  the  suppres- 
sion of  our  demands  but  our  voices  will  carry  across  the  country 


and  down  through  time.  The  world  will  know  that  the  women 
of  America  demand  the  passage  of  the  Federal  Suffrage  Amend- 
ment and  that  the  President  insists  that  the  Senate  act. 

There  were  only  two  policemen  on  duty.  For  two  police- 
men to  try  to  arrest  nine  lively  and  athletic  pickets  was  a 
little  like  a  scene  in  Alice  m  Wonderland.  They  would  pull 
one  woman  down  from  the  statue,  start  to  get  another, 
whereupon  the  first  would  be  back  again  with  her  flying 

Finally,  the  police  reserves  arrived,  but  every  woman  had 
managed  to  make  a  speech. 

While  the  Suffragists  were  still  in  the  old  Workhouse, 
Alice  Paul,  following  her  usual  system  of  complete  publicity, 
had  announced  another  protest  meeting  at  the  Lafayette 

Later  Alice  Paul  received  a  letter  from  Colonel  Ridley : 

I  have  been  advised  that  you  desire  to  hold  a  demonstration 
in  Lafayette  Square  on  Thursday,  August  22.  By  direction 'of  the 
Chief  of  Engineers,  U.  S.  Army,  you  are  hereby  granted  per- 
mission to  hold  this  demonstration.  You  are  advised  good  order 
must  prevail. 

Miss  Paul  replied: 

We  received  yesterday  your  permit  for  a  Suffrage  demonstra- 
tion in  Lafayette  Park  this  afternoon,  and  are  very  glad  that 
our  meetings  are  no  longer  to  be  interfered  with.  Because  of 
the  illness  of  so  many  of  our  members,  due  to  their  treatment  in 
prison  this  last  week,  and  with  the  necessity  of  caring  for  them 
at  Headquarters,  we  are  planning  to  hold  our  next  meeting  a 
little  later.  We  have  not  determined  on  the  exact  date  but  w^ 
will  inform  you  of  the  time  as  soon  as  it  is  decided  upon. 

As  a  result  of  the  first  series  of  protest  meetings,  the  Ad- 
ministration had  yielded  to  the  point  of  no  longer  interfering 
with  the  meetings  at  the  Lafayette  Monument.  But  as  time 
went  by  and  neither  the  Senate  nor  the  President  did  any- 
thing about  Suffrage,  the  National  Woman's  Party  an- 
nounced that  a  protest  meeting  would  be  held  at  the  La- 


fayette  Monument  on  September  16  at  four  o'clock.  Imme- 
diately the  President  announced  that  he  would  receive  a 
delegation  of  Southern  and  Western  Democratic  women  that 
day  at  two. 

The  same  day,  September  16,  as  Maud  Younger  was  com- 
ing back  from  the  Capitol  to  Headquarters,  Senator  Over- 
man of  the  Rules  Committee  came  and  sat  by  her  in  the  car. 
In  the  course  of  his  conversation,  he  remarked  casually: 
"  I  don't  think  your  bill  is  coming  up  this  session." 

That  afternoon,  Abby  Scott  Baker  went  to  see  Senator 
Jones  of  New  Mexico,  Chairman  of  the  Suffrage  Committee, 
to  ask  him  to  call  a  meeting  of  the  Committee  to  bring  Suf- 
frage to  the  vote.  Senator  Jones  refused.  He  said  he  would 
not  bring  up  the  Suffrage  Amendment  at  this  session  in 

When — still  later — that  delegation  of  Southern  and  West- 
em  Democratic  women  called  on  the  President,  he  said  to 

I  am,  as  I  think  you  know,  heartily  in  sympathy  with  you. 
I  have  endeavored  to  assist  you  in  every  way  in  my  power,  and  I 
shall  continue  to  do  so.  I  shall  do  all  that  I  can  to  assist  the 
passage  of  the  Amendment  by  an  early  vote. 

This  was  the  final  touch. 

The  National  Woman's  Party  hastily  changed  the  type 
of  its  demonstration.  Instead  of  holding  a  mere  meeting  of 
protest,  they  decided  to  burn  the  words  which  the  President 
had  said  that  very  afternoon  to  the  Southern  and  Western 
Democratic  women.  At  four  o'clock  instead  of  two,  forty 
women  marched  from  Headquarters  to  the  Lafayette  Monu- 
ment.    They  carried  the  famous  banners: 


At  the  Lafayette  statue.  Bertha  Arnold  delivered  an  ap- 
peal to  Lafayette,  written  by  Mrs.  Richard  Wainwright 
and  beginning  with  the  famous  words  of  Pershing  in  France: 


Lafayette,  we  are  here! 

We,  the  women  of  the  United  States,  denied  the  liberty  which 
you  helped  to  gain,  and  for  which  we  have  asked  in  vain  for 
sixty  years,  turn  to  you  to  plead  for  us. 

Speak,  Lafayette!  Dead  these  hundred  years  but  still  living 
in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people.  Speak  again  to  plead  for 
us,  condemned  like  the  bronze  woman  at  your  feet,  to  a  silent 
appeal.  She  offers  you  a  sword.  Will  you  not  use  the  sword  of 
the  spirit,  mightier  far  than  the  sword  she  holds  out  to  you? 

Will  you  not  ask  the  great  leader  of  our  democracy  to  look 
upon  the  failure  of  our  beloved  country  to  be  in  truth  the  place 
where  every  one  is  free  and  equal  and  entitled  to  a  share  in  the 
government?  Let  that  outstretched  hand  of  yours  pointing  to 
the  White  House  recall  to  him  his  words  and  promises,  his 
trumpet  call  for  all  of  us  to  see  that  the  world  is  made  safe  for 

As  our  army  now  in  France  spoke  to  you  there,  saying,  "  Here 
we  are  to  help  your  country  fight  for  liberty,"  will  you  not  speak 
here  and  now  for  us,  a  little  band  with  no  army,  no  power  but 
justice  and  right,  no  strength  but  in  our  Constitution  and  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  win  a  great  victory  again  in 
this  country  by  giving  us  the  opportunity  We  ask  to  be  heard 
through  the  Susan  B.  Anthony  Amendment? 

Lafayette,  we  are  here ! 

The  police,  having  no  orders  to  arrest  the  women,  smiled 
and  nodded.  And  while  the  crowd  that  had  very  quickly 
gathered  applatided,  Lucy  Branham  stepped  forward.  Be- 
side her  was  Julia  Emory,  holding  a  flaming  torch. 

"  We  want  action,"  Miss  Branham  stated  simply,  "  not 
words."  She  took  the  torch  from  Julia  Emory,  held  the 
words  of  the  President's  message  of  that  afternoon  in  the 
flames.     As  it  burned,  she  said: 

The  torch  which  I  hold  symbolizes  the  burning  indignation  of 
women  who  for  a  hundred  years  have  been  given  words  without 
action.  In  the  spring  our  hopes  were  raised  by  words  much  like 
these  from  President  Wilson,  yet  they  were  permitted  to  be  fol- 
lowed by  a  filibuster  against  our  Amendment  on  the  part  of  the 
Democratic  Senate  leaders. 

President  Wilson  still  refuses  any  real  support  to  the  move- 
ment for  the  political  freedom  of  women.   .    .    . 

We,  therefore,  take  these  empty  words,  spoken  by  President 
Wilson  this  afternoon,  and  consign  them  to  the  flames. 

Photo  Copr.  Harris  and  Ewing,  Washington,  D.  C. 

LrcY  Bkanham  Burning  the  Pebshjent's  Words  at  the 
Lafayette  Monument. 

Photo  Copr.  Harris  and  Ewing,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  Russian  Envoy  Banner,  August,  1917. 


This  is  a  symbol  of  the  indignation  of  American  women  at 
the  treatment  given  by  the  President  to  their  plea  for  democracy. 

We  have  protested  to  this  Administration  by  banners;  we 
have  protested  by  speeches ;  we  now  protest  by  this  symbolic  act. 

As  in  the  ancient  fights  for  liberty  the  crusaders  for  freedom 
symbolized  their  protest  against  those  responsible  for  injustice 
by  consigning  their  hollow  phrases  to  the  flames^  so  we,  on 
behalf  of  thousands  of  Suffragists,  in  this  same  way  today,  pro- 
test against  the  action  of  the  President  and  his  Party  in  delaying 
the  liberation  of  American  women. 

For  five  years,  women 'have  appealed  to  this  President  and 
his  Party  for  political  freedom.  The  President  has  given  words, 
and  Words,  and  words.  Today,  women  receive  more  words.  We 
announce  to  the  President  and  the  whole  world  today,  by  this 
act  of  ours,  our  determination  that  words  shall  no  longer  be  the 
only  reply  given  to  American  women — our  determination  that 
this  same  democracy,  for  whose  establishment  abroad  we  are 
making  the  utmost  sacrifice,  shall  also  prevail  at  home. 

Applause  greeted  these  spirited  words.  As  Jessie  Hardy 
Mackaye  started  to  speak,  a  man  in  the  crowd  handed  her 
a  twenty-dollar  bill  for  the  Woman's  Party.  Others  began 
passing  money  to  her.  The  Suffragists  were  busy  running 
through  the  crowd  collecting  it.  The  crowd  continued  to 
applaud  and  cheer. 

Mrs.  Mackaye  said: 

Against  the  two-fold  attitude  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  toward 
democracy,  I  protest  with  all  the  power  of  my  being.  The  same 
Congress  and  the  same  Administration  that  are  appropriating 
billions  of  dollars  and  enlisting  the  services  of  millions  of  men 
to  establish  democracy  in  Europe,  is  at  the  same  time  refusing 
to  do  so  common  a  piece  of  justice  as  to  vote  to  submit  the 
Woman  Suffrage  Amendment  to  the  States. 

This  was  the  first  time  the  President's  words  were  burned. 

The  President's  car  drove  up  to  the  door  during  the  prog- 
ress of  this  demonstration,  and  President  Wilson  stepped  in. 
But  instead  of  going  out  at  the  usual  gate,  the  driver  turned 
the  car  abou^,  so  that  he  could  make  his  exit  elsewhere. 



The  very  next  day  occurred  a  remarkable  example  of  direct 
action :  that  direct  action  coming  within  twenty-four  hours. 
Senator  Jones,  who  the  day  before  had  refused  to  bring  up 
Suffrage  in  this  session,  arose  in  the  Senate  and  announced 
that  on  September  26,  he  would  move  to  take  up  the  Suf- 
frage Amendment,  and  keep  it  before  the  Senate  until  a  vote 
was  reached. 

'  With  this  promise  of  definite  action,  the  Woman's  Party 
immediately  ceased  their  demonstrations. 

On  September  26,  Senator  Jones  brought  the  Amendment 
up.  Maud  Younger  says,  in  her  Revelations  of  a  Woman 

Discussion  began.  Discussion  went  on.  For  five  whole  days 
it  lasted,  with  waves  of  hope  and  waves  of  dismay,  and  always 
an  undercurrent  of  uncertainty.  Thursday,  Friday,  Saturday, 
the  speeches  went  on.  On  Monday  word  went  forth  that  the 
President  would  address  the  Senate  on  behalf  of  our  Amend- 

I  hurried  to  Senator  Curtis,  who  was  in  his  office  signing 
letters.  He  said :  "  The  other  side  claim  that  they  have  their 
men  pledged:  that  the  President  comes  too  late.  What  do  you 
expect?  " 

"  I  don't  know  what  I  should  expect.    I  hope." 

I  went  over  to  the  Senate.  There  was  very  great  excitement; 
a  sense  of  something  wonderful  impending.  On  the  floor  there 
was  the  ceremonious  atmosphere  that  attends  the  President's 

"  Look,"  said  a  newspaper  man  in  the  gallery  beside  me,  "  he's 
brought  all  his  heavy  artillery  with  him."  There  on  the  floor  of 
the  Senate  were  the  members  of  the  Cabinet.  Lesser  dignitaries 
were  scattered  about  the  room.     Congressmen  stood,  two-deep, 



lining  the  walls.  The  Sergeant-at-Arms  announced  in  clear  tones : 
"  The  President  of  the  United  States." 

The  President  came  in^  shook  hands  with  the  presiding  officer, 
turned  and  read  his  speech.  There  is  always  an  evenness  about 
his  public  utterances,  in  manner,  in  voice,  in  reading;  yet  I 
thought  he  read  this  message  with  more  feeling  than  his  War 
message,  or  his  Fourteen  Points. 

The  President  said: 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate:  The  unusual  circumstances  of  a 
world  war  in  which  we  stand  and  are  judged  in  the  view  not 
only  of  our  own  people  and  our  own  consciences  but  also  in 
the  view  of  all  nations  and  peoples  will,  I  hope,  justify  in, your 
thought,  as  it  does  in  mine,  the  message  I  have  come  to  bring  you. 

I  regard  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate  in  the  constitutional 
Amendment  proposing  the  extension  of  the  Suffrage  to  women 
as  vitally  essential  to  the  successful  prosecution  of  the  great  war 
of  humanity  in  which  we  are  engaged.  I  have  come  to  urge  upon 
you  the  considerations  which  have  led  me  to  that  conclusion.  It 
is  not  only  my  privilege,  it  is  also  my  duty  to  apprise  you  of 
every  circumstance  and  element  involved  in  this  momentous 
struggle  which  seems  to  me  to  affect  its  very  processes  and  its 
outcome.  It  is  my  duty  to  win  the  war  and  to  ask  you  to 
remove  every  obstacle  that  stands  in  the  way  of  winning  it. 

I  had  assumed  that  the  Senate  would  concur  in  the  Amend- 
ment because  no  disputable  principle  is  involved  but  only  a 
question  of  the  method  by  which  the  Suffrage  is  to  be  extended 
to  women.  There  is  and  can  be  no  Party  issue  involved  in  it. 
Both  of  our  great  national  Parties  are  pledged,  explicitly  pledged, 
to  equality  of  Suffrage  for  the  women  of  the  country. 

Neither  Party,  therefore,  it  seems  to  me,  can  justify  hesita- 
tion as  to  the  method  of  obtaining  it,  can  rightfully  hesitate  to 
substitute  Federal  initiative  for  State  initiative,  if  the  early 
adoption  of  this  measure  is  necessary  to  the  successful  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war  and  if  the  method  of  State  action  proposed  in 
Party  platforms  of  1916  is  impracticable  within  any  reasonable 
length  of  time,  if  practicable  at  all. 

And  its  adoption  is,  in  my  judgment,  clearly  necessary  to  the 
successful  prosecution  of  the  war  and  the  successful  realization 
of  the  object  for  which  the  war  is  being  fought. 

That  judgment  I  take  the  liberty  of  urging  upon  you  with 
solemn  earnestness  for  reasons  which  I  shall  state  very  frankly 
and  which  I  shall  hope  will  seem  as  conclusive  to  you  as  they 
seem  to  me. 

This  is  a  peoples'  war  and  the  peoples'  thinking  constitutes 


its  atmc^sphere  and  morale,  not  the  predilections  of  the  drawing- 
room  or  the  political  considerations  of  the  caucus. 

If  we  be  indeed  Democrats  and  wish  to  lead  the  world  to 
democracy,  we  can  ask  other  peoples  to  accept  in  proof  of  our 
sincerity  and  our  ability  to  lead  them  whither  they  wish  to  be  led 
nothing  less  persuasive  and  convincing  than  our  actions.  Our 
professions  will  not  suffice.  Verification  must  be  forthcoming 
when  verification  is  asked  for.  And  in  this  case  verification  is 
asked  for — asked  for  in  this  particular  matter.  You  ask  by 

Not  through  diplomatic  channels;  not  by  foreign  ministers. 
Not  by  the  intimations  of  parliaments.  It  is  asked  for  by  the 
anxious,  expectant,  suffering  peoples  with  whom  we  are  dealing 
and  who  are  willing  to  put  their  destinies  in  some  measure  in 
our  hands,  if  they  are  sure  that  we  wish  the  same  things  they  do. 

I  do  not  speak  by  conjecture.  It  is  not  alone  the  voices  of 
statesmen  and  of  newspapers  that  reach  me,  and  the  voices  of 
foolish  and  intemperate  agitators  do  not  reach  me  at  all. 
Through  many,  many  channels  I  have  been  made  aware  what 
the  plain,  struggling,  workaday  folk  are  thinking  upon  whom 
the  chief  terror  and  suffering  of  this  tragic  war  falls. 

They  are  looking  to  the  great,  powerful,  famous  Democracy 
of  the  West  to  lead  them  to  the  new  day  for  which  they  have 
so  long  waited;  and  they  think  in  their  logical  simplicity,  that 
democracy  means  that  women  shall  play  their  part  in  affairs 
alongside  men  and  upon  an  equal  footing  with  them.  If  we 
reject  measures  like  this,  in  ignorance  or  defiance  of  what  a  new 
age  has  brought  forth,  of  what  they  have  seen  but  we  have  not, 
they  will  cease  to  believe  in  us;  they  will  cease  to  follow  or  to 
trust  us. 

They  have  seen  their  own  governments  accept  this  interpreta- 
tion of  democracy — seen  old  governments  accept  this  interpreta- 
tion of  democracy — seen  old  governments  like  that  of  Great 
Britain,  which  did  not  profess  to  be  democratic,  promise  readily 
and  as  of  course  this  justice  to  women,  though  they  had  before 
refused  it,  the  strange  revelations  of  this  war  having  made  many 
things  new  and  plain,  to  governments  as  well  as  to  people. 

Are  we  alone  to  refuse  to  learn  the  lesson?  Are  we  alone  to 
ask  and  take  the  utmost  that  our  women  can  give — service  and 
sacrifice  of  every  kind — and  still  say  we  do  not  see  what  title 
that  gives  them  to  stand  by  our  sides  in  the  guidance  of  the 
affairs  of  their  nation  and  ours  ? 

We  have  made  partners  of  the  women  in  this  war;  shall  we 
admit  them  only  to  a  partnership  of  suffering  and  sacrifice  and 


toil  and  not  a  partnership  of  privilege  and  right?  This  war 
could  not  have  been  fought  either  by  the  other  nations  engaged 
or  by  America,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  services  of  the  women — 
services  rendered  in  every  sphere — ^not  merely  in  the  fields  of 
effort  in  which  we  have  been  accustomed  to  see  them  work,  but 
wherever  men  have  worked,  and  upon  the  very  skirts  and  edges 
of  the  battle  itself. 

We  shall  not  only  be  distrusted  but  shall  deserve  to  be  dis- 
trusted if  we  do  not  enfranchise  them  with  the  fullest  possible 
enfranchisement,  as  it  is  now  certain  that  the  other  great  free 
nations  will  enfranchise  them. 

We  cannot  isolate  our  thought  and  action  in  such  a  matter 
from  the  thought  of  the  rest  of  the  world.  We  must  either  con- 
form or  deliberately  reject  what  they  propose  and  resign  the 
leadership  of  liberal  minds  to  others. 

The  women  of  America  are  too  noble  and  too  intelligent  and 
too  devoted  to  be  slackers  whether  you  give  or  i  withhold  this 
thing  that  is  mere  justice;  but  I  know  the  magic  it  will  work  in 
their  thoughts  and  spirits  if  you  give  it  to  them. 

I  propose  it  as  I  would  propose  to  admit  soldiers  to  the  Suf- 
frage, the  men  fighting  in  the  field  for  our  liberties  and  the 
liberties  of  the  world,  were  they  excluded.  The  task  of  the 
woman  lies  at  the  very  heart  of  the  war,  and  I  know  how  much 
stronger  that  heart  will  beat  if  you  do  this  just  thing  and  show 
our  women  that  you  trust  them  as  much  as  you  in  fact  and  of 
necessity  depend  upon  the^. 

Have  I  said  that  the  passage  of  this  Amendment  is  a  vitally 
necessary  war  measure,  and  do  you  need  further  proof?  Do  you 
stand  in  need  of  the  trust  of  other  peoples  and  of  the  trust  of 
our  own  women?     Is  that  trust  an  asset  or  is  it  not? 

I  tell  you  plainly,  as  the  commander-in-chief  of  our  armies  and 
of  the  gallant  men  in  our  fleets,  as  the  present  spokesman  of  this 
people  in  our  dealings  with  the  men  and  women  throughout  the 
world  who  are  now  our  partners,  as  the  responsible  head  of  a 
great  government  which  stands  and  is  questioned  day  by  day  as 
to  its  purposes,  its  principles,  its  hopes,  whether  they  be  service- 
able to  men  everywhere  or  only  to  itself,  and  who  must  himself 
answer  these  questions  or  be  shamed,  as  the  guide  and  director 
of  forces  caught  in  the  grip  of  war  and  by  the  same  token  in  need 
of  every  material  and  spiritual  resource  this  great  nation  pos- 
sesses— I  tell  you  plainly  that  this  measure  which  I  urge  upon 
you  is  vital  to  the  winning  of  the  war  and  to  the  energies  alike 
of  preparation  and  of  battle. 

And  not  to  the  winning  of  the  war  only.     It  is  vital  to  the 


right  solution  of  the  great  problems  which  we  must  settle,  and 
settle  immediately,  when  the  war  is  over.  We  shall  need  then 
in  our  vision  of  affairs,  as  we  have  never  needed  them  before, 
the  sympathy  and  insight  and  clear  moral  instinct  of  the  women 
of  the  world.  The  problems  of  that  time  will  strike  to  the  roots 
of  many  things  that  we  have  not  hitherto  questioned,  and  I  for 
one  believe  that  our  safety  in  those  questioning  days,  as  well  as 
our  comprehension  of  matters  that  touch  society  to  the  quick,  will 
depend  upon  the  direct  and  authoritative  participation  of  women 
in  our  counsels.  We  shall  need  their  moral  sense  to  preserve 
what  is  right  and  fine  and  worthy  in  our  system  of  life  as  well 
as  to  discover  just  what  it  is  that  ought  to  be  purified  and 
reformed.  Without  their  connselings  we  shall  only  be  half  wise. 
That  is  my  case.  That  is  my  appeal.  Many  may  deny  its 
validity,  if  they  choose,  but  no  one  can  brush  aside  or  answer 
the  arguments  upon  which  it  is  based.  The  executive  tasks  of 
this  war  rest  upon  me.  I  ask  that  you  lighten  them  and  place 
in  my  hands  instruments,  spiritual  instruments,  which  I  do  not 
now  possess,  which  I  sorely  need,  and  which  I  have  daily  to 
apologize  for  not  being  able  to  employ. 

In  this  speech,  the  President  had  said :  "  The  voices  of 
foolish  and  intemperate  agitators  do  not  reach  me  at  all." 

It  was  generally  felt  that  the  President,  there,  indicated 
the  Woman's  Party.  Commenting  on  that  phrase  the  next 
day,  the  Republican  Senators  remarked,  "  Why  it  was  that 
which  brought  him  there !  " 

During  the  course  of  the  debate  between  Poindexter  and 
Pitman,  Poindexter  asked,  "  Wasn't  it  the  pickets  that  got 
the  President.?" 

The  next  afternoon  when  the  vote  was  called  for,  and  the 
last  Senator  had  answered  to  his  name,  the  presiding  officer 
announced  the  result: 

"  The  joint  resolution  does  not  pass." 

The  Suffrage  Amendment  still  lacked  two  votes. 

Miss  Younger  says  in  her  RevelatioTis  of  a  Lobbyist: 

Stunned,  as  though  unable  to  grasp  it,  hundreds  of  women  sat 
there.  Then  slowly  the  defeat  reached  their  consciousness,  and 
they  began  slowly  to  put  on  their  hats,  to  gather  up  their  wraps, 
and  to  file  out  of  the  galleries,  some  with  a  dull  sense  of  injus- 
tice, some  with  burning  resentcqent.    In  the  corridors  they  began 


to  form  in  groups.     Every  one  wanted  to  discuss  it.    But  Alice 
Paul  took  my  arm. 

"  Come,"  she  said,  "  we  must  find  out  about  the  short-term 
candidates  and  go  into  the  election  campaign  at  once." 

Immediately  after  the  vote  was  taken  and  defeated,  Sena- 
tor Jones  of  New  Mexico  changed  his  vote  and  moved  that 
the  measure  be  reconsidered;  thereby  placing  it  again  on 
the  Senate  Calendar,  ready  to  be  called  up  any  time  and 
voted  on. 

By  going  to  the  Senate  in  this  manner,  the  President  had 
made  his  own  record  clean  to  the  country  at  large.  But  he 
had  not  made  it  clean  to  the  National  Woman's  Party, 
because,  although  he  had  done  something,  he  had  not  done 
enough.  He  appeared  to  be  doing  more  than  he  was,  but  there 
was  a  great  deal  more  that  he  could  have  done.  He  did  not, 
for  instance,  start  his  appeal  to  the  Senate  early  enough. 
That  appeal  came  only  a  fortnight  before  the  vote  was 
taken.  Possibly  he  had  underestimated  the  opposition;  prob- 
ably he  had  overestimated  the  strength  of  his  own  influence. 
But  the  country  at  large  of  course  did  not  understand  that. 
For  the  time  being,  therefore,  the  Woman's  Party  concen- 
trated their  drive  on  another  point  in  the  enemy  line. 



As  the  Senate  was  still  sitting  and  could  at  any  time  reverse 
its  action  in  regard  to  the  Suffrage  Amendment,  the 
Woman's  Party  decided  to  protest  against  its  defeat  of  the 
./^onendment  and  to  demand  a  reversal. 

They  began  to  picket  the  Senate  and  in  especial  the  thirty- 
four  Senators  whose  adverse  vote  had  again  delayed  the 
passage  of  the  Amendment. 

On  the  morning  of  October  7,  four  banner-bearers  ascended 
the  steps  of  the  Capitol.  They  were:  Elizabeth  Klalb; 
Vivian  Pierce;  Bertha  Moller;  Mrs.  Horton  Pope.  The 
lettered  banner,  flanked  as  usual  with  the  Suffrage  tri-color, 


They  had  hardly  mounted  the  steps  when  the  Capitol 
police  placed  them  under  arrest.  They  took  the  prisoners 
to  the  guard  room  in  the  Capitol,  kept  them  there  for  fifteen 
minutes,  and  then  released  them.  It  was,  of  course,  not 
exactly  an  arrest;  and  no  one  seemed  exactly  responsible 
for  the  order.    The  banners  were,  however,  confiscated. 

That  afternoon,  the  same  women,  except  that  Bertha 
Arnold  was  substituted  for  Mrs.  Pope,  mounted  the  steps 
bearing  a  large  banner  which  read: 




All  the  afternoon,  the  banner-bearers  were  detained  in  the 
courtroom  at  intervals.  When  they  were  released,  they  went 
back  to  the  Capitol;  were  arrested;  detained  in  the  court- 
room again;  released  again. 

On  the  morning  of  October  10,  four  more  pickets,  Edith 
Ainge,  Bertha  Moller,  Maud  Jamison,  Clara  Wold,  started 
for  the  Capitol.  Crowds  of  men  and  women  gathered  in  the 
park  to  see  what  was  going  to  happen,  and  rows  of  police 
stood  on  the  Capitol  steps  awaiting  the  pickets.  As  soon 
as  the  big  protest  banner  was  unfurled,  the  police  seized  it. 
Maud  Jamison  and  Clara  Wold  tried  to  mount  the  steps 
with  the  tri-color,  but  several  policemen  rushed  upon  them, 
and  conducted  them  up  the  steps  and  into  the  Capitol  build- 
ing. As  the  police  said  over  and  over  again  that  there  were 
no  arrests,  the  women  insisted  on  carrying  their  banners. 

Protesting  against  the  curious  and  inconsistent  action  on 
the  part  of  the  police,  the  women  were  conducted  into  the 
presence  of  the  captain.  He  iterated  and  reiterated  that 
this  action  was  all  in  accordance  with  the  rules  of  Colonel 
Higgins,  the  Democratic  Sergeant-at-Arms  who  is  under  the 
Rules  Committee  which  carries  out  the  Democratic  pro- 
gram. The  Suffragists  demanded  by  what  authority  they 
were  held  and  the  captain  informed  them  that  it  did  not 
make  any  difference  about  the  law,  that  Colonel  Higgins  had 
taken  the  law  into  his  own  hands.  The  four  Suffragists 
waited  for  a  few  minutes.  Their  purple,  white,  and  gold 
banners  had  been  confiscated,  but  the  protest  banner  was 
still  there.  Suddenly,  without  any  interference  from  any- 
body, they  took  up  their  protest  banner,  walked  out  of  the 
guard  room,  went  over  to  the  Senate  Office  Building  and 
stood  with  it,  at  the  top  of  the  steps,  the  rest  of  the  day. 
Later  Vivian  Pierce,  Mrs.  Stewart  Polk,  Mary  Gertrude 
Fendall  and  Gladys  Greiner  joined  this  group  of  pickets. 

In  the  meantime,  other  Suffragists  were  trying  vainly  to 
take  the  Suffrage  colors  to  the  Capitol  steps.  They  walked 
from  the  Office  Building  on  to  the  Plaza  by  twos.  The  instant 
they  appeared,  policemen,  rushing  down  the  steps,  rushing 


from  the  curb,  rushing  from  the  crowd  which  had  gathered, 
seized  them.  They  tried  to  wrench  the  banners  away;  and 
this  was,  of  course,  an  unequal  contest,  in  which  sometimes 
the  women  were  pulled  completely  off  the  ground  and  always 
their  wrists  painfully  twisted.  But  the  women  clung  to  the 
banners,  walked  as  calmly  as  the  situation  permitted  into 
the  Capitol,  and  down  to  the  guard  room.  Here  the  ban- 
ners were  always  confiscated,  but  they,  themselves,  were  re- 
leased. If  anybody  in  the  crowd  showed  any  disposition  to 
resent  the  attitude  of  the  police,  he  was  placed  under  arrest 
too;  but  he  also  was  released. 

On  October  11  the  Suffragists  picketed  only  the  Senate 
Office  Building,  as  Congress  was  not  in  session.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  the  day,  Mrs.  George  Atwater  and  Betty  Cram 
held  the  banners.  Mrs.  Atwater's  two  little  girls,  Edith 
and  Barbara,  assisted  their  mother  by  holding  the  tri- 

Others  who  picketed  that  day  were:  Grace  Needham, 
Mrs.  George  Odell,  Elizabeth  Kalb,  Virginia  Arnold,  Mary 
Gertrude  Fendall,  Gladys  Greiner,  Maud  Jamison,  Vivian 
Pierce,  Bertha  MoUer,  Clara  Wold. 

On  October  13,  plans  for  another  demonstration  were 
announced  in  the  Washington  papers.  Edith  Amge,  bearing 
the  American  Hag,  was  to  lead  a  procession  of  Suffragists> 
on  to  the  Senate  -floor.  There  the  words  of  the  anti-Suffrage 
Senators  in  praise  of  democracy  were  to  be  burned.  For 
an  hour  before  the  line  formed,  the  Capitol  police  were  lined 
up,  ready  for  the  pickets.  Above,  Senators  hung  over  the 
balcony  where  they  could  witness  the  demonstration.  Be- 
low, motor  after  motor  drove  up  to  the  curb  and  stopped, 
waiting  to  see  what  was  going  to  happen.  At  length,  the 
Suffragists  arrived.  They  formed  in  line  outside  the  Senate 
Office  Building,  and  started  towards  the  Capitol.  They  were 
beset  by  a  battalion  of  police,  and  taken  to  the  guard  room. 
Women  standing  in  the  crowd,  who  were  not  in  the  proces- 
sion, but  who  wore  the  Suffrage  colors  were  taken  along  also. 


Alice  Paul;  who  wore  no  regalia  of  any  kind,  was  caught  in 
the  net. 

These  women  were:  Alice  Paul;  Vivian  Pierce;  Bertha 
MoUer;  Bertha  Arnold;  Elizabeth  McShane;  Edith  Ainge; 
Edith  Hilles;  Julia  Emory;  Clara  Wold;  Elizabeth  Kalb; 
Virginia  Arnold;  Grace  Frost;  Matilda  Young;  Mrs.  K.  G. 

The  Woman's  Party  now  decided  to  open  a  "banner" 
campaign  on  each  of  the  Senators  who  had  helped  to  defeat 
the  Suffrage  Amendment.  They  began  with  Senator  Wads- 
worth.  They  unrolled  on  the  steps  of  the  Senate  OflBce 
Building  a  banner  which  read : 






Later  appeared  another  banner,  proclaiming  the  case  of 
Senator  Shields: 


These  banners  were  taken  up  by  the  newspapers  of  the 
Senators'  States  and  focussed  unfavorable  attention 
upon  them. 

By  this  time,  the  Capitol  police  had  found  that  their  sys- 
tem of  arresting  and  detaining  what  threatened  to  prove  an 


inexhaustible  army  of  Suffragists  was  futile.  So  now  they 
reverted  to  their  policy  of  1917.  They  stood  aside  and  let 
the  crowd  worry  the  Suffragists.  Mainly,  however,  these 
were  small  boys,  who  seized  the  banners  and  dragged  them 
through  the  streets. 
On  October  23  appeared: 


The  small  boys,  generally  office  boys,  were  allowed  to  tear 
up  this  banner  too. 

On  October  24,  Julia  Emory  and  Virginia  Arnold  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  to  the  top  of  the  Capitol  steps,  unseen  by 
the  police  who  were  grouped  on  the  sidewalk.  Their  banner 
said : 


The  instant  they  caught  sight  of  this  banner,  the  police- 
men took  the  two  girls  to  the  guard  room,  where  they  held 
them,  until  half-past  seven  that  evening. 

On  October  25,  as  the  Senate  was  not  in  session,  the 
pickets  returned  to  the  Office  Building,  where  hitherto  they 
had  been  unmolested.  There  were  four  of  them,  and  they 
carried  the  Great  Demand  banner.  They  were  arrested,  and 
held  until  six  o'clock.  They  went  back  to  the  Capitol  at 
eight  in  the  evening,  and  were  again  arrested,  and  held  until 
eleven  o'clock.  Friends  or  newspaper  men,  calling  at  the 
Capitol,  could  get  no  information  about  them.     On  various 


pretexts,  the  telephone  answered  nothing.  These  women 
were  Matilda  Young;  Elizabeth  Kalb;  Julia  Emory;  Virr 
ginia  Arnold. 

On  October  26,  eight  pickets  bore  the  Wadsworth  and 
Shields  banners  with  the  tri-color.  As  usual,  the  poles  of 
their  banners  were  broken ;  their  banners  themselves  snatched 
from  them;  they  were  seized  and  held. 

That  afternoon,  there  was  an  aeroplane  demonstration  in 
Washington.  Seven  pickets  went  out  with  banners:  Julia 
Emory,  Maud  Jamison,  Bertha  Arnold,  Katherine  Fisher, 
Minna  Lederman,  Elizabeth  Kalb,  Mrs.  Frances  Davies. 
They  were  handled  with  great  roughness.  Maud  Jamison 
was  knocked  senseless  by  a  policeman.  Several  men  in  uni- 
form protested  to  the  police. 

On  October  28,  twenty-one  women,  each  bearing  the  pur- 
ple, white,  and  gold  banners,  started  for  the  Capitol. 
They  marched  a  banner's  length  apart  across  the  Capitol 

They  had  gone  halfway  up  the  steps,  when  policemen  in 
plain  clothes  appeared  from  all  sides  and  grappled  with 
them.  Many  women  were  injured.  Aimie  Arniel  was  thrown 
to  the  ground  so  violently  that  she  fainted.  An  ambulance 
was  summoned  to  take  her  to  the  hospital.  The  other  women 
were  locked  in  a  basement  room  until  six  o'clock,  when  they 
were  released.  They  were  escorted  through  the  Capitol 
grounds  by  a  member  of  the  vigilant  force 'of  guards.  He 
bore  the  American  flag  which  had  been  carried  at  the  head 
of  their  line.  As  they  reached  the  limit  of  the  Capitol 
grounds,  he  returned  that  to  them,  but  all  the  lettered  ban- 
ners and  tri-colors  were  retained. 

The  twenty-one  women  were:  Edith  Ainge;  Harriet  U. 
Andrews;  Bertha  Arnold;  Virginia  Arnold;  Annie  Arniel; 
Olive  Beale ;  Lucy  Bums ;  Eleanor  Calnan ;  L.  G.  C.  Daniels ; 
Frances  Davis ;  Julia  Emory ;  Mary  Gertrude  Fendall ;  Mrs. 
Gilson  Gardner;  Sara  Grogan;  Maud  Jamison;  Elizabeth 
Kalb;  Augusta  M.  Kelley;  Lola  Maverick  Lloyd;  Matilda 
Young;  H.  R.  Walmsley;  Alice  Paul. 


On  October  29,  two  pickets  went  to  the  Capitol  with  a 
banner  inscribed: 


They  were  seized  and  held  until  the  afternoon. 

By  some  divagation  in  the  police  policy,  they  were  seized, 
while  they  were  walking  to  the  car  after  their  release,  and 
held  for  another  hour. 

On  October  30,  five  pickets,  carrying  the  Senator  Baird 
banner  and  three  tri-colors,  picketed  the  north  frOnt  of  the 
Capitol  for  an  hour.  Then  they  marched  to  the  south  front, 
determined  to  take  up  their  staiid  on  the  Senate  steps.  Half- 
way in  their  progress,  they  were  seized,  locked  up,  and  held 
until  six  o'clock. 

Indignant  at  these  arrests  without  charge,  the  National 
Woman's  Party  decided  to  protest  the  next  day — Thursday. 

On  October  31,  therefore,  after  the  usual  morning  arrest, 
their  lawyer  applied  to  Judge  Siddons  of  the  District 
Supreme  Court  for  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  The  Judge 
declared  that  the  sergeant-at-arms  had  no  right  to  hold  any 
one  without  a  charge,  that  he  must  either  make  a  charge,  or 
release  the  Suffragists.  The  sergeant-at-arms  released  them 
at  once.  Nevertheless,  when  the  pickets  returned  in  the 
afternoon,  they  were  seized  in  the  usual  violent  fashion 
and  conducted  to  the  guard  room.  However,  although  their 
banners  were  not  returned  to  them,  they  were  detained 
but  a  few  minutes.  On  Friday,  they  were  released  as  soon 
as  their  banners  were  seized.  Fresh  banners  appeared  from 
time  to  time  all  day  long.  Again  consulted.  Judge  Siddons 
said  that  the  police  had  no  right  to  keep  the  banners.  On 
Saturday,  however,  the  police  did  not  have  to  seize  the  ban- 
ners ;  there  appeared  a  variation  in  the  picket  line.  A  group 
of  women  walked  up  and  down  in  front  of  the  Senate  Office 
Building.  They  bore  no  lettered  banners ;  they  bore  no  tri- 
colors; but  they  wore  on  their  arms  black  mourning  bands 


— in  commemoration  of  the  death  of  justice  in  the  United 
States  Senate. 

On  November  21,  the  Senate  declared  a  recess  without  con- 
sidering the  Federal  Suffrage  Amendment.  That  day,  twelve 
pickets  protested  against  the  recess,  marching  from  the 
Senate  Office  Building  to  the  Capitol.  They  were:  Alice 
Paul,  Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis,  Elizabeth  Kalb,  Clara  Wold, 
Bertha  Arnold,  Sara  Grogan,  Julia  Emory,  Anita  PoUitzer, 
Matilda  Young,  Mrs.  Nicholas  Kelly,  Olive  Beale,  Maud 

They  carried  a  banner  which  read: 




On  this  occasion,  the  women  were  treated  outrageously. 
The  police,  two  to  a  picket,  pounced  upon  them  as  they  ap- 
proached the  Capitol.  One  was  heard  to  call,  "  Help !  Help ! 
They're  coming ! "  Clara  Wold  was  knocked  down  twice  on 
the  Senate  steps ;  was  shaken  like  a  rat.  They  dragged  and 
pushed  Alice  Paul  about  as  though  personally  enraged  with 
her.  When  they  were  taken  into  the  basement  room  of  the 
Capitol  a  crowd  of  indignant  men  and  women  followed. 
Policeman  No.  21  threatened  to  arrest  a  man  in  the  crowd 
because  he  said :  "  Sure !  I  believe  in  Woman  Suffrage.*' 



All  during  this  period,  the  National  Woman's  Party  was,  of 
course,  taking  its  part  in  the  autumn  campaign — ^the  cam- 
paign of  1918.  It  was  in  the  Senatorial  elections  only  that 
the  Woman's  Party  was  interested.  The  expedient  quality 
of  Alice  Paul's  policy  manifested  itself  notably  here.  It  has 
been  shown  again  and  again  how  swift  she  was  to  adapt  the 
tactics  of  the  Woman's  Party  to  the  needs  of  the  moment. 
The  Woman's  Party,  it  must  always  be  remembered,  was 
organized  for  but  one  object^-to  enfranchise  the  women  of 
the  United  States  by  federal  amendment.  Other  Suffrage 
organizations  could  and  did  divide  their  interests ;  could  and 
did  deflect  their  forces  for  those  interests.  On  this  point, 
Alice  Paul  never  swerved.  But  as  has  been  again  and  again 
demonstrated,  she  was  as  fluid  as  water,  as  swift  as  light,  to 
adapt  that  single  adamantine  policy  to  the  situation  of  the 
moment.    At  this  juncture  she  extended  her  policy. 

The  circumstances  were  these: 

In  the  Senate,  Suffrage  needed  two  more  votes. 

In  the  West,  as  usual,  the  Woman's  Party  asked  the 
women  voters  to  defeat  the  Democrats  as  the  Party  in  power 
and  therefore  the  Party  responsible.  In  two  States  in  the 
East — New  Jersey  and  New  Hampshire — ^where  the  Repub- 
lican candidates  were  anti-Suffragists  and  the  Democratic 
candidates  were  Suffragists,  the  Woman's  Party  supported 
the  Democratic  candidates. 

That  campaign,  short  as  it  was,  was  intensive.  In  the 
West  Elsie  Hill  took  care  of  Nevada;  Catherine  Flanagan 
of  Montana;  Anita  PoUitzer  of  Wyoming;  Clara  Wold  of 
Oregon;  Louise  Gamett  of  Kansas;  Iris  Calderhead  of 
Colorado.      In    the    East,    Doris    Stevens,    Betty    Gram, 



Bertha  Arnold,  Ruth  Small,  Rebecca  Hourwich,  Vivian 
Pierce,  Bertha  MoUer,  Lucy  Branham,  Caroline  Katzenstein, 
Florence  Bayard  Hilles,  Agnes  Morey,  Gladys  Greiner, 
Maud  Younger,  Mary  Beard,  Abby  Scott  Baker,  Mary 
Dubrow,  Grace  Needham,  Lucy  Burns,  Mrs,  Lawrence 
Lewis,  Katherine  Morey  took  care  of  New  Jersey  and  New 

The  two  vacancies  in  the  Senate  from  New  Jersey  and 
New  Hampshire  had  been  caused  by  death.  The  Senators 
who  would  take  those  seats  in  November  would  fill  out 
the  remainder  of  the  Congress  then  in  Session.  In  New  Jer- 
sey the  Republican  candidate — Senator  Baird — ^had  voted 
against  the  Suffrage  Amendment  in  the  Senate  on  October  1. 
The  Democratic  candidate — Charles  O'Connor  Hennessy — 
had  fought  all  his  public  life  in  New  Jersey  for  National 
Woman  Suffrage. 

In  New  Hampshire  the  Republican  candidate — George 
H.  Moses — ^was  an  anti-Suffragist.  The  Democratic  candi- 
date— John  B.  Jameson — was  for  the  Federal  Amend- 

The  National  Woman's  Party  thought  of  course  the 
President  would  assist  them  in  their  campaign  for  Hennessy 
and  Jameson,  as  they  were  both  Democrats  as  well  as  Suf- 
fragists and,  in  particular,  because  he  had  just  told  the 
Senate  that  the  passing  of  the  Federal  Amendment  was  neces- 
sary to  the  successful  prosecution  of  the  war.  But  he  gave 
them  no  help  until  the  Woman's  Party  forced  him  to  do  so, 
and  then  it  was  too  late.  But  when  the  news  came  back  from 
the  Suffrage  States  of  the  West  that  the  Woman's  Party 
spee^kers  were  telling  of  his  inaction,  he  sent — in  the  last 
week  in  October — ^the  following  letter  to  Hennessy  of  New 
Jersey : 

May  I  not  say  how  deeply  interested  I  am  in  the  contest  you 
are  conducting?  I  cannot  but  feel  that  in  ignoring  my  earnest 
appeal  with  regard  to  the  Suffrage  Amendment,  made  in  public 
interest,  and  because  of  my  intimate  knowledge  of  the  issues 
involved  both  on  the  other  side  of  the  water  and  here,  Senator 


Baird  has  certainly  not  represented  the  true  feeling  and  spirit 
of  the  people  of  New  Jersey. 

I  am  sure  that  they  must  have  felt  that  such  an  appeal  could 
not  and  should  not  be  ignored.  It  would  be  a  very  great  make- 
weight, thrown  into  the  international  scale,  if  his  course  of 
action  while  in  the  Senate  could  be  reversed  by  the  people  of  our 
great  State. 

Also,  before  the  end  of  the  campaign,  the  President  came 
out  in  a  statement  endorsing  Jameson.  But  he  did  not  work 
so  hard  to  elect  these  two  Democrats,  who  were  also  Suf- 
fragists, as  he  did  to  defeat  Vardaman  and  Hardwick,  both 
of  whom  were  Democrats  and  one  a  Suffragist.  Hennessy 
and  Jameson  were  both  defeated.  In  the  West,  the  election 
resulted  in  the  defeat  of  Senator  Shafroth  of  Colorado, 
thereby  handing  the  Senate  over  to  the  Republicans.  The 
defeat  of  Shafroth  is  universally  ascribed  to  the  Woman's 
Party.  The  Woman's  Party  believed  that  this  election  had 
brought  them  one  vote,  Pollock  of  South  Carolina. 

The  Borah  incident  of  the  campaign  of  1918  is  a  black 
page  in  the  record  of  any  gentleman  who  has  Presidential 
aspirations.  Catherine  Flanagan  and  Margaret  Whitte- 
more  were  campaigning  in  western  Idaho,  asking  the  Idaho 
people  to  bring  pressure  on  Borah  to  vote  for  Suffrage. 

Shortly  after  casting  his  vote  against  the  Federal  Amend- 
ment, Borah  came  to  Headquarters  to  see  Alice  Paul.  He 
said  that  that  vote  represented  his  personal  belief,  but  that 
in  the  future  he  would  have  to  be  bound  by  the  Idaho  Party 
(Republican)  platform  which  had  endorsed  the  Amendment. 
He  said  he  would  not  give  a  public  statement  as  that  would 
look  like  trying  to  get  votes,  but  he  wrote  out  a  statement 
that  the  Woman's  Party  could  understand  as  indicating  his 
position.     That  statement  is  as  follows: 

We  have  talked  over  the  Suffrage  situation  with  Senator  Borah 
and  our  understanding  from  the  interview  is  that  he  will  carry  out 
his  platform  and  vote  for  the  Suffrage  Amendment  if  re-elected. 

The  Woman's  Party  telegraphed  this  statement  to  Idaho 
and  asked  his  constituents  to  get  him  to  confirm  it.    He  was 


very  evasive  in  replying  to  their  questions  and  Alice  Paul 
finally  sent  him  the  following  letter : 

October  29,  1918. 
Senator  Wm.  E.  Borah, 
Senate  OflSce  Building, 
Washington,  D.  C. 
Dear  Senator  Borah: 

In  view  of  the  statement  that  you  have  just  telegraphed  to  one 
of  our  members,  Mrs.  Mareella  Pride,  in  Boise,  and  in  view  of 
the  statements  which  you  have  made  to  various  newspaper  cor- 
respondents in  Washington  since  Mrs.  Baker's  and  my  interview 
with  you,  giving  them  the  impression  that  there  was  no  basis  for 
our  understanding  that  you  would  vote  for  the  Suffrage  Amend- 
ment after  November  5th,  we  feel  that  we  have  no  course  left 
but  to  throw  all  the  strength  which  we  possess  in  Idaho  against 
you.  I  have,  therefore,  telegraphed  to  this  effect  today  to  Miss 
Whittemore,  who  is  in  charge  of  our  Idaho  work. 

I  am  sure  I  need  not  teU  you  how  much  we  regret  that  you 
have  not  felt  able  to  say  frankly  what  you  would  do  after  election, 
and  that  you  are  not  willing  to  stand  by  the  statement  which  you 
authorized  us  to  give  out  as'^expressing  the  understanding  to  be 
derived  by  us  from  our  interview  with  you. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Alice  Paul, 
National  Chairman. 

Thereupon  the  Woman's  Party  campaigned  against  him 
until  election.  Borah  was  re-elected.  Here — anticipating  by 
three  months — it  must  be  mentioned  that  when  on  February 
10,  the  Amendment  came  to  a  vote,  Borah  voted,  "  No." 


Foe  the  third  time  the  Woman's  Party  had  waged  in  the 
West  one  of  its  marvelous  campaigns  against  the  Democratic 
Party.  The  repercussion  of  that  campaign  had  reached  the 
President.  When  Congress  convened  in  December,  he  in- 
cluded the  Federal  Amendment  in  his  message  of  Decembr  2 
to  Congress  as  a  part  of  the  Administration  program.  He 

And  what  shall  we  say  of  the  women — of  their  instant  intelli- 
gence, quickening  every  task  that  they  touched ;  their  capacity  for 
organization  and  co-operation,  which  gave  their  action  discipline 
and  enhanced  the  effectiveness  of  everything  they  attempted; 
their  aptitude  at  tasks  to  which  they  had  never  before  set  their 
hands;  their  utter  self-sacrifice  alike  in  what  they  did  and  what 
they  gave?  Their  contribution  to  the  great  result  is  beyond 
appraisal.  They  have  added  a  new  luster  to  the  annals  of 
.^jDcrican  womanhood. 

The  least  tribute  we  can  pay  them  is  to  make  them  the  equals 
of  men  in  political  rights  as  they  have  proved  themselves  their 
equals  in  every  field  of  practical  work  they  have  entered, 
whether  for  themselves  Or  for  their  country.  These  great  days 
of  completed  achievement  would  be  sadly  marred  were  we  to 
omit  that  act  of  justice.  Besides  the  immense  practical  services 
they  have  rendered,  the  women  of  the  country  have  been  the 
moving  spirits  in  the  systematic  economies  by'  which  our  people 
have  voluntarily  assisted  to  supply  the  suffering  peoples  of  the 
world  and  the  armies  upon  every  front  with  food  and  everjrthing 
else  that  we  had  that  might  serve  the  common  cause.  The  de- 
tails of  such  a  story  can  never  be  fully  written,  but  we  carry 
them  at  our  hearts  and  thank  God  that  we  can  say  that  we  are 
the  kinsmen  of  such. 

This  was  the  first  time  that  any  President  ever  mentioned 
Suffrage  as  a  part  of  his  administrative  program.     It  was 



a  step  forward.  The  women  waited  ten  days  to  see  whether 
he  would  follow  this  message  with  action. 

The  President  sailed  for  France. 

When  the  Woman's  Party  discovered  from  the  Adminis- 
tration leaders  that  he  had  left  no  orders  to  have  SufFrage 
carried  out,  they  decided  to  hold  another  protest  meeting. 

"  In  carrying  on  a  campaign  for  Democracy  abroad  and 
utterly  ignoring  it  at  home,"  Alice  Paul  said,  "  he  has  ex- 
posed his  whole  broadside  to  our  attack." 

As  always,  whenever  possible,  the  Woman's  Party  an- 
nounced their  protest  meeting  through  the  newspapers. 
Lucy  Branham  went  to  Police  Headquarters.  She  explained 
her  errand,  asking  for  a  permit. 

"  Here's  your  permit ! "  Colonel  Ridley  said. 

Lucy  Branham  made  further  explanation,  "  We  are  going 
to  burn  the  President's  words,"  she  warned  him. 

"  Here's  your  permit ! "  Colonel  Ridley  said. 



On  December  16,  a  woman  carrying  an  American  flag, 
emerged  from  Headquarters,  Behind  her  came  a  long  line 
of  women  bearing  purple,  white,  and  gold  banners.  Behind 
them  came  fifty  women  bearing  lighted  torches.  Behind  them 
came  women — ^more  women  and  more  women  and  more  women. 
Always  a  banner's  length  apart  they  marched  and  on  they 
came  .  .  .  and  on  .  .  .  and  on  .  .  .  and  on.  .  .  .  Peo- 
ple who  saw  the  demonstrations  say  that  it  seemed  as  though 
the  colorful,  slow-moving  line  would  never  come  to  an  end. 
Witnesses  say  also  that  it  was  the  most  beautiful  of  all 
the  Woman's  Party  demonstrations.  They  marched  to  the 
Lafayette  Monument.  Their  leader,  Mrs.  Harvey  Wiley, 
stopped  in  front  of  a  burning  cauldron  which  had  been 
placed  at  the  foot  of  the  pedestal.  The  torch  bearers 
formed  a  semi-circle  about  that  cauldron.  The  women  with 
the  purple,  white,  and  gold  banners — ^who  were  the  speakers 
— grouped  themselves  around  the  torch  bearers. 

Among  these  women  were  the  State  Chairman  or  a 
Woman's  Party  representative  from  almost  all  the  forty- 
eight  States ;  some  of  whom  had  come  great  distances  to  be 
present  on  this  occasion.    There  were  three  hundred  in  all. 

In  the  meantime,  a  huge  crowd,  which  augmented  steadily 
in  numbers  and  in  excitement  as  the  long  line  of  Suffragists 
came  on  and  on  and  on,  formed  a  great,  black,  attentive 
mass,  which  hedged  in  the  banner  bearers,  as  the  banner 
bearers  hedged  in  the  torch  bearers.  In  that  crowd  were 
the  National  Democratic  Chairman  and  many  prominent 
Democratic  politicians. 

Dusk  changed  into  darkness,  and  the  flames  from  cauldron 
and  torches  mounted  higher  and  higher. 



After  the  Suifragists  had  assembled,  there  came  a  moment 
of  quiet.  Then  Vida  Milholland  stepped  forward  and  with- 
out accompaniment  of  any  kind,  sang  with  her  characteristic 
spirit  the  WomarCs  Marseillaise.  Immediately  afterwards, 
Mrs.  John  Rogers  opened  the  meeting,  and  introduced,  one 
after  another,  nineteen  speakers,  each  of  whom,  first  reading 
them,  dropped  some  words  of  President  Wilson's  on  democ- 
racy into  the  flaming  cauldron. 

Mrs.  John  Rogers  declared: 

We  hold  this  meeting  to  protest  against  the  denial  of  liberty 
to  American  women.  All  over  the  world  today  we  see  surging 
and  sweeping  irresistibly  on,  the  great  tide  of  democracy,  and 
women  would  be  derelict  to  their  duty  if  they  did  not  see  to  it 
that  it  brings  freedom  to  the  women  of  this  land. 

England  has  enfranchised  her  women,  Canada  has  enfran- 
chised her  women,  Russia  has  enfranchised  her  women,  the 
liberated  nations  of  Central  Europe  are  enfranchising  their 
women.    America  must  live  up  to  her  pretensions  of  democracy ! 

Our  ceremony  today  is  planned  to  call  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  President  has  gone  abroad  to  establish  democracy  in 
foreign  lands  when  he  has  failed  to  establish  democracy  at  home. 
We  burn  his  words  on  liberty  today,  not  in  malice  or  anger,  but 
in  a  spirit  of  reverence  for  truth. 

This  meeting  is  a  message  to  President  Wilson.  We  expect 
an  answer.  If  it  is  more  words,  we  will  burn  them  again.  The 
only  answer  the  National  Woman's  Party  will  accept  is  the 
instant  passage  of  the  Amendment  in  the  Senate. 

Mrs.  M.  Toscan  Bennett  was  the  first  speaker.    She  said : 

It  is  because  we  are  moved  by  a  passion  for  democracy  that 
we  are  here  to  protest  against  the  President's  forsaking  the  cause 
of  freedom  in  America  and  appearing  as  a  champion  of  freedom 
in  the  old  world.  We  burn  with  shame  and  indignation  that 
President  Wilson  should  appear  before  the  representatives  of 
nations  who  have  enfranchised  their  women,  as  chief  spokesman 
for  the  right  of  self-government  while  American  women  are 
denied  that  right.    We  are  held  up  to  ridicule  to  the  whole  world. 

We  consign  to  the  flames  the  words  of  the  President  which  have 
inspired  women  of  other  nations  to  strive  for  their  freedom  while 


their  author  refuses  to  do  what  lies  in  his  power  to  do  to  liberate 
the  women  of  his  own  country.  Meekly  to  submit  to  this  dis- 
honor to  the  nation  would  be  treason  to  mankind. 

Mr.  President,  the  paper  currency  of  liberty  which  you  hand 
to  women  is  worthless  fuel  until  it  is  backed  by  the  gold  of 

The  Reverend  Olympia  Brown  of  Wisconsin,  eighty-four 
years  old,  burned  the  latest  words  of  President  Wilson,  his 
two  speeches  made  on  the  first  day  of  his  visit  to  France.  She 

America  has  fought  for  France  and  the  common  cause  of  lib- 
erty. I  have  fought  for  liberty  for  seventy  years  and  I  protest 
against  the  President  leaving  our  country  with  this  old  fight  here 

Mrs.  John  Winters  Brannan  burned  the  address  made  by 
President  Wilson  at  the  Metropolitan  Opera  House  in  open- 
ing the  Fourth  Liberty  Loan  Campaign,  in  which  he  justified 
women's  protest  when  he  said : 

We  have  been  told  it  is  unpatriotic  to  criticise  public  action. 
If  it  is,  there  is  a  deep  disgrace  resting  upon  the  origin  of  this 
nation.  We  have  forgotten  the  history  of  our  country  if  we  have 
forgotten  how  to  object,  how  to  resist,  how  to  agitate  when  it  is 
necessary  to  readjust  matters. 

Mary  Ingham  burned  President  Wilson's  speech  of  the 
Fourth  of  July,  1914,  in  which  he  said: 

There  is  nothing  in  liberty  imless  it  is  translated  into  definite 
action  in  our  own  lives  today. 

Miss  Ingham  said: 

In  the  name  of  the  women  of  Pennsylvania  who  are  demanding 
action  of  the  President,  I  consign  these  words  to  the  flames. 

Agnes  Morey  burned  President  Wilson's  book.  The  New 
Freedom.    She  said: 


On  today,  the  anniversary  of  the  Boston  Tea  Party>  in  the 
name  of  the  liberty-loving  women  of  Massachusetts,  I  consign 
these  words  to  the  flames  in  protest  against  the  exclusion  of 
women  from  the  Democratic  program  of  this  Administration. 

Henrietta  Briggs  Wall  burned  President  Wilson's  address 
given  at  Independence  Hall,  July  4,  1919,  when  he  said: 

Liberty  does  not  consist  in  mere  general  declarations  of  the 
rights  of  man.  It  consists  in  the  translation  of  these  declarations 
into  action. 

Susan  Frost,  of  South  Carolina,  burned  President  Wilson's 
last  message  to  Congress  in  which  he  again  spoke  words 
without  results. 

Mrs.  Townsend  Scott  burned  his  message  to  the  Socialists 
in  France  which  declared: 

The  enemies  of  liberty  Jrom  this  time  forth  must  be  shut  out. 

Mrs.  Eugene  Shippen  burned  this  message  to  Congress : 

This  is  a  war  for  self-government  among  all  the  peoples  of 
the  world  as  against  the  arbitrary  choices  of  self-constituted 

Sara  Grogan  burned  another  message  to  Congress  dealing 
with  liberty  for  other  nations. 

Clara  Wold  burned  the  message  to  Congress  demanding 
Self-government  for  Filipinos. 

Jessie  Adler  burned  the  speech  to  the  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce of  Columbus: 

I  believe  that  democracy  is  the  only  thing  that  vitalizes  the 
whole  people.  ^ 

Mrs.  Percy  Reed  burned  this  message  to  Congress : 

Liberty  is  a  fierce  and  intractable  thing  to  which  no  bounds  can 
be  set  and  no  bounds  ought  to  be  set. 

Sue  White  burned  the  President's  reply  to  President 
Poincare  of  France. 


Mary  Sutherland  burned  the  words : 

I  believe  the  might  of  America  is  the  sincere  love  of  its  people 
for  the  freedom  of  mankind. 

Edith  Phelps  burned  the  Flag  Day  address. 
Doris  Stevens  burned  a  statement  to  Democratic  women 
before  election: 

I  have  done  everything  I  could  do  and  shall  continue  to  do 
everything  in  my  power  for  the  Federal  Suffrage  Amendment. 

Dr.  Caroline  Spencer  burned  the  words  which  President 
Wilson  said  when  he  laid  a  wreath  on  the  tomb  of  Lafayette, 
"  in  memory  of  the  great  Lafayette — from  a  fellow  servant 
of  liberty." 

Margaret  Oakes  burned  the  Suffrage  message  to  the 
Senate : 

We  shall  deserve  to  be  distrusted  if  we  do  not  enfranchise  our 

Florence  Bayard  Hilles  ended  the  meeting  with  a  declara- 
tion that  women  would  continue  their  struggle  for  freedom, 
and  would  burn  the  words  of  President  Wilson  even  as  he 
spoke  them  until  he  and  his  Party  made  these  words  good 
by  granting  political  freedom  to  the  women  of  America. 

After  the  meeting  was  over,  the  long  line  marched  back 
to  Headquarters.  A  big,  applauding  crowd  walked  along 
with  them. 



Alice  Paul  spent  all  day  Christinas  of  1918  in  bed  resting. 
At  least,  she  was  resting  physically.    Mentally   .    .    . 

On  that  day  she  evolved  a  new  plan  of  bri&ging  the  atten- 
tion of  the  President,  the  attention  of  the  country,  the  atten- 
tion of  the  world,  to  the  fact  that  the  Susan  B.  Anthony 
.Amendment  must  be  passed.  It  was  impossible — ^because  of 
the  action  of  the  police  in  putting  out  the  fires  and  arresting 
those  who  tended  them — ^to  carry  out,  in  all  its  detail,  her 
original  plan  which  was  extraordinarily  striking  and  pic- 
turesque. Perhaps  at  no  time  in  the  history  of  the  world 
has  there  ever  been  projected  a  demonstration  so  full  of  a 
beautiful  symbolism. 

The  original  plan  was  to  keep  a  fire  burning  on  the 
pavement  in  front  of  the  White  House  till  the  Susan  B. 
Anthony  Amendment  was  passed.  Wood  for  this  bonfire 
was  to  be  sent  from  all  the  States.  Whenever  the  President 
made  a  speech  in  Europe  for  democracy,  that  speech  was  to 
be  burned  in  the  watchfire.  While  this  was  going  on  a  bell, 
which  was  set  above  the  door  of  Headquarters,  would  toll. 

On  the  afternoon  of  New  Year's  Day,  1919,  therefore,  a 
wagon  drove  up  to  the  White  House  pavement  and  deposited 
an  urn  filled  with  firewood — on  a  spot  in  line  with  the  White 
House  door.  Presently  the  bell  at  Headquarters  began  to 
toll,  and  a  group  of  women  marched  from  Headquarters  to  the 
urn.  Edith  Ainge  lighted  the  fire,  and  Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis 
dropped  into  the  flames  the  most  recent  words,  in  regard  to 
democracy,  that  President  Wilson  had  addressed  to  the 
people  of  Evirope. 

The  first  was  from  the  Manchester  speech: 



We  will  enter  into  no  combinations  of  power  which  are  not 
combinations  of  all  of  us. 

The  second  was  from  his  toast  in  Buckingham  Palace : 

We  have  used  great  words,  all  of  us.  We  have  used  the  words 
"  right "  and  "  justice,"  and  now  we  are  to  prove  whether  or  not 
we  understand  these  words. 

The  third  was  from  his  speech  at  Brest : 

Public  opinion  strongly  sustains  all  proposals  for  co-operation 
of  self-governing  peoples. 

The  fourth  was  from  the  speech  to  the  English  wounded: 

I  want  to  tell  you  how  much  I  honor  you  men  who  have  been 
wounded  fighting  for  freedom. 

As  Mrs.  Lewis  burned  these  "  scraps  of  paper,"  Mary 
Dubrow  and  Annie  Arniel,  standing  behind  the  urn,  unfurled 
a  lettered  banner: 






This  was  the  first  of  the  many  Watchfires  of  Freedom 
kindled  by  the  Woman's  Party. 

After  these  words  were  burned,  Mrs.  Lewis  addressed  the 
crowd  that  had  gathered.     When  Helena  Hill  Weed,  who 


had  followed  her,  was  speaking,  a  group  of  soldiers  and 
sailors  rushed  forward,  overturned  the  urn,  and  began  to 
stamp  out  the  blazing  pieces  of  wood.  There  were  two 
sentinels  on  each  side  of  the  urn,  Gertrude  Crocker,  Harriet 
U.  Andrews,  Mrs.  A.  P.  Winston,  Julia  Emory.  They  bore 
the  tri-color,  but  they  also  bore  torches.  They  quickly 
lighted  the  torches  from  the  embers,  and  held  them  aloft. 
The  rioting  continued,  but  Mrs.  Weed  went  calmly  on  with 
her  speech. 

Suddenly  there  was  an  exclamation  from  the  crowd. 
Everybody  turned.  Flames  were  issuing  from  the  huge, 
bronze  um  in  Lafayette  Square  directly  opposite  the  bon- 

Hazel  Hunklns — clinging  to  the  high-pedestaled  urn — ^was 
holding  aloft  the  Suffrage  tri-color.  The  flames  played  over 
the  sleixder  Tanagra-like  figure  of  the  girl  and  glowed 
through  the  purple,  white,  and  gold.  People  said  it  was — 
that  instant's  picture — ^like  a  glimpse  from  the  Gotterdcm- 
merung.  Policemen  immediately  rushed  over  there,  followed 
by  a  large  crowd.  They  arrested  Alice  Paul,  Julia  Emory, 
Hazel  Hunkins,  Edith  Ainge. 

In  the  meantime,  the  fire  in  front  of  the  White  House  had 
been  rebuilt  and  rekindled.  It  burned  all  night  long  and 
all  the  next  day.  Alice  Paul,  who  had  been  released  with  her 
three  companions  after  being  detained  at  the  police  station 
for  a  while,  remained  on  guard  until  morning.  Annie  Arniel 
and  Julia  Emory  stayed  with  her.  It  rained  all  night.  But 
until  late,  crowds  gathered,  quiet  and  very  interested,  to 
listen  to  the  speeches.  This  was  Wednesday.  All  day 
Thursday  succeeding  groups  of  women  took  up  their  watch 
on  the  fire. 

Friday  afternoon,  the  same  banner  was  carried  out.  As 
soon  as  it  was  unfurled,  a  crowd  of  soldiers,  sailors,  and 
small  boys,  a  chief  petty  officer  in  the  navy  being  most 
violent,  attacked  the  Suffragists,  Mary  Dubrow  and  Ma- 
tilda Young.  They  tore  the  banner,  broke  the  urn  and 
attacked  the  purple,  white,  and  gold  flags.    The  fires,  were. 


however,  at  once  rekindled.  It  was  still  raining,  and  the 
rain  was  mixed  with  snow,  which  became  a  steady  sleet.  But 
the  fires  continued.  Finally  a  force  of  policemen  put  them 
out  with  chemicals.  That  night  they  were  relighted.  Mary 
Logue  and  Miss  Ross  guarded  it  until  two  in  the  morning; 
Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis  and  Julia  Emory  from  two  until 

Saturday  afternoon,  the  bell  at  Headquarters  tolled 
again.  Immediately  the  flames  leaped  up  on  the  White 
House  pavement.  Alice  Paul,  Mrs.  Lawrence  Lewis,  and 
Phoebe  Munnecke  burned  the  first  speech  on  Liberty  made 
by  President  Wilson  on  reaching  Italy.  They  were  arrested, 
and  the  police  put  out  the  watchfire  with  chemicals.  In- 
stantly the  fire  started  in  the  urn.  Mary  Dubrow  and  Julia 
Emory  were  arrested.    All  five  women  were  released  on  bail. 

On  Sunday,  January  5,  Julia  Emary,  Mary  Dubrow, 
Annie  Amiel,  and  Phoebe  Munnecke  started  a  fire  in  front  of 
the  White  House.  They  burned  the  second  speech  on  Lib- 
erty made  by  the  President  in  Italy.  All  the  time  the  bell 
pealed  its  solemn  tocsin.  The  four  sentinels  were  arrested. 
This  time  they  refused  to  give  bail  and  were  sent  to  the  house 
of  detention.  The  fire  had  now  burned  all  day  and  all  night 
on  Wednesday,  Thursday,  Friday,  and  Saturday. 

All  these  sentinels  were  charged,  when  they  were  arrested, 
with  breaking  a  Federal  Park  regulation.  But  when  they 
came  to  court,  they  were  charged  with  building  a  bonfire  on 
a  public  highway  between  sunset  and  sunrise.  Three  of  them 
went  to  prison  for  five  days,  and  three  for  ten  days.  They 
all  went  on  hunger-strike. 

January  7,  evidently  the  official  mind  changed.  The  fire 
which  consumed  the  President's  speech  on  democracy  deliv- 
ered in  Turin  was  allowed  to  burn  for  three  hours.  Never- 
theless the  crowd  kept  kicking  it  about,  so  that  there  was 
a  line  of  flames  across  the  pavement  and  trailing  into  the 
gutter.  By  hook  or  by  crook — three  of  the  Suffragists — 
Harriet  Andrews,  Mrs.  A.  P.  Winston,  Mrs.  Edmund  C. 
Evans — managed  to  keep  it  going. 


At  the  end  of  three  hours,  new  orders  seemed  to  mate- 
rialize out  of  the  air;  for  then  the  police  took  a  hand  and 
put  i;he  fire  out.  With  the  extinction  of  the  last  ember, 
however,  a  second  fire  burst  into  flames  at  the  base  of  the 
Lafayette  Monument  across  the  street.  The  police  rushed 
to  it,  and  put  it  out.  Immediately  another  fire  started  at 
the  opposite  corner  of  the  Park.  And  then  fires  became  gen- 
eral .    .    .   here   .    .    .   there  .    .    .   everywhere.   .    .    . 

The  police  arrested  the  three  women  who  had  kept  the  fire 
going.  On  the  following  day  they  were  sentenced  to  five  days 
in  jail. 

On  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  Mrs.  M.  Toscan  Bennet 
and  Matilda  Young  burned  the  speech  that  the  President 
had  just  made  at  the  statue  of  Columbus  in  Genoa.  They 
were  arrested  at  once,  and  they  too  were  given  five  days 
in  jail. 

By  this  time,  there  were  eleven  women  in  jail,  all  on  a 

On  the  afternoon  of  January  13,  just  as  the  thousands 
of  government  clerks  began  to  pour  down  Pennsylvania 
Avenue  past  the  White  House,  twenty-five  Suffragists,  each 
one  bearing  a  banner  of  purple,  white,  and  gold,  came  round 
the  corner  of  Lafayette  Square.  They  proceeded  to  the 
White  House  pavement,  where  they  built  a  watchfire.  The 
crowds,  of  course,  stopped  to  watch  the  proceedings. 
Policemen  finally  broke  through  them  and  arrested  three  of 
the  women.  The  other  twenty-two  closed  in  their  line ,  a 
little,  and  went  on  with  their  fire-building.  The  police  re- 
turned, but  they  did  not  arrest  the  others.  But  they  tried 
to  break  up  the  fire  with  huge  shovels  and  a  fire  extinguisher. 
They  tried  to  trample  it  out.  But  it  was  useless.  Wherever 
a  bit  of  the  watchfire  fell,  it  broke  into  flames.  Finally,  they 
arrested  seventeen  more  women.  Four  remained,  holding  the 
purple,  white,  and  gold  banners. 

Suddenly  a  great  tongue  of  flame  leaped  upwards  from 
the  urn  in  Lafayette  Square,    The  crowd  rushed  towards  it. 


Then  for  a  moment  it  seemed  to  go  mad.  A  group  of  young 
men  rushed  over  to  the  Headquarters;  climbed  up  the  pil- 
lars; tore  down  the  flag,  the  uprights,  and  the  pole.  The 
bell  ultimately  crashed  to  the  ground. 

The  police  arrested  the  remaining  four  sentinels.  By 
eight  o'clock  that  afternoon,  released  on  bail,  all  the  women 
were  back  in  Headquarters.  Half  an  hour  later,  they  went 
out  with  their  banners  again.  The  streets  seemed  deserted 
even  by  policemen.  But,  as  they  crossed  the  street,  the  park 
police  began  to  materialize  from  the  shrubs  and  trees  of  the 
square.  Howerer,  they  built  their  watchfire  on  the  White 
House  pavement,  and  stood  there  on  guard  for  an  hour  and 
a  half.  Crowds  gathered,  of  course.  Occasionally,  a  man 
would  rush  over  to  one  of  the  girls,  and  tear  her  banner 
from  her.  The  girl  would  hold  it  as  long  as  it  was  a  physical 
possibility,  the  crowd  meanwhile  calling  remonstrance  or 
encouragement  according  to  their  sympathies.  By  ten 
o'clock  the  women  were  all  arrested  again.  They  spent  the 
night  in  the  house  of  detention.  They  were:  Dr.  Caroline 
Spencer;  Adelina  Piunti;  Helen  Chisaski;  Mrs.  C.  Weaver; 
Eva  Weaver;  Ruth  Scott;  Elsie  Ver  Vane;  Julia  Emory; 
Lucia  Calmes;  Mrs.  Alexander  Shields;  Elizabeth  Kalb; 
Mildred  Morris;  Lucy  Burns;  Edith  Ainge;  Mrs.  Gilson 
Gardner;  Gertrude  Crocker;  Ellen  Winsor;  Kate  Heflfel- 
finger;  Katherine  Boyle;  Naomi  Barrett;  Palys  L.  Chev- 
rier;  Maud  Jamison;  Elizabeth  Huff. 

Suffragists  filled  the  court  when  these  women  came  up 
for  trial.  Four  of  them  were  tried  at  once.  They  were  sen- 
tenced to  a  ten-dollar  fine  or  five  days'  imprisonment.  Their 
entrance  into  court  had  been  greeted  with  applause  from  the 
audience.  When  the  next  four  women  appeared,  they  too 
were  applauded.  The  Judge  said,  "  The  bailiffs  will  escort 
the  prisoners  out  and  bring  them  in  again,  and  if  there  is 
any  applause  this  time    .    .    ." 

The  prisoners  returned,  and  the  applause  was  a  roar. 
Three  women  among  those  who  applauded  were  taken  out 

Vhoto  Copr.  Harris  and  Ewing,  Washington,   D.  C. 

One  op  the  Watchfikes  of  Freedom. 
Taken  Just  Before  the  Arrest  of  the  Picket  Line. 

Photo  Copr.  Harris  and  Ewing,  Washington,  D.  C. 

A  Policeman  Scatters  the  Watchfire. 


of  the  mass.  "  The  police  will  escort  the  women  out  of  the 
courtroom,"  said  the  Court.  When  they  reached  the  door, 
"  And  see  that  they  do  not  return,"  added  the  Court.  As 
the  door  closed,  "  And  lock  the  doors,"  shouted  the  Court. 
Thereafter,  the  prisoners  were  brought  m  one  at  a  time, 
and  were  sent  to  jail  immediately.  Twenty-two  women  were 
thus  sentehced.  There  remained  one  for  whom  thfere  was  no 
prosecuting  witness — ^Naomi  Barrett. 

The  next  day,  Naomi  Barrett  was  tried  alone.  As  she 
came  forward,  applause  greeted  her — applause  long  and 
continued.  The  Judge  ordered  silence.  The  applause  con- 
tinued. He  ordered  the  applauders  to  be  brought  forward. 
One,  Mrs.  JPflaster,  sank  to  the  floor  in  a  faint.  She  was 
picked  up  and  put  on  a  chair,  but  as  she  fell  from  the  chair, 
the  Judge  ordered  her  removed  at  once.  A  physician  was 
sent  for.  Her  fellow  Suffragists  demanded  that  they  be 
permitted  to  see  her.  Finally  one  of  them  was  allowed  to 
go  to  her.  The  Court  had  scarcely  reached  the  next  case 
when  word  came  that  Mrs.  Pflaster  was  in  a  serious  condi- 
tion. The  Suffragists  came  rushing  in  and  demanded  that 
the  Judge  come  off  the  Bench  and  see  what  had  happened; 
the  Court  obeyed.  In  due  time  the  doctor  arrived,  a 
stretcher  came,  and  the  patient  was  taken  to  the  Emergency 

The  Judge  resumed  his  seat,  and  sentenced  Bertha  Moller, 
Gertrude  Murphy,  Rhoda  Kellogg,  and  Margaret  Whitte- 
more — the  applauders — to  twenty- four  hours  in  jail  for  con- 
tempt of  court..  Mrs.  Barrett  was  sentenced  to  five  days 
in  jail.  They  joined  the  twenty-two  women  who  were  already 
there  and  hunger-striking. 

On  January  27,  six  women  kindled  a  Watchfire  on  the 
White  House  pavement.  They  were  arrested  on  the  charge 
of  starting  a  fire  after  sundown.  They  were  as  usual,  tried 
the  next  day;  sentenced  to  five  days  in  jail.  They  went  on 
a  hunger-strike  of  course.  They  were :  Bertha  Moller ;  Ger- 
trude Murphy ;  Rhoda  Kellogg;  Mary  Carol  Dowell ;  Martha 
Moore;  Katherine  Magee. 


In  the  meantime  an  interesting  event  took  place  in  France. 
President  Wilson  received  a  delegation  representing  the 
working  women  of  France,  Saturday,  January  25,  at  the 
Murat  Mansion  in  Paris.  The  delegation  urged  upon  the 
President  that  the  Peace  Conference  include  Woman  Suf- 
frage among  the  points  to  be  settled  by  the  Conference. 
President  Wilson  replied  as  follows: 

Mile.  Thomson  and  ladies:  You  have  not  only  done  me  a  great 
honor,  but  you  have  touched  me  very  much  by  this  unexpected 
tribute;  and  may  I  add  that  you  have  frightened  me,  because 
realizing  the  great  confidence  you  place  in  me,  I  am  led 
to  the  question  of  my  own  ability  to  justify  that '  con- 
fidence ? 

You  have  not  placed  your  confidence  wrongly  in  my  hopes  and 
purposes,  but  perhaps  not  all  of  those  hopes  and  purposes  can 
be  realized  in  the  great  matter  that  you  have  so  much  at  heart — 
the  right  of  women  to  take  their  full  share  in  the  political  life 
of  the  nations  to  which  they  belong.  That  is  necessarily  a  do- 
mestic question  for  the  several  nations.  A  conference  of  peace 
settling  the  relations  of  nations  with  each  other  would  be  re- 
garded as  going  very  much  outside  its  province  if  it  undertook 
to  dictate  to  the  several  states  what  their  internal  policy  should 

At  the  same  time  these  considerations  apply  also  to  the  condi- 
tions of  labor;  and  it  does  not  seem  to  be  unlikely  that  the  con- 
ference will  take  some  action  by  way  of  expressing  its  sentiments, 
at  any  rate,  with  regard  to  the  international  aspects  at  least  of 
labor,  and  I  should  hope  that  some  occasion  might  be  offered 
for  the  case  not  only  of  the  women  of  France,  but  of  their  sisters 
all  over  the  world,  to  be  presented  to  the  consideration  of  the 

The  conference  is  turning  out  to  be  a  rather  unwieldy  body, 
a  very  large  body  representing  a  great  many  nations,  large  and 
small,  old  and  new;  and  the  method  of  organizing  its  work  suc- 
cessfully, I  am  afraid  will  have  to  be  worked  out  stage 
by  stage.  Therefore  I  have  no  confident  prediction  to 
make  as  to  the  way  in  which  it  can  take  up  the  question  of  this 

But  what  I  have  most  at  heart  today  is  to  avail  myself  of 
this  opportunity  to  express  my  admiration  for  the  women  of  all 
the  nations  that  have  been  engaged  in  the  war.  By  the  fortunes 
of  this  war  the  chief  burden  has   fallen  upon  the  women  of 

Photo  Copr.  Harris  and  Ewing,  Washington,   D.  C. 

Suffragist  Rebuilding  the  Fire  Scattered  by  the  Police. 

■  '    ■'! 

■r^. «.  . 




HHII**  ""*">* 

if  i .       J 

I          . 

Photo  Copr.  Harris  and  Ewing,  VVashingtonj   D.  C. 

The  Last  Suffragist  Arrested — the  Fire 
Burns  On. 


France,  and  they  have  borne  it  with  a  spirit  and  a  devotion  which 
has  commanded  the  admiration  of  the  world. 

I  do  not  think  that  the  people  of  France  fully  realize,  perhaps, 
the  intensity  of  the  sympathy  that  other  nations  have  felt  for 
them.  They  think  of  us  in  America,  for  example,  as  a  long  way 
off.  And  we  are  in  space  but  we  are  not  in  thought.  You  must 
remember  that  the  United  States  is  made  up .  of  the  nations  of 
Europe:  that  French  sympathies  run  straight  across  the  seas, 
not  merely  by  historic  association  but  by  blood  connection,  and 
that  these  nerves  of  sympathy  are  quick  to  transmit  the  impulses 
.  of  one  nation  to  the  other. 

We  have  followed  your  sufferings  with  a  feeling  that  we  were 
witnessing  one  of  the  most  heroic,  and  may  I  add,  at  the  same 
time  satisfactory  things  in  the  world,  satisfactory  because  it 
showed  the  strength  of  the  hu